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T    IEL   IE 


S"isiT^r(D3JE  &JCi'3)S': 
WI ]L  IE  T'  •  <&  r  HITIT AM , 
31B43L, 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 


RED-JACKET, 


SA-GO-YE-WAT-HA; 


THE    SEQUEL    TO    THE    HISTORY 


SIX    NATIONS. 


BY    WILLIAM    L.    STONE 


HUMANI   NIHIL   ALIENUM. 


NEW-YORK  AND  LONDON : 
WILEY      AND      PUTNAM. 

1841. 

y 


Entered  according  to  the  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1841,  by  WILEY  &  PUTNAM,  in 
the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Southern  District  of  New-York. 


NEW-YORK  : 

PRINTED   BY  WILLIAM   OSEORN, 

88  William-street. 


PREFACE. 


THE  present  volume  is  but  one  of  a  series,  the  composition  of  which 
the  author  has  been  meditating  for  several  years.  The  original  design 
contemplated  a  complete  history  of  the  great  Iroquois  Confederacy, 
known  at  first  as  the  Five  Nations,  and  afterward,  by  the  addition  of 
the  Tuscaroras  from  North  Carolina,  as  the  Six,  from  the  discovery 
to  the  present  time.  Circumstances,  which  were  explained  in  the 
Life  of  Brant,  induced  the  preparation  of  that  work  first.  The  design 
of  that  effort  was  not  merely  to  embrace  the  biography  of  the  chief 
himself,  but  under  the  shadow  of  his  name  to  preserve  the  history  of 
his  people  during  the  half  century  of  his  active  life,  and  also  to  gather 
up,  and  reduce  to  form,  the  rich  materials  of  the  previously  unwritten 
border  history  of  the  American  revolution.  Brant,  both  as  the  military 
leader  and  civil  governor  of  his  people,  and  also  as  one  of  the  most 
active  and  formidable  officers  of  the  border  service,  was  selected  as 
the  principal  figure  around  whom  to  weave  the  stirring  historical 
details  comprised  in  the  two  volumes  bearing  his  name. 

The  present  volume,  containing  the  life  of  the  great  Seneca  orator, 
Red-Jacket,  has  been  constructed  upon  the  same  plan.  After  the 


iv  PREFACE. 

death  of  Brant,  Red-Jacket  became  the  man  of  greatest  distinction 
among  the  Six  Nations  ;  and  in  writing  his  life,  the  author,  as  in  the 
preceding  work,  has  used  him  as  the  principal  figure  in  illustrating 
the  history  of  the  Six  Nations  down  to  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty 
for  the  sale  of  the  residue  of  the  Seneca  lands,  in  the  autumn  of  1838. 
That  treaty,  when  carried  into  execution,  extinguishes  the  confederacy 
of  the  AQUANUSCHIONI,  or  United  People, — a  confederacy,  the  duration 
of  which  is  lost  in  the  shadowy  obscurity  of  tradition  for  ages  before 
the  sound  of  the  white  woodman's  axe  rang  upon  the  solemn  stillness 
of  the  forest- continent.  The  life  of  Red- Jacket,  therefore,  may  be 
considered  as  the  sequel,  or  conclusion,  of  the  History  of  the  Six 
Nations. 

Two  divisions  of  the  work  meditated  by  the  author,  and  those  the 
most  difficult  and  laborious, — remain  to  be  executed,  viz. :  the  Life 
and  Times  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  the  yet  earlier  history  of  the 
Iroquois  Confederacy  from  the  discovery  down  to  the  year  1735,  when 
Mr.  Johnson  first  planted  himself  among  the  Mohawks  in  the  valley 
of  their  own  beautiful  river.  The  life  of  the  Baronet  is  the  next, 
which,  should  health  and  time  allow,  the  author  proposes  to  take  in 
hand.  This  work  will  review  an  important  and  most  interesting 
period  in  the  colonial  history  of  New- York,  embracing,  as  it  must  do, 
the  border  history  of  the  colony  during  the  French  wars  of  1745,  and 
of  1755-63.  Nor  can  that  history  be  properly  illustrated  without 
recourse  to  the  archives  of  the  British  and  French  governments. 
Hitherto  the  author  has  been  disappointed  in  the  expectation  of  making 
a  voyage  to  Europe  in  connexion  with  this  branch  of  his  historical 
investigations.  But  he  hopes  yet  to  accomplish  this  object.  At  all 
events,  "The  Life  and  Times  of  Sir  William  Johnson"  is  a  work  the 
execution  of  which  will  not  be  relinquished  except  from  stern  necessity. 


PREFACE.  v 

The  residue  of  the  work,  covering  the  earlier  period  of  the  proposed 
history,  will  of  course  be  deferred  to  a  yet  more  distant  day. 

In  regard  to  the  present  volume,  the  author  can  only  say  that  he 
has  made  it  as  full  and  as  perfect  as  the  materials  which  he  has  been 
able  to  collect  would  allow.  The  subject  of  the  memoir,  it  must  be 
remembered,  could  speak  but  very  little  English,  and  could  not  write 
at  all.  He  could  therefore  maintain  no  written  correspondence,  and 
consequently  left  no  letters,  or  other  written  memorials,  to  aid  his 
biographer.  Such  was  not  the  fact  in  the  case  of  Brant,  whose  papers 
were  of  vast  assistance.  It  must  also  be  kept  in  mind  that  Brant  was 
a  man  of  war,  and  Red-Jacket  a  man  of  peace.  Hence  in  a  memoir 
of  the  latter  a  far  smaller  amount  of  stirring  and  bloody  incident  is 
to  be  anticipated,  than  in  one  of  the  former.  Indeed  in  this  respect 
the  books  are  widely  dissimilar.  And  yet  it  is  hoped  that  it  will  be 
found  not  altogether  devoid  of  interest.  The  name  of  Red- Jacket,  as 
the  great  orator  of  the  Six  Nations,  is  among  those  most  familiar  to  the 
American  ear ;  and  this  volume  is  the  first  complete  record  of  his 
forensic  efforts  that  has  ever  appeared.  Neither  diligence  nor  expense 
has  been  spared  to  make  the  collection  perfect  of  all  the  chieftain's 
speeches,  and  notes  of  speeches,  that  have  been  preserved.  These 
have  been  arranged  in  the  text,  according  to  the  dates  of  their  delivery, 
and  in  connexion  with  the  history  of  the  occasions  and  events  which 
called  them  forth.  The  author  is  aware  that  to  this  feature  of  his 
arrangement  some  may  object  that  the  text  of  the  narrative  should 
not  be  thus  interrupted,  and  that  the  speeches  might  better  have  been 
thrown  back  into  an  appendix.  But  he  thinks  differently.  Had  they 
been  thus  disposed  of  they  would  not  have  been  read, — such  being 
the  usual  destiny  of  speeches,  letters  and  documents,  crowded  together 
at  the  end  of  almost  every  book  of  history.  And  certainly  when  they 


vi  PREFACE. 

are  read,  they  are  likely  to  be  better  understood  and  appreciated,  if 
taken  in  their  proper  historical  connexion, — illustrating  the  occasions 
or  events  by  which  they  were  elicited,  and  in  turn  receiving  such 
illustrations  from  the  historian  as  seem  to  be  required. 

The  general  portraiture  of  the  subject  of  the  memoir  is  ample,  and 
is  believed  to  be  just.  Nothing  has  been  extenuated  without  sufficient 
cause,  nor  aught  set  down  in  malice.  The  thanks  of  both  author  and 
publishers  are  due  to  Mr.  Samuel  Ward  for  the  use  of  Wier's  fine 
picture  of  Red-Jacket,  which  has  been  exquisitely  engraved  by  Mr. 
M.  I.  Danforth.  To  the  kindness  of  this  accomplished  artist  the 
author  is  likewise  indebted  for  the  beautiful  and  spirited  engraved 
title-page  preceding  the  letter-press  title.  He  also  desires  to  express 
his  thanks  to  Mr.  Osborn,  the  printer,  for  the  care  with  which  he  has 
supervised  the  press,  and  for  tho  typographical  elegance  of  the  volume. 

As  the  celebrated  chiefs  Farmer's-Brother  and  Cornplanter  were 
intimately  associated  in  public  affairs  with  Red-Jacket  for  half  a 
century  and  more,  brief  sketches  of  their  lives  have  been  added  to  the 
principal  memoir. 

New-  York,  June  1,  1841. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Subject  of  the  biography — His  name — Preliminary  glimpses  of  his  charac 
ter — His  nation — Incidental  discussion  concerning  the  Iroquois,  or  Five 
Nations — Tradition  of  the  origin  of  the  Senecas — Hill  of  Genundewah 
— Romantic  story — The  Hurons— History  of  the  Five  Nations — Chapter 
closes  in  doubt,  .  ...  .  .  •  •  •  •  1 

CHAPTER  II. 

Nativity  of  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha — Origin  of  the  name,  Red-Jacket — Serves  with 
the  Indians  against  the  United  States — Charges  of  treachery  and  cowar 
dice — Hatred  of  Brant — Called  "  The  Cow-Killer" — Cornplanter — 
Treaty  of  1789,  at  Fort  Stanwix — Views  of  Washington — Course  of 
Red-Jacket  and  Cornplanter  there, — the  former  opposing  the  treaty,  and 
the  latter  effecting  it — Dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians  at  the  result — Corn- 
planter  attempts  to  reconcile  them — His  failure — Appeals  to  General 
Washington — Claims  of  Massachusetts  to  Western  New-York — Massa 
chusetts  acquires  the  pre-emption  title — Sells  a  part  to  Phelps  and  Gor- 
ham — Stupendous  scheme  for  dismembering  New-York — The  plot  crush 
ed  by  Governor  George  Clinton  and  the  legislature — Inklings  of  Red- 
Jacket's  duplicity,  .  .  .  V  .  .  .  17 

CHAPTER  III. 

Indian  relations  of  the  United  States  in  179(T — Bad  feeling  of  the  Senecas — 
Council  at  Tioga  Point — Red-Jacket — Colonel  Pickering — Hendrick — 
Red-Jacket  revives  the  land  controversy— His  speech — Extraordinary 
Indian  ceremony — Visit  of  Cornplanter  and  Big-Tree  to  Philadelphia — 
Appeal  to  General  Washington — Duplicity  of  Cornplanter — The  proba 
ble  motive — Kindness  of  Washington  to  the  deputation — Mission  of 
Colonel  Proctor — Council  at  Buffalo  Creek — Salutatory  speech  of  Red- 
Jacket — British  interference — Attempt  to  remove  the  council  to  Niagara 
— Resisted  by  Proctor — Farther  difficulties — Intermeddling  of  the  British 
officers — Council  broken  up — Interposition  of  the  women,  and  proceed 
ings  resumed — Red-Jacket's  speech  for  the  women — Proctor's  mission 
abruptly  terminated  by  Colonel  Gordon — Colonel  Pickering  holds  a  coun 
cil  at  Painted  Post — Influence  of  the  Indian  women — Favorable  result 
of  that  council — Propositions  for  aiding  the  Indians  in  the  arts  and  man 
ners  of  civilization,  ......  35 


viii  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Efforts  of  General  Washington  for  improving  the  moral  and  social  condition 
of  the  Indians — Mission  of  fifty  chiefs  to  Philadelphia — Welcomed  by  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania — Speech  of  Red-Jacket  in  reply — Address  to 
the  chiefs  by  President  Washington — Speech  of  Red-Jacket  in  reply — 
Comments  upon  the  speech — Proposition  of  the  government  for  the  im 
provement  of  the  Indians — Reply  of  Red-Jacket — Speech  of  Colonel 
Pickering  to  the  chiefs — Troubles  with  the  north-western  Indians — Reply 
of  Farmer's-Brother  to  Colonel  Pickering — Reply  of  Red-Jacket — Part 
ing  address  of  Washington — Red-Jacket  and  the  military  clothes — Close 
of  the  conferences — Continuance  of  the  war  with  the  Indians  of  the 
north-west — The  Senecas  to  send  a  deputation  of  their  chiefs  upon  a  mes 
sage  of  peace — Irritation  of  the  Six  Nations — Interference  of  the  British 
— The  Fish-Carrier — The  deputation  returns — Their  mission  unsuccess 
ful — Close  of  the  Indian  war,  .  .  ,-'  .  '  ."  .  66 

CHAPTER  V. 

Farther  difficulties  with  the  Six  Nations,  occasioned  by  Pennsylvania — 
Great  Council  at  Canandaigua — Troubles  of  the  Oneidas — Description  of 
the  Gathering — Opening  of  the  Grand  Council — Ceremonies  of  condole- 
ment — Visit  of  Jemima  Wilkinson — Speeches  in  Council — Jemima  speaks 
— Speech  of  the  women  to  Colonel  Pickering — Presence  of  a  supposed  spy 
— His  dismissal — Correspondence  concerning  him — News  of  Wayne's  vic 
tory — Its  effect  upon  the  Indians — Difficulties  and  jealousies  among  the 
Indians  themselves — Colonel  Pickering  determines  to  bring  them  to  a  de 
cision — Indians  appeal  to  the  Quakers — Speech  of  Red-Jacket  to  them, 
and  also  to  Colonel  Pickering  in  Council — Farther  proceedings — Difficul 
ties  with  Cornplanter — Conclusion  of  the  Treaty — Dissolution  of  the 
Council — Excellent  conduct  of  the  Quakers,  .  109 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Immediate  results  of  the  treaty — General  Indian  pacification — Death  of 
General  Chapin — Red-Jacket's  speech  of  condolence — The  treaty  of 
Big  Tree,  held  between  the  Indians  and  Thomas  Morris,  for  Robert  Mor 
ris  and  the  Holland  Land  Company — Conduct  of  Red-Jacket — The 
women  and  warriors — Difficulties  with  regard  to  the  reservations — The 
White  Woman — Indian  ignorance  of  finance,  and  of  numbers — Red 
Jacket's  hypocrisy  and  duplicity — Conclusion  of  the  treaty — Visit  of 
Red-Jacket  to  Connecticut,  .  .  .  .  144 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Conspiracy  of  Cornplanter  against  Red-Jacket — Witchcraft — Cornplanter 
defeated  by  Red-Jacket's  eloquence — Farther  outrages  upon  the  Indians 
— Mission  of  Red-Jacket  and  others  to  the  seat  of  Government — Speech 
of  Red-Jacket  to  the  Secretary  of  War — Murder  of  a  white  man  by  an 
Indian — Meeting  in  consequence  at  Canandaigua — Speech  of  Red-Jacket 
—His  conspiracy  against  Brant—Deposition  of  the  latter— His  ultimate 
triumph  and  restoration,  .  165 


CONTENTS.  ix 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Paganism  of  Red-Jacket — Failure  of  plans  for  Indian  civilization — Hosti 
lity  of  Red-Jacket  to  Christianity — Mission  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Cram — 
Council  to  meet  him — Speech  of  Mr.  Cram — Red-Jacket's  speech  in 
reply — Rejection  of  the  missionary — Errors  of  missionaries — Difficulty 
of  making  themselves  understood — Another  attempt  to  purchase  the  re 
maining  lands  of  the  Senecas — Speech  of  Red-Jacket  to  Mr.  Richardson 
— Causes  of  their  hostility  to  the  missionaries — Another  speech  of  Red- 
Jacket — Drunkenness  among  the  Indians — Tradition  of  their  first  taste  of 
the  fire-waters — Reflections,  .  ...  184 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Movements  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet,  Elskawatwa,  among  the  western 
nations — The  young  Senecas  eager  to  join  them — The  government  of  the 
United  States  admonished  by  Red-Jacket — His  speech  to  the  Secretary 
of  War — Battle  of  Tippecanoe — Conduct  of  the  Prophet — War  of  1812 
with  England — Council  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Buffalo — Speech  of  Gran 
ger,  the  agent — Red-Jacket's  reply — Senecas  declare  themselves  neutral — 
Active  hostilities — The  Senecas  declare  war — General  Alexander  Smyth — 
General  Lewis  invites  the  Senecas  to  join  him — Their  arrival  at  Fort 
Niagara — Murder  of  Lieutenant  Eldridge — Invasion  of  Black  Rock  by 
the  enemy  under  Colonel  Bishop — Repulsed  by  General  Porter's  volun 
teers  and  Indians; — Death  of  Colonel  Bishop — Smart  affair  of  the  Indians 
and  volunteers  near  Fort  George, 215 

CHAPTER  X. 

Disastrous  close  of  the  Niagara  campaign  in  1813 — Military  operations  of 
the  following  year — Red-Jacket  rouses  the  Indians  upon  the  war-path — 
Invasion  of  Canada  by  General  Brown — Tho  field  of  Chippewa  de 
scribed — Capture  of  Fort  Erie — March  to  Chippewa — The  Battle — Its 
effects — Remarks  thereon — Conduct  of  the  Indians — Subsequent  opera 
tions  on  that  frontier — The  Indians  of  both  armies,  on  a  proposition  from 
Red-Jacket,  mutually  withdraw  from  the  service — Conduct  and  views  of 
the  Indians  in  war — Red-Jacket  in  Battle — Captain  Worth  and  Farmer's- 
Brother — Startling  incident  at  Buffalo — Colonel  Worth's  opinion  of  Red- 
Jacket,  ...  251 

CHAPTER  XI. 

Another  land  company — The  Senecas  begin  to  look  for  a  new  home  at  the 
West — Council  at  Sandusky — An  incident  of  travel — Red-Jacket's  speech 
at  the  council — Speeches  of  others  in  reply — Nothing  effected — Attempted 
treaty  between  the  Ogden  Land  Company  and  the  Senecas,  at  Buffalo,  in 
1819,  Morris  S.  Miller,  Commissioner — Opening  of  the  council — Speech 
of  Red-Jacket — Treaty  broken  off"  without  success — Captain  Pollard's 
apology  for  the  rudeness  of  Red-Jacket—Subsequent  negotiations,  .  281 

B 


x  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Witchcraft — The  case  of  Tommy-Jemmy  indicted  for  murder — Red-Jacket 
takes  part  in  the  trial — His  attention  to  the  government  of  his  people — 
Missionary  enterprise  among  the  Senecas — Red-Jacket's  opposition  and 
hatred  of  Christianity — His  letter  to  Captain  Parish,  appealing  to  Gover 
nor  Clinton  against  the  black-coats — Legislative  action,  unwittingly,  against 
the  missionaries — Rev.  Mr.  Harris  and  his  labors — Their  success — Con 
version  of  O-qui-ye-sou,  or  Captain  Strong — The  schools — Mr.  Harris 
driven  away  under  the  law — Conduct  of  the  white  pagans — Application 
to  the  legislature  in  behalf  of  the  missionaries — Letter  of  Red-Jacket  to 
Governor  Clinton — The  missionaries  and  teachers  sustained — Beneficent 
labors  of  the  Quakers — Remarkable  interview  between  Red-Jacket  and 
Rev.  Dr.  Breckenridge,  as  detailed  in  a  letter  from  the  latter — Outlines 
of  another  anti-christian  speech — His  eloquence,  .»  . ,.  •  .  .  317 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Red-Jacket's  domestic  relations — Loss  of  his  children  by  consumption — 
His  second  wife  becomes  a  Christian— Separation  from  her,  and  union 
with  another — Returns  to  his  lawful  wife — Is  received  and  lives  in  har 
mony — Red-Jacket  and  Lafayette — Red-Jacket  and  the  French  Count — 
Scornful  behaviour  to  a  visitor  from  Albany — Anecdotes  of  Red-Jacket  and 
Colonel  Pickering — His  vanity — Launch  of  a  sloop  bearing  his  name — 
His  tact — Anecdote  of  a  dinnerparty — Red-Jacket  at  a  trial  at  Batavia — 
His  notions  of  law,  and  his  humor — Anecdote  of  Red-Jacket  and  Captain 
Jones — Red-Jacket  and  the  execution  of  the  Thayers — Anecdote  of  Hot- 
Bread — Opinion  of  Thomas  Morris  of  his  character  and  oratory — Paint 
ings  of  Red-Jacket — His  love  of  the  woods,  .  .  ;•  .,  ,  .  354 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Disquietude  of  Red-Jacket's  latter  days — Successes  of  the  missionaries — 
Disaffection  of  his  tribe — Formally  deposed— His  chagrin  and  journey  to 
Washington — Interview  with  Colonel  M'Kenney — Returns  to  the  reserva 
tion,  prepared  to  make  concessions — Rouses  himself  to  energetic  action 
— A  great  council — Another  speech — His  restoration  to  his  former  rank — 
Sinks  into  mental  imbecility — Visits  Washington,  New-York,  Boston  and 
Albany — Exhibits  himself  at  the  museums — Speech  at  Albany,  contrast 
ing  the  characters  of  Washington  and  Jackson — His  consciousness  of 
approaching  death,  and  preparations  therefor — Relentings  toward  the 
missionary — the  last  council  convoked  by  Red-Jacket  for  purposes  of  con 
ciliation — Last  sickness,  death  and  funeral — Conduct  of  the  neighboring 
infidels — Speculations  and  reflections  on  the  fate  of  the  Indians — Lord 
Erskine — Opinions  of  Dr.  Ramsay  and  General  Benjamin  Lincoln — Con 
clusion  of  Red-Jacket — Tablet  to  his  memory,  ....  378 

FARMER'S-BROTHER, 409 

CORNPLANTER, 423 

HENRY  O'BAIL 456 

STORY  OF  BLACK-CHIEF'S  DAUGHTER,       .        .        .        ,          458 
APPENDIX •        .463 


SA-GO-YE-WAT-HA, 


RED-JACKET. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES  OF  RED-JACKET. 


CHAPTER  I. 

SUBJECT  of  the  biography — His  name — Preliminary  glimpses  of  his  charac 
ter — His  nation — Incidental  discussion  concerning  the  Iroquois,  or  Five  Na 
tions — Tradition  of  the  origin  of  the  Senecas— Hill  of  Genundewah — Roman 
tic  story — The  Hurons — History  of  the  Five  Nations — Chapter  closes  in 
doubt. 

"  I  AM  an  orator! — I  was  born  an  orator!" — were  the 
prompt  exclamations  of  the  subject  of  the  present  memoir, 
in  reply  to  an  inquiry,  by  an  obtrusive  white  man,  re 
specting  his  deeds  in  arms.  The  evasion  was  alike  spi 
rited,  quick-witted,  and  adroit.  No  man,  either  savage 
or  civilized,  probably,  was  ever  more  conscious  of  the 
strong  and  the  weak  points  of  his  own  character  than  the 
celebrated  Seneca  chief,  SA-GO-YE-WAT-HA,  or  "  HE- 
KEEPS-THEM-AWAKE," — better  known  to  the  public  un 
der  the  less  imposing  name  of  RED- JACKET.*  His  ori 
ginal  Indian  name  was  O-TE-TI-ANI — in  English — AL- 

*  The  Indian  name  of  Red-Jacket,  here  given  in  the  text,  has  been  variously 
spelt,  by  different  authors.  I  have  adopted  the  orthography  of  an  old  MS.  re 
cord  of  the  Seneca  chiefs,  invited  by  Colonel  Timothy  Pickering  to  attend  a 
council  in  Philadelphia,  in  1792.  The  usual  translation  of  the  name,  Sa-go-ye- 
wat-ha,  has  been,  The  Keeper  Awake.  It  was  so  rendered  by  De  Witt  Clinton,  in 
his  celebrated  Discourse  before  the  New-York  Historical  Society,  in  1811.  But 
that  translation  is  erroneous,  as  The  Keeper  Awake  does  not  convey  the  idea  in 
tended.  The  ancient  manuscript  referred  to  gives  the  true  meaning,  as  adopted 
in  the  text-—He-keeps-them-awake. 

I 


2  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

WAYS  READY.  T.he  other  name  was  conferred  upon 
him,  in  after  years,  on  his  election  to  the  dignity  of  a 
Sachem. 

That  he  was  an  orator,  in  the  most  exalted  sense  of 
the  term,  of  great  and  commanding  power,  is  the  univer 
sal  testimony  of  all  who  enjoyed  opportunities  of  forming 
a  just  opinion  upon  the  subject.  And  no  other  man  was 
more  conscious  of  the  fact  than  himself.  That  he  was  a 
warrior  he  did  not  positively  deny  to  his  unwelcome  cate- 
chist,  while  he  studiously  avoided  its  acknowledgment. 

It  is  well  for  his  veracity  that  he  did  not,  since  nothing 
is  more  certain  than  that  the  impartial  testimony  of  his 
tory  would  have  been  invoked  in  vain  to  sustain  the  asser 
tion.  Yet,  notwithstanding  the  absence  of  that  physical 
quality,  the  lack  of  which  is  so  rare  among  a  people  liv 
ing  in  the  hunter  state,  and  the  possession  of  which  is  con 
sidered  so  indispensable  among  all  barbarians,  few  men 
have  arrived  at  a  greater  degree  of  consideration  among 
his  own  people,  or  exerted  a  more  commanding  influence, 
than  Red-Jacket.  He  was  upon  the  war-path  during 
both  conflicts  between  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain.  In  the  former, — the  war  of  the  revolution, — 
he  served,  with  his  nation,  the  cause  of  the  crown.  In 
the  war  of  1812-1815, — the  Senecas  having  changed 
their  quasi  allegiance, — he  served  under  the  colors  of  the 
United  States.  But  in  neither  contest  did  he  win  for  him 
self  the  right  to  wear  the  eagle-plume.  In  the  former 
he  was  openly  charged  by  his  brother  chiefs  with 
cowardice  and  treachery ;  while  in  the  latter  the  im 
pression  made  upon  the  mind  of  the  General,  under 


OF  RED-JACKET.  3 

whose  immediate  eye  he  served,  was  by  no  means  favor 
able  in  regard  to  his  courage.*  His  entire  character 
formed  a  bundle  of  contradictions.  If  he  lacked  firm 
ness  of  nerves,  he  nevertheless  possessed  unbending 
firmness  of  purpose,  and  great  moral  courage.  His  in 
tellectual  powers  were  unquestionably  of  a  very  high 
order.  He  was  a  statesman  of  sagacity,  and  an  orator 
of  even  surpassing  eloquence  ;  yet  he  was  capable  of  de 
scending  to  the  practice  of  the  lowest  cunning  of  the 
demagogue.  But  he  was  still  a  patriot.  He  loved  his 
nation,  and  his  race  ; — and  if,  in  the  eyes  of  his  people, 
the  deficiencies  of  his  character  were  not  lost  in  the  blaze 
of  his  genius,  they  were  certainly  more  than  counter 
balanced  by  the  admiration  with  which  was  contemplated 
the  greatness  of  his  mind. 

The  Seneca  Nation,  whence  Sa^go-ye-wat-ha  sprang, 
and  whose  principal  chief  he  was  for  many  years,  was, 
even  at  the  time  of  the  discovery  by  the  Europeans,  by 
far  the  most  powerful  of  the  Aquanuschioni,  or  "  United 
People,"  known  originally  as  the  Five  Nations,  and  after 
ward  as  the  Six,  by  the  addition  of  the  Tuscaroras  to 
the  confederacy,  about  the  year  1712.  The  reason  of 
this  addition  to  the  number  of  their  communities  has 
been  variously  given.  It  is  well  known  that  the  Five 
Nations  carried  their  arms  as  far  south  as  the  country  of 
the  Cherokee s,  with  whom  they  waged  a  bloody  war, 
even  within  the  last  century.f  The  Tuscaroras  were 

*  General  Peter  B.  Porter,  late  Secretary  of  War,  whose  opinion  will  be 
quoted  hereafter. 

t  A  fierce  battle,  continuing  two  days,  was  fought  between  the  Cherokees, 
Catawbas,  and  their  associates,  and  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  at  the 


4  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

natives  of  a  territory  now  forming  the  state  of  North 
Carolina.  Bancroft  speaks  of  them  as  "  kindred  with 
the  Five  Nations,"  and  refers  to  several  villages  in  that 
region,  of  the  Huron-Iroquois,  or  Wyandot  family.  Ac 
cording  to  some  authorities,  the  Tuscaroras,  having 
formed  a  deep  and  general  conspiracy  to  cut  off  the 
whites,  were  signally  defeated,  and  driven  from  their 
country,  under  which  circumstances  they  were  adopted 
as  a  Sixth  Nation  by  the  Iroquois.*  It  has  been  asserted 
by  others  that  they  were  conquered  by  the  Iroquois,  and 
by  them  removed  to  their  own  country,  where  they  were 
planted  down,  and  reckoned  as  an  additional  nation,  but 
only  upon  the  condition  that,  like  the  Delaware s,  they 
were  to  be  ranked  as  women,  and  inhibited  the  use  of 
arms  in  war.  This  is  a  most  unlikely  tale  of  their  re 
moval, — since  they  "  were  the  most  powerful  tribe  in 
North  Carolina,"  occupying,  in  1708,  fifteen  towns  in  the 
upper  country,  on  the  Neuse  and  the  Tar,  and  numbering 
twelve  hundred  warriors,  as  brave  as  the  Mohawks.t 
Other  authors  have  assigned  a  kindlier  motive  for  the 
transplantation,  viz  :  the  discovery,  by  the  Five  Nations, 
of  the  marked  similarity  of  the  Tuscarora  language  to 
their  own — there  being  no  labials  in  either.  Hence  they 
concluded  that  the  latter  either  were,  or  of  right  ought  to 

junction  of  the  Cumberland  and  Red  Rivers,  in  Kentucky,  near  the  present  line 
between  the  states  of  Kentucky  and  Tennessee,  in  the  year  1731.  The  leader  of 
the  Six  Nations  on  that  occasion  was  Hiokatoo,  a  celebrated  Seneca  chief,  who 
died  in  1811,  at  the  great  age  of  103.  The  slaughter  was  great  on  both  sides, 
but  Hiokatoo  was  victorious. 

*  Smith's  History  of  New-York,  sanctioned  by  the  Historical  Discourse  of  De 
Witt  Clinton. 

t  Bancroft's  United  States,  vol.  iii.  p.  245. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  5 

have  been,  members  of  their  own  great  family.  Hence, 
also,  probably,  Bancroft  speaks  of  the  Mohawks  as  their 
"  brothers." 

The  Senecas  were  the  fifth  nation  of  the  original  con 
federacy — their  duty  being  to  keep  the  western  door  of 
"  the  long  house,"  as  the  territory  occupied  by  their 
principal  range  of  towns  was  called.  The  Mohawks 
guarded  the  eastern  door,  at  Schagh-nack-ta-da.*  When 
ever,  at  either  door  of  "  the  long  house,"  other  nations,  or 
their  ambassadors,  knocked  upon  business,  the  first  duty  of 
the  nation  keeping  the  door  was  to  ascertain  its  character 
and  importance.  If  not  of  great  moment,  the  council  of  the 
separate  nation  attended  to  it.  But  whenever  the  sub 
ject  matter  presented  from  without  was  of  interest  to 
the  whole  confederacy,  or  of  sufficient  weight  to  require 
the  consideration  of  the  united  council,  the  messengers 
charged  with  it  were  sent  forward  to  the  Onondaga  Val 
ley,  where  the  Grand  Council  fire  was  kindled,  and  it  was 
discussed  by  the  National  Congress.  The  Mohawk 
nation  was  the  first  in  rank  of  the  confederacy,  and  to  it 
appertained  the  office  of  principal  war-chief.  To  the 
Onondagas,  in  like  manner, — the  nation  whose  peculiar 
province  it  was  to  guard  the  council  fire, — appertained 
the  office  of  principal  civil  chief,  or  Chief  Sachem.  Still, 
numerically  considered,  for  a  long  time  past,  and  per- 

*  The  present  site  of  Albany.  The  meaning  of  the  term,  literally,  is — "  Be- 
yond-the-Pine-Plains."  These  plains  are  those  between  Schenectady  and 
Albany — separating  the  Mohawk  valley  from  that  of  the  Hudson.  By  some  mis 
take,  the  name  was  erroneously  bestowed  by  the  whites  upon  the  Indian  town 
of  Con-nugli-harie-gugh-harie,  literally  A-great-multitude-collected-together. 
Standing  at  their  castles,  and  looking  toward  the  east,  Schagh-nack-ta-da,  (now 
Albany,)  was  Beyond-the-Pine-Plains  to  the  Mohawks. 


6  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

haps  always,  the  Senecas  were  by  far  the  most  power 
ful  of  the  confederacy. 

The  questions  as  to  the  origin  of  the  Seneca  Indians, 
the  entire  confederacy  to  which  they  belonged,  and  the 
length  of  time  they  had  been  in  the  occupancy  of  "  the 
long  house,"  when  first  visited  by  the  white  man,  are  all 
involved  in  darkness,  too  deep,  probably,  for  human 
penetration.  According  to  the  early  French  historians 
and  tourists  of  America, — among  whom  Charlevoix  is 
probably  the  best  authority, — the  Iroquois  were  occupying 
the  country  along  the  St.  Lawrence,  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Hochelaga,  at  the  time  of  .the  discovery  of  Canada  by 
Jacques  C artier.  "  When  C artier  went  to  Hochelaga, 
now  Montreal,  in  1535,  he  discovered  a  town  of  the  Iro 
quois,  or  Hurons,  containing  about  fifty  huts."*  Cartier 
landed  about  six  miles  from  the  town,  to  which  the  way 
was  well  beaten  and  frequented.  "  It  was  situated  in 
the  midst  of  large  fields  of  Indian  corn,  and  from  the 
description,  it  must  even  then  have  been  a  considerable 
place,  and  the  metropolis  of  the  neighboring  country.  It 
was  encompassed  by  palisades,  or  probably  a  picket 
fence  in  three  rows,  one  within  the  other,  well  secured 
and  put  together.  A  single  entrance  was  secured  with 
piles  and  stakes  ;  and  every  precaution  adopted  against 
sudden  attack  or  siege.  The  town  consisted  of  about 
fifty  houses,  each  fifty  feet  in  length  by  fourteen  in 
breadth,  built  of  wood  and  covered  with  bark,  l  well  and 
cunningly  joined  together.'  Each  house  contained 
small  chambers,  built  round  an  open  court  in  the  centre, 

*  Clinton's  Historical  Discourse. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  7 

in  which  the  fire  was  kindled."*  The  inhabitants  were 
devoted  to  husbandry  and  fishing,  and  the  lands  of  the 
island  were  well  cultivated  to  the  base  of  the  mountain, 
three  miles  from  the  present  city  of  Montreal.!  In  a 
word,  according  to  the  history  of  Carder's  voyage,  the 
Indians  of  Hochelaga  were  more  than  usually  civilized, 
for  barbarians,  and  greatly  in  advance  of  the  Iroquois  a 
century  afterward.  It  has  also  been  held  that  the  war 
in  which  the  Iroquois  were  engaged  with  the  Adiron- 
dacks,  a  powerful  division  of  the  Hurons, — now  gene 
rally  known  by  the  name  of  Wyandots, — at  the  time 
when  Champlain  ascended  the  St.  Lawrence,  in  1603, 
was  the  same  in  which  they  conquered  the  territory  oi 
the  Mohawk  Valley,  and  that  lying  south  of  Lake  Onta 
rio,  in  the  possession  of  which  they  were  found  by  the 
Dutch  and  English.  Such  is,  moreover,  the  received 
opinion  of  various  writers,  European  and  American,  who 
have  glanced  superficially  at  this  question. 

But  this  supposition,  though  entertained  by  Governor 
Golden,  and  afterward  by  Governor  Clinton,  is  beyond 
doubt  erroneous.  At  the  time  of  Carder's  discovery 
the  five  Huron  nations  occupied  the  Island  of  Orleans, 
below  Quebec,  and  the  country  of  the  St.  Lawrence  and 
the  Ottawa.  The  Adirondacks,  the  most  powerful  clan 
of  that  people,  then  lived  chiefly  upon  the  Ottawa ;  and 
it  is  more  than  probable  that  those  were  the  occupants  of 
Hochelaga.  The  town  at  Hochelaga,  described  by  Car- 
tier,  had  dwindled  into  insignificance  at  the  time  of 
Champlain' s  visit,  having  probably  been  destroyed  by 

*  Hawkins's  History  of  Quebec,  pp.  50,  51.  t  Idem. 


8  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

the  Iroquois — a  body  of  whom  were  met  by  Champlain, 
while  voyaging  upon  the  lake  since  bearing  his  name, 
on  their  way  against  the  Hurons,  with  hostile  intent. 
Champlain  was  accompanied  during  this  voyage  by  a 
war  party  of  the  latter,  with  whom  he  fought  in  alliance 
against  the  Iroquois,  who  were  struck  with  amazement 
at  the  reports  and  the  execution  of  the  fire-arms  used 
against  them, — engines  of  death  which  they  had  never 
seen  before, — and  defeated,  of  course. 

But,  in  addition  to  these  circumstances,  all  the  prin 
cipal  towns  and  cantons  of  the  Five  Nations  gave  evi 
dence,  at  the  period  of  the  discovery,  of  a  much  longer 
occupancy  of  the  territory  in  question  than  most  authors 
have  conceded  ;  while  according  to  their  own  traditions, 
affording  yet  better  authority,  they  had  been  in  the  actual 
possession  of  that  fair  region  of  country  for  a  length  of 
time  whereof  the  memory  of  man  runneth  not  to  the 
contrary.*  It  is  true  that  there  is  a  dim  and  shadowy 
tradition  among  some  of  the  people  of  the  Five  Nations, 
that  they  originally  came  from  the  north ;  but  they  date 
the  period  of  their  migration  a  long  number  of  centuries 
back.  Cusick,  the  Tuscarora  author, — and  the  only 
Indian  who  has  written  upon  that  subject, — dates  the 
event  more  than  twenty-five  hundred  years  before  the 
discovery  by  Columbus, — as  correct,  probably,  as  the 
Chinese  chronology .t  The  tradition  of  the  Senecas  is, 
that  the  original  people  of  their  nation  broke  forth  from 
the  earth,  from  the  crest  of  a  mountain  at  the  head  of 

*  Charlevoix;  Golden' s  Six  Nations;  Moulton's  New-York, 
i  This  tract  of  Cusick's  is  a  wretchedly  puerile  performance. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  9 

Canandaigua  Lake.  The  mountain  which  gave  them 
birth  is  called  "  Ge-nun-de-wah-gauh,"  or  the  Great 
Hill.  Hence  the  Senecas  are  called  the  Great  Hill 
People,  which  was  their  original  title.  The  base  of  the 
Genundewah  mountain,  as  it  is  usually  called,  they  be 
lieve  to  have  been  encircled,  when  their  nation  was  in 
its  infancy,  by  a  huge  serpent, — so  vast  in  his  proportions 
that  he  was  enabled  to  coil  himself  entirely  around  the 
mountain.  The  head  and  tail  of  the  monster  united 
at  the  gateway  of  the  path  leading  to  and  from  the 
steep ;  and  few  who  attempted  either  ingress  or  egress 
escaped  his  voracious  jaws.  Thus  environed,  the  people 
remained  a  long  time,  as  it  were,  in  a  state  of  siege, — 
the  serpent  rendering  their  condition  almost  insupporta 
ble,  not  only  by  his  war  upon  their  lives,  but  by  reason 
of  his  foetid  and  poisonous  breath.  At  length,  their 
sufferings  becoming  severe  beyond  longer  endurance, 
the  Indians  determined  to  make  a  sally.  Arming  them 
selves,  therefore,  with  such  weapons  as  they  had  at 
hand,  they  descended  the  hill,  but  in  attempting  to 
escape  the  gate,  were  all  seized  and  swallowed  by  the 
serpent,  with  the  exception  of  two  children,  who  by 
some  means  overleaped  this  fearful  line  of  circumvalla- 
tion,  and  avoided  the  terrible  fate  of  the  body  of  their 
infant  tribe.  Having  escaped,  these  children  were  re 
served  for  a  yet  higher  destiny.  They  were  informed, 
by  an  oracle,  of  means  by  which  they  might  rid  the 
world  of  the  great  monster  so  inimical  to  their  race. 
They  were  directed  to  form  a  bow  of  a  particular  kind 
of  willow,  and  an  arrow  of  the  same,  the  barb  of  which 

2 


10  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

was  to  be  dipped  in  poison,  and  shot  in  a  direction  that 
would  allow  it  to  penetrate  the  skin  beneath  the  scales. 
The  children  obeyed  the  divine  injunction,  and  the  result 
was  the  serpent's  death.  No  sooner  had  the  arrow  penetra 
ted  the  skin  than  he  was  thrown  into  violent  convulsions. 
Uncoiling  himself  from  around  the  mountain,  and  writh 
ing  into  the  most  frightful  convolutions,  in  his  agony 
he  threw  up  the  heads  of  the  people  he  had  devoured, 
which  rolled  down  the  steep  into  the  lake.  With  agoni 
zing  throes  the  serpent  himself  then  rolled  into  the  lake, 
sweeping  down  the  timber  in  his  course.  The  heads  of 
the  Indians,  that  had  been  disgorged,  were  petrified  by 
the  transparent  waters,  and  are  to  be  seen  at  the  bottom 
of  the  lake,  in  the  shape  of  large  round  stones,  to  this  day. 
From  the  two  orphans,  thus  preserved,  and  who  thus 
vanquished  their  terrible  enemy,  sprang  the  new  race  of 
Senecas.  The  tradition  is  equally  absurd  and  puerile  ; 
but  not  more  so  than  are  the  legends  of  the  aboriginals  of 
other  nations,  or  even  of  the  so-called  civilized  nations 
of  India  and  China.  But  it  is  cited  to  show  that  the 
Senecas  themselves  have  no  idea  of  a  modern  occupancy 
of  their  territory.  And  that  they  were  sincere  in  enter 
taining  the  tradition,  may  be  allowed  from  the  circum 
stance  that  the  Genundewah  has  been  held  sacred,  as 
being  the  place  of  their  birth.  For  a  long  time  past,  and 
down  to  a  recent  period,  it  was  the  place  of  holding  their 
councils.  It  was  also  the  hallowed  place  of  their  religious 
services,  some  of  which  were  instituted  in  commemo 
ration  of  the  death  of  the  serpent,  which  had  thus  threat- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  H 

ened  the  extermination  of  their  race.*  This  legend  is 
less  poetical,  perhaps,  but  it  is  not  more  absurd,  than  the 
classic  fable  of  the  Hydra  of  Lerna,  or  the  monster 
which,  according  to  ./Elian,  was  the  terror  of  India  in  the 
time  of  Alexander.  The  monster  of  Genundewah  did 
not  discharge  volumes  of  flame  and  smoke  from  his 
mouth,  like  another  Typhon ;  but  the  effluvium  of  his 
breath  was  even  more  destructive.  The  credulity  of  the 
wild  Senecas  was  no  greater  than  that  of  the  polished 
Greeks ;  and  they  did  not  fall  into  the  absurdity  of  pay 
ing  divine  honors  to  their  monster,  as  the  oriental  Indians 
did  the  dragon-cotemporary  of  Alexander. 

Connected  with  this  sacred  mount  of  Genundewah, 
and  a  wild  precipice  in  its  vicinity,  which  hangs  beetling 
over  the  silver  Canandaigua  lake,  called  the  "  Lover's 
Leap,"  is  an  interesting  story  of  love  to  distraction,  and 
courage  to  death,  on  the  part  of  a  young  Indian  beauty, 
which  may  perhaps  warrant  a  digression  for  its  recital — 
more  especially  as  the  American  aboriginals  have  gene 
rally  been  accounted,  comparatively,  strangers  to  la  belle 
passion.  The  legend  is  of  a  later  day  than  that  of  the 
serpent,  but,  nevertheless,  descends  from  remote  tradi 
tion.  During  the  wars  of  the  Senecas  and  the  Algon- 
quins  of  the  north,  a  chief  of  the  latter  was  captured  and 
carried  to  Genundewah,  whereon  a  fortification,  consist- 

*  This  tradition  was  related  to  the  author,  in  November,  1838,  by  a  Seneca 
chief,  called  The  Blacksmith,  a  relative  of  Red-Jacket,  and  to  whom  descended 
the  medal  given  to  the  latter  by  General  Washington.  It  is  also  given,  in  sub 
stance,  by  Mr.  Seaver,  author  of  the  Life  of  Mary  Jemison.  Mr.  Seaver  re 
ceived  it  from  the  late  Captain  Horatio  Jones,  for  several  years  a  prisoner  among 
the  Senecas,  and  long  a  government  agent  and  interpreter  among  them. 


12  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ing  of  a  square  without  bastions,  and  surrounded  by 
palisades,  was  situated.  The  captive,  though  young  in 
years,  was  famed  for  his  prowess  in  the  forest  conflict, 
and  nature  had  been  bountiful  to  his  person  in  those  gifts 
of  strength  and  symmetry  which  waken  savage  admira 
tion.  After  a  short  debate,  he  was  condemned  to  die  on 
the  following  day,  by  the  slow  torture  of  impalement. 
While  he  was  lying  in  the  "  cabin  of  death,"  a  lodge 
devoted  to  the  reception  of  condemned  prisoners,  the 
daughter  of  the  Sachem  brought  him  food,*  and,  struck 
with  his  manly  form  and  heroic  bearing,  resolved  to  save 
him  or  share  his  fate.  Her  bold  enterprise  was  favored 
by  the  uncertain  light  of  the  gray  dawn,  while  the  soli 
tary  sentinel,  weary  with  his  night-watch,  and  forgetful  of 
his  duty,  was  slumbering.  Stealing  with  noiseless  tread 
to  the  side  of  the  young  captive,  she  cut  the  thongs  where 
with  his  limbs  were  bound,  and  besought  him  in  breath 
ing  accents  to  follow  her.  The  fugitives  -descended  the 
hill  by  a  wooded  path  conducting  to  the  lake ;  but  ere  they 
reached  the  water,  an  alarm-whoop,  wild  and  shrill,  was 
heard  issuing  from  the  lips  of  the  waking  guard.  They 
tarried  not,  though  thorny  vines  and  fallen  timber  ob 
structed  their  way.  At  length  they  reached  the  smooth 
beach,  and  leaping  into  a  canoe,  previously  provided  by 
the  brave  and  considerate  damsel,  they  plied  the  paddle 
vigorously,  steering  for  the  opposite  shore.  Vain  were 
their  efforts.  On  the  wind  came  cries  of  rage,  and  the 
quick  tramp  of  savage  warriors,  bounding  over  rock  and 

*  The  Indians  always  supply  their  prisoners  with  every  comfort  until  the  time 
for  their  execution  arrives. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  13 

glen  in  fierce  pursuit.  The  Algonquin,  with  the  reckless 
daring  of  a  young  brave,  sent  back  a  yell  of  defiance ;  and 
soon  after  the  plash  of  oars  was  heard,  and  a  dozen  war 
canoes  were  cutting  the  billows  in  their  rear.  The  un 
fortunate  lovers,  on  landing,  took  a  trail  leading  in  a 
western  direction  over  the  hills.  The  Algonquin,  weak 
ened  by  unhealed  wounds,  followed  his  active  guide  up 
the  acclivity  with  panting  heart  and  flagging  pace  ;  while 
his  enemies,  with  the  grim  old  Sachem  at  their  head,  drew 
nearer  and  nearer.  At  length,  finding  farther  attempts 
at  flight  useless,  she  diverged  from  the  trail,  and  conduc 
ted  her  lover  to  a  table-crested  rock  that  projected  over 
a  ravine,  or  gulf,  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  depth,  the 
bottom  of  which  was  strewn  with  huge  mis-shapen  rocks, 
scattered  in  rude  confusion.  With  hearts  nerved  to  a  high 
resolve,  the  hapless  pair  awaited  the  arrival  of  their 
yelling  pursuers.  Conspicuous  by  his  eagle  plume,  tow 
ering  form,  and  scowling  brow,  the  daughter  soon  de 
scried  her  inexorable  sire  leaping  from  crag  to  crag  be 
low  her.  He  paused  abruptly  when  his  fiery  eye  rested 
on  the  objects  of  his  pursuit.  Notching  an  arrow  on  the 
string  of  his  tried  and  unerring  bow,  he  raised  his  sinewy 
arms — but  ere  the  missile  was  sent,  Wun-nut-hay,  the 
Beautiful,  interposed  her  form  between  her  father  and 
his  victim.  In  wild  appealing  tones  she  entreated  her 
sire  to  spare  the  young  chieftain,  assuring  him  that  they 
would  leap  together  from  the  precipice  rather  than  be 
separated.  The  stern  old  man,  deaf  to  her  supplication, 
and  disregarding  her  menace,  ordered  his  followers  to 
seize  the  fugitive.  Warrior  after  warrior  darted  up  the 


14  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

rock,  but  on  reaching  the  platform,  at  the  moment  when 
they  were  grasping  to  clutch  the  young  brave,  the  lovers, 
locked  in  fond  embrace,  flung  themselves 

"  From  the  steep  rock  and  perished." 

The  mangled  bodies  were  buried  in  the  bottom  of  the 
glen,  beneath  the  shade  of  everlasting  rocks ;  and  two 
small  hollows,  resembling  sunken  graves,  are  to  this  day 
pointed  out  to  the  curious  traveller,  as  the  burial  place 
of  "  the  lovers."  It  is  a  sweet,  wild  haunt, — the  sun 
beam  falls  there  with  a  softened  radiance, — and  a  brook 
near  by  gives  out  a  complaining  murmur,  as  if  mourning 
for  the  dead.* 

But  to  return  from  the  alluring  field  of  romance  to  the 
graver  details  of  historical  inquiry.  There  is  yet  farther, 
if  not  stronger  evidence  to  sustain  the  position,  that  the 
Five  Nations  had  for  ages  been  in  the  possession  of  their 
Long  House.  For  example,  speaking  of  the  mounds  in 
their  country,  which,  like  many  others  scattered  between 
the  lakes  and  the  coast  of  Florida,  have  occasioned  so 
much  of  speculation  and  curious  inquiry,  some  of  the 
Senecas  told  Mr.  Kirkland,  the  celebrated  missionary  to 
the  Indians,  "  that  those  in  their  territory  were  raised  by 
their  ancestors,  in  their  wars  with  the  western  Indians, 


*  This  interesting  legend  was  derived  many  years  ago  from  a  Seneca  chief  of 
some  note,  named  "  Chequered  Cap,"  and  was  communicated  to  me  by  W.  H.  C. 
Hosmer,  Esq.,  of  Avon,  of  whom  more  hereafter.  On  the  top  of  Genundewah 
the  remains  of  an  Indian  orchard  are  visible — a  few  moss-grown  and  wind-bowed 
apple-trees  still  linger,  sad,  but  fitting  emblems  of  the  wasted  race  by  whom  they 
•were  planted. 


OF  RED- JACKET.  15 

three,  four,  or  five  hundred  years  ago."*  Indeed  it  was 
the  belief  of  that  people  "  that  they  sprang  and  grew 
up,  in  that  very  place,  like  the  trees  of  the  wilderness."! 
Still  it  is  and  must  ever  remain  a  question  of  doubt 
how  long  the  Aquanuschioni  had  occupied  the  "  Long 
House."  Their  traditions  are  confused,  and  not  in  har 
mony  with  each  other.  De  Witt  Clinton  inclined  to  the 
opinion  that  they  first  inhabited  the  country  on  the  north 
side  of  the  great  lakes,  whence  they  had  been  expelled 
by  the  Adirondacks- — they  in  turn  driving  from  the  country 
south  of  the  lakes  a  now  lost  nation,  called  the  Satanas. 
But  this  hypothesis  is  inconsistent  with  the  subsequent 
claim  of  the  Iroquois  to  the  country  west  of  Lake  Ontario, 
and  north  of  Lake  Erie,  as  a  conquest  from  those  same 
Adirondacks,  or  Hurons.  Governor  Clinton  has  im 
plicitly  followed  Colden  upon  this  point;  but  more 
thorough  inquiry  has  shown  that  Colden  was  wrong. 
The  Hurons,  without  controversy,  were  driven  from  the 
country  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  the  north-west,  beyond 
Lake  Superior — "  hiding  themselves  in  the  dreary  wastes 
that  divided  the  Chippewas  from  their  western  foes."! 
They  were  afterward  driven  back  by  the  Sioux  to 
Detroit,  and  the  northern  shore  of  Lake  Erie.  The 
Indians  called  Satanas  by  the  English,  the  Shaouonons 
of  the  French,  resided  farther  west,  upon  the  Mississippi. 
Brant,  in  a  letter  to  Colonel  Timothy  Pickering,  says  the 

*  Clinton's  Discourse. 

t  Note  in  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians. 

t  Bancroft.  Doctor  Colden  pronounced  the  Adirondacks  "  the  most  warlike 
and  polite  nation  of  all  the  Indians  in  North  America."  He  adds — "  they  were 
almost  entirely  destroyed  by  a  people  they  at  first  despised." 


16  LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

country  south  of  Buffalo  Creek  and  Lake  Erie  "was 
obtained  by  the  joint  exertions  of  the  Five  Nations,  in  a 
war  with  a  powerful  nation  of  Indians  called  Eries,  and 
another  nation  then  living  at  Tioga  Point ; — so  that,  by 
our  successes,  all  the  country  between  that  and  the 
Mississippi  became  the  joint  property  of  the  Five  Nations. 
All  other  nations  now  inhabiting  this  great  tract  of  coun-r 
try  were  allowed  to  settle  by  the  Five  Nations."* 

There  is  yet  another  tradition,  that  the  Five  Nations 
came  originally  from  the  remote  west.  But,  so  far  as  is 
known,  there  is  no  language  in  that  vast  region  assimi 
lating  to  theirs,  while  the  languages  of  the  Indians  east 
of  the  Hudson  river  were  evidently  from  the  same  root 
as  the  different  dialects  of  the  great  Delaware  family, 
who  are  allowed  to  have  come  from  that  direction.  The 
tradition,  imputed  by  some  writers  to  the  Senecas,  that 
they  were  once  occupants  of  the  territory  of  the  Creeks, 
at  the  south,  is  not  worthy  of  consideration.  This  incir 
dental  discussion,  therefore,  respecting  the  origin  of  the 
Five  Nations,  or  rather  the  length  of  time  in  which  they 
had  been  in  the  occupancy  of  what  they  figuratively 
called  their  "long  house,"  has  necessarily  left  the  ques 
tion  involved  in  as  much  obscurity  as  it  was  before,  save 
that  it  is  believed  to  have  been  pretty  clearly  shown 
that  they  were  by  no  means  recent  occupants  of  their 
territory  at  the  time  when  the  white  men  came  among 
them,  nor  had  they  been  driven  from  the  north  by  the 
Hurons. 

*  MS.  letter  from  Joseph  Brant— Thayendanegea— to  Colonel  Pickering,  dated 
30th  December,  1794,  in  the  author's  possession. 


CHAPTER  II. 

NATIVITY  of  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha— Origin  of  the  name,  Red-Jacket—Serves  with 
the  Indians  against  the  United  States — Charges  of  treachery  and  cowardice — 
Hatred  of  Brant— Called  "  The  Cow-Killer" — Cornplanter— Treaty  of  1789, 
at  Fort  Stanwix — Views  of  Washington— Course  of  Red- Jacket  and  Corn- 
planter  there, — the  former  opposing  the  treaty,  and  the  latter  effecting  it — 
Dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians  at  the  result — Cornplanter  attempts  to  reconcile 
them — His  failure — Appeals  to  General  Washington — Claims  of  Massachu 
setts  to  Western  New- York — Massachusetts  acquires  the  pre-emption  title — 
Sells  a  part  to  Phelps  and  Gorham — Stupendous  scheme  for  dismembering 
New-York — The  plot  crushed  by  Governor  George  Clinton  and  the  legisla 
ture — Inklings  of  Red- Jacket's  duplicity. 

THE  Seneca  chief,  SA-GO-YE-WAT-HA,  or  "  He-7ceeps- 
them-awaJce,"  has,  by  some  writers  upon  Indian  history, 
been  designated  as  "  The  Last  of  the  Senecas,"  and 
perhaps  with  figurative  justice.  He  had  several  able 
contemporaries,  names  not  unknown  to  fame,  among  whom 
were  FARMER'S-BROTHER  and  the  CORNPLANTER.  But 
these  chiefs  were  older  than  himself,  and  distinguished 
rather  as  warriors  than  as  orators  ;  while  Sa-go-ye- 
wat-ha,  whose  eloquence  was  the  glory  of  his  people, 
has  left  no  one  behind  who  can  fill  his  place  at  the  coun 
cil-fire.  The  orator  "  owed  nothing  to  the  advantages 
of  illustrious  descent."*  On  the  contrary,  his  parentage 
was  humble,  even  in  the  estimate  of  his  own  people, 
among  whom  the  democratic  principle  of  positive  equality 

*  De  Witt  Clinton's  Historical  Discourse. 

3 


18  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

is  as  nearly  approximated,  perhaps,  as  in  any  other 
country  in  the  universe.  He  is  believed  to  have  been 
born  about  the  year  1750,  at  a  place  called  Old  Castle, 
three  miles  west  of  the  present  beautiful  and  flourishing 
town  of  Geneva,  at  the  foot  of  Seneca  Lake.*  Of  his 
early  history  little  is  known  beyond  the  fact  asserted 
by  tradition,  that  he  was  remarkably  swift  upon  the 
chase,  and  from  his  fleetness  was  often  employed  as  a 
messenger,  first  among  his  own  people,  and  afterward, 
during  the  war  of  the  American  revolution,  as  a  runner 
for  the  British  officers  engaged  in  the  border  service. 
His  name  of  "  RED-JACKET,"  by  which  he  was  so  long 
familiarly  known  among  the  white  people,  is  said  to  have 
been  acquired  in  the  following  manner  :  During  the  war 
just  mentioned,  his  activity  and  intelligence  attracted  the 
attention  of  several  officers  in  the  service  of  the  British 
crown,  and  acquired  for  him  their  friendship.  One  of 
them,  either  as  a  compliment,  or  for  services  rendered, 
u  presented  him  with  a  richly  embroidered  scarlet  jacket^ 
which  he  took  great  pride  in  wearing.  When  this  was 
worn  out,  he  was  presented  with  another ;  and  he  con 
tinued  to  wear  this  peculiar  dress  until  it  became  a  mark 
of  distinction,  and  gave  him  the  name  by  which  he  was 
afterward  best  known."t  At  the  treaty  of  1794,  held  at 
Canandaigua,  Captain  Parish,  one  of  the  interpreters 
in  the  service  of  the  United  States,  gave  him  another  red 
jacket,  "  to  perpetuate  the  name  to  which  he  was  so 
much  attached." J 

*  Sketch  of  Red-Jacket,  written  by  the  Rev.  John  Breckenridge,  D.  D.,  for 
M'Kenney's  Indian  Biography.  t  Idem.  t  Idem. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  19 

The  most  authentic  information  that  has  been  ob 
tained  respecting  his  earlier  career  presents  him,  in  the 
outset  of  his  slender  military  service,  in  a  very  unfavor 
able  attitude.  It  was  while  he  was  upon  the  war-path, 
during  the  invasion  of  the  Genesee  country  by  General 
Sullivan,  in  1779. 

The  author  of  the  spirited  sketch  of  his  life  just  quoted 
speaks  of  the  "  activity  and  intelligence"  by  which  he 
distinguished  himself  in  that  war,  "though  he  had  scarce 
ly  reached  the  age  of  manhood  when  he  engaged  in  it." 
But  the  writer,  soon  afterward,  observes,  with  greater 
justice; — "in  that  contest  he  took  little  or  no  part  as  a 
warrior;  and  it  would  appear  that  like  his  celebrated 
predecessors  in  rhetorical  fame,  Demosthenes  and  Cicero, 
he  better  understood  how  to  rouse  his  countrymen  to 
war  than  to  lead  them  to  victory."*  It  is  well  known 
to  those  who  are  accurately  versed  in  the  Indian  history 
of  the  last  half  century,  that  the  celebrated  Mohawk 
leader  of  the  Six  Nations,  Thayendanegea,  more  com 
monly  known  as  Joseph  Brant,  ever  regarded  the  Seneca 
orator  with  mingled  feelings  of  hatred  and  contempt. 
The  Mohawk  chief  was  wont  to  charge  him  with  conduct 
perfectly  in  keeping  with  the  classical  parallel  indicated 
by  Dr.  Breckenridge.  According  to  the  statements  of 


*  Sketch  by  Rev.  Dr.  Breckenridge.  Cicero,  it  is  true,  gave  evidence  of  irre 
solution,  if  not  timidity,  in  the  struggles  between  Caesar  and  the  republic  ;  and 
Demosthenes  was  accused  of  having  been  corrupted  by  the  presents  of  Alexander. 
Thus  far,  between  both  the  ancient  orators  and  the  Seneca,  it  will  appear  that 
there  is  a  seeming  parallel.  Of  the  former  two,  cowardice  was  predicated  of 
the  one,  and  treachery  of  the  other.  The  Seneca,  as  will  be  seen,  has  been 
charged  with  both. 


20  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Brant  and  others, — made,  too,  with  inconvenient  direct 
ness  in  the  presence  of  Red-Jacket  himself — the  latter 
had  been  known  to  exert  his  eloquence  to  enkindle  a 
war-spirit  in  the  bosoms  of  the  braves  of  his  nation,  and 
provoke  them  to  take  up  the  hatchet,  while  he  inge 
niously  avoided  the  war-path,  and  availed  himself  of  the 
absence  of  the  warriors,  thus  procured,  to  plunder  the 
goods,  and  even  live  stock,  wherever  he  could — not 
caring  to  discriminate  between  the  property  of  an  enemy 
and  that  of  the  absentees  of  his  own  people.  Hence  the 
name  of  "  Cow-killer"  bestowed  upon  him  by  Joseph 
Brant,  in  a  letter  to  the  Duke  of  Northumberland, 
written  in  1805.* 

But  the  origin  of  the  Mohawk  chieftain's  enmity  is  to 
be  traced  to  a  more  remote  and  still  more  aggravated 
cause,  while,  as  will  hereafter  appear,  there  were  trans 
actions  on  the  part  of  Red-Jacket  of  deep  personal  con 
cern  to  Brant,  which  added  to  the  bitterness  of  his 
hatred.  During  the  campaign  of  General  Sullivan, 
already  referred  to,  in  which  the  Americans,  like  a 
stream  of  fire,  swept  through  the  fine  country  then  in 
habited  by  the  Cayugas  and  Senecas,  and  now  forming 

*  Life  of  Brant,  vol.  ii.  p.  417.  "  Red- Jacket  was,  from  the  following  cir 
cumstance,  nick-named  '  The  Cow-killer :'  During  the  revolutionary  war,  he  had 
on  some  occasion  exhorted  his  followers  to  behave  with  courage  in  an  engage 
ment  expected  to  take  place,  promising  that  he  would  himself  be  found  in  the 
hottest  of  the  fight.  But  when  the  engagement  came  on,  Red-Jacket  was  missing, 
and  was  found,  during  the  battle,  cutting  up  a  cow,  belonging  to  an  Indian,  which 
he  had  killed.  One  day,  when  dining  at  my  house  with  Captain  Brant,  Corn- 
planter  told  the  story  as  if  the  act  had  been  committed  by  some  other  Indian. 
He  and  Brant  laughed  exceedingly  at  the  anecdote,  and  at  Red-Jacket's  confu 
sion.  The  latter  attempted  to  join  in  the  laugh,  but  was  evidently  very  much 
embarrassed.'' — Letter  to  the  author  from  Thomas  Morris. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  21 

the  western  portion  of  the  State  of  New-York,  the 
Mohawk  chief  was  the  leader,  and  the  master-spirit,  of 
the  Indian  forces.  The  battle  of  Newtown,  so  disastrous 
to  the  Indians,  the  tories,  and  other  more  regular  troops 
in  the  British  service,  left  Captain  Brant  no  choice  but 
either  to  abandon  the  whole  country  at  once,  or  adopt  the 
Fabian  system,  and  harass  the  American  army  by  coun 
ter-marches  and  ambuscades.  But  the  Mohawk  was  not 
a  man  to  fly  while  a  blow  could  be  struck,  and  the  latter 
alternative  was  adopted  ;  with,  at  times,  no  inconsidera 
ble  degree  of  success.  Yet,  on  the  whole,  the  campaign 
of  Sullivan  resulted  in  the  sad  discomfiture  of  the  In 
dians  ;  and  it  was  in  after  life  urged  by  Brant,  that  the 
conduct  of  Red-Jacket  had  not  only  caused  him  much 
trouble  and  embarrassment  during  that  invasion,  but  had 
been  the  principal  cause  of  the  disasters  of  his  people. 
Sa-go-ye-wat-ha  was  then  twenty-nine  years  old,  and 
although  it  does  not  appear  that  he  had  yet  been  created 
a  chief,  he  nevertheless  seems  to  have  been  already  a 
man  of  influence.  He  was  in  the  practice  of  holding 
private  consultations  with  the  young  warriors,  and  some 
of  the  younger  and  less  resolute  chiefs,  for  the  purpose  of 
fomenting  discontents,  and  persuading  them  to  sue  for 
what  Brant  considered  ignominious  terms  of  peace.  On 
one  occasion,  as  Brant  has  alleged,  Red-Jacket  had  so 
far  succeeded  in  his  treachery  as  to  induce  some  of 
the  disaffected  chiefs  to  send  a  runner  into  Sullivan's 
camp,  to  make  known  the  dissensions  he  himself  had 
awakened,  and  invite  a  flag  of  truce,  with  propositions 
of  peace  to  the  Indians.  But  the  eagle  eye  of  the  Mo- 


22  LIFE  AND  TIMES. 

hawk  penetrated  the  conspiracy.  Still  his  own  position 
was  too  precarious  to  allow  the  exercise  of  force  in 
crushing  it.  Watching  every  movement,  therefore,  he 
despatched  two  confidential  warriors  to  intercept  the 
American  flag,  possess  themselves  of  the  bearer's  des 
patches,  and  put  him  to  death.  This  bloody  but  neces 
sary  commission  was  executed  with  true  Indian  adroit 
ness,  and  the  purposes  of  Red-Jacket  were  for  that 
time  frustrated.* 

The  charge  of  positive  cowardice,  during  the  same 
campaign,  rests  upon  the  testimony  of  another — the 
brave  and  war-like  Cornplanter,  a  chief  of  the  same 
nation.  It  had  been  the  intention  of  this  chief  to  make 
a  stand  against  a  detachment  of  General  Sullivan's 
forces,  on  the  beach  of  the  Canandaigua  lake — the  In 
dian  village  at  that  place  having  been  a  very  considera 
ble  town.  But  "on  the  approach  of  the  Americans,  a 
small  number  of  the  Indians,  among  whom  was  Red- 
Jacket,  began  to  retreat.  Cornplanter  exerted  himself 
to  rally  them.  He  sprang  in  front  of  Red-Jacket  and 
endeavored  to  persuade  him  to  fight — but  in  vain. 
Whereupon  the  indignant  chief,  turning  to  the  young 
wife  of  the  recreant  warrior,  exclaimed — "  Leave  that 
man — he  is  a  coward  !"t 

The  name  of  Red-Jacket  occurs  not  again  in  history, 
written  or  unwritten,  until  in  connexion  with  the  great 
Indian  Treaty  held  at  Fort  Stanwix,  in  the  year  1784. 
It  redounds  little  to  the  credit  of  the  British  ministry  of 
1782-83,  that  in  the  treaty  of  peace  with  the  United 

*  Life  of  Brant,  vol.  ii.  p.  35.  t  Rev.  Dr.  John  Breckenridge. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  23 

States,  by  which  the  independence  of  the  latter  was  con 
ceded  to  the  fullest  extent,  no  stipulation  was  inserted 
in  behalf  of  the  red  allies  of  the  crown.  Four  of  the 
Six  Nations,  viz.,  the  Mohawks,  Onondagas,  Cayugas, 
and  Senecas,  had  adhered  to  the  royal  cause  with  the 
utmost  constancy  and  with  perfect  fidelity.  They  had 
all  poured  out  their  blood  like  water ;  their  country  had 
been  ravaged  by  fire  and  sword,  and  the  Mohawks  had 
been  entirely  driven  from  their  own  peculiar  and  beau 
tiful  region ;  and  yet  not  the  slightest  provision  was  in 
terposed  in  their  behalf  by  those  whom  they  had  served 
so  bravely  and  so  long. 

But  although  the  hatchet  was  not  formally  buried,  its 
use  was  suspended  by  the  treaty  of  1783,  and  no  farther 
acts  of  hostility  were  perpetrated  by  the  Six  Nations. 
Still,  smarting  as  were  the  borderers  of  New- York  from 
the  cruelties  of  the  Indians,  the  legislature  of  that  State 
began  to  agitate  the  question  of  an  entire  expulsion  of  tire 
race  from  beyond  its  remotest  western  confines,  and 
the  confiscation  of  their  lands.  The  humane  feelings 
of  General  Washington  revolted  against  so  harsh  a  mea 
sure,  as  also  did  those  of  General  Schuyler.  The  best 
relations  had  ever  subsisted  between  the  Dutch  and  the 
Six  Nations,  and  likewise,  for  the  most  part,  between  the 
latter  and  the  English  colonists ;  and  it  was  held  by 
Washington  and  Schuyler,  and  others  whose  opinions 
were  entitled  to  consideration,  that  the  Indians  who  had 
been  deluded  into  the  service  of  the  crown  during  the 
late  struggle  should  be  conciliated,  if  not  won  back  to 
the  interests  of  the  United  States,  by  humane  and  liberal 


24  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

treatment.  In  the  opinion  of  Washington,  their  expul 
sion  by  force  would  inevitably  involve  the  young  repub 
lic  in  another  general  Indian  war  ; — whereas,  were  they 
treated  with  that  degree  of  kindness  and  benevolence 
which  the  United  States  could  then  so  well  afford  to  ex 
tend  to  them,  and  which  would  be  so  creditable  to  the 
character  of  the  confederation,  their  country  might  from 
time  to  time  be  obtained  by  negotiation  as  fast  as  it  would 
be  wanted  for  settlement  by  the  whites,  and  at  much  less 
cost  than  it  could  be  acquired  for  by  conquest.  Hap 
pily  these  principles  prevailed,  and  a  grand  council  was 
held  by  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Fort  Stanwix,  in 
the  autumn  of  1784,  which  was  attended  by  Oliver  Wol- 
cott,  Richard  Butler,  and  Arthur  Lee,  on  the  part  of  the 
United  States,  and  at  which  a  treaty  of  peace  was  nego 
tiated.  The  journals  of  this  council  have  been  lost,  and 
nothing  remains  but  the  naked  treaty,  by  the  provisions 
of  which  the  Six  Nations  were  received  under  the  pro 
tection  of  the  United  States,  and  secured  in  the  posses 
sion  of  all  the  tracts  of  country  within  the  boundaries  of 
New-York,  of  which  they  were  then  the  occupants. 

This  treaty  was  not  signed  by  the  chiefs  in  attendance 
upon  the  council,  as  is  the  usual  practice,  but  by  the 
names  and  arms  of  the  nations  represented,  comprising 
the  whole  six  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy.  There  is, 
therefore,  no  catalogue  extant  of  the  sachems  and  chiefs 
present  at  the  council ;  but  from  other  and  subsequent 
passages  of  Indian  history,  it  has  been  rendered  certain 
that  among  the  more  prominent  of  the  Indian  leaders 
on  that  occasion, — the  most  influential  and  the  most  elo- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  25 

quent — were  the  Cornplanter  and  Red-Jacket.  At 
what  time  the  latter  had  been  elevated  to  the  dignity  of 
chieftainship  is  not  known.  The  means  employed  to  ob 
tain  the  rank  are  less  uncertain.  His  conduct  upon  the 
war-path  could  not,  by  possibility,  have  purchased  for 
him  the  favor  of  his  people,  for  that  conduct  had  been 
most  emphatically  stamped  both  with  treachery  and 
cowardice — the  latter  imperfection  being  ever  an  un 
pardonable  offence  among  warriors  of  all  nations,  with 
whatever  leniency  the  former  may  perhaps  be  looked 
upon  by  Indians.  But  the  Six  Nations,  above  all  others 
of  the  American  aboriginals,  were  lovers  of  eloquence, 
and  cultivators  of  the  art.*  Red- Jacket's  intellectual 
powers  were  of  a  high  order,  and  he  was  an  orator  by 
nature.f  He  was,  moreover,  as  artful  and  ambitious  as 
he  was  eloquent.  Aspiring  to  the  rank  of  a  chief,  he  not 
only  wrought  upon  the  minds  of  his  people  by  the  exertion 
of  that  faculty  which  was  ever  with  them  a  high  standard 
of  merit,  but  he  succeeded  in  availing  himself  of  the 
superstitious  constitution  of  his  race,  to  effect  his  purpose. 
"  His  first  essay  was  to  dream  that  he  was,  or  should 
be,  a  chief,  and  that  the  Great  Spirit  was  angry  that  his 

*  "  The  most  remarkable  difference  existed  between  the  Confederates  [Six 
Nations,]  and  the  other  Indians,  with  respect  to  eloquence.  You  may  search  in 
vain  in  the  records  and  writings  of  the  past,  or  in  the  events  of  the  present  times, 
for  a  single  model  of  eloquence  among  the  Algonquins,  the  Delawares,  the 
Shawanese,  or  any  other  nation  of  Indians,  except  the  Iroquois.  The  few  scintil 
lations  of  intellectual  light,  the  faint  glimmerings  of  genius  which  are  sometimes 
to  be  found  in  their  speeches,  are  evidently  derivative,  and  borrowed  from  the 
Confederates." — De  Witt  Clinton. 

t  General  Erastus  Root  once  remarked  to  the  author,  that  he  considered  John 
Randolph  and  Red-Jacket  the  two  most  perfect  orators  whom  he  had  ever  heard. 

4 


26  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

nation  had  not  advanced  him  to  that  dignity.  This 
dream,  with  the  necessary  variations,  was  repeated, 
until,  fortunately  for  him,  the  small-pox  broke  out  among 
the  Senecas.  He  then  proclaimed  the  loathsome  in 
fliction  a  judgment  sent  by  the  Great  Spirit,  to  punish 
them  for  their  ingratitude  to  him.  The  consequence, 
ultimately,  was,  that  by  administering  flattery  to  some, 
working  upon  the  superstitious  fears  of  others,  and  by 
awakening  the  admiration  of  all  by  his  eloquence,  he 
reached  the  goal  of  his  ambition."*  Hence  his  appear 
ance  in  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix,  in  company  with  the 
same  brave  chief  by  whom  he  had  been  so  bitterly  re 
proached  for  his  cowardice,  on  the  margin  of  Canandaigua 
Lake,  five  years  before. 

Nor  is  it  the  least  singular  circumstance  in  this  portion 
of  his  history,  that  he  was  the  sturdy  opponent  of  Corn- 
planter  in  the  debates  of  the  council,  and  although  so 
utterly  unfitted,  by  the  absence  of  physical  courage,  for 
war  himself,  he  was  nevertheless  opposed  to  peace — at 
least  on  the  basis  upon  which  it  was  granted.  It  appears 
from  the  proceedings  of  a  great  Indian  council  held  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Detroit  river,  in  1786,  two  years  after 
the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  that  the  council  at  the 
latter  place, — the  chiefs  especially,  who,  with  their 
nations,  had  been  engaged  on  the  side  of  Great  Britain, 
in  the  struggle  then  recent — were,  for  the  most  part, 
opposed  to  the  conclusion  of  any  treaty  which  did 
not  include  the  Hurons,  Ottawas,  Shawanese,  Chippe- 
was,  Delawares,  Pottawattamies,  and  the  Wabash  con 
federates,  as  well  as  the  Six  Nations,  and  cover  the 

*  Life  of  Brant. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  97 

entire  question  of  boundaries  for  the  whole.*  They  de 
sired  that  these  several  nations  might  be  invited  to  join 
the  council,  that  the  pacification  might  include  all  who 
had  borne  a  part  hostile  to  the  United  States  in  the  war. 
Red-Jacket  was  strenuous  upon  this  point ;  contending, 
with  great  vehemence,  that,  unless  it  were  conceded, — 
no  matter  for  the  withdrawal  of  Great  Britain  from  the 
contest, — the  Indians  ought  to  make  common  cause, 
and  prosecute  the  war  on  their  own  account.  His  speech 
was  characterized,  by  those  who  heard  it,  as  a  master 
piece  of  oratory,  and  it  has  been  declared  that  every 
warrior  present  was  carried  away  by  his  eloquence.t 
But  the  commissioners  would  listen  to  no  such  propo 
sition  ;  and  the  Cornplanter,  who  was  an  old  and  wise 
man,  though  less  eloquent  than  his  junior  associate,  ulti 
mately  succeeded  in  giving  a  favorable  turn  to  the  nego- 
ciation.  Cornplanter  was  a  warrior  of  unquestionable 
bravery.  His  trail  had  been  bloody ;  and  he  therefore, 
at  that  time,  stood  high  in  the  confidence  of  his  people, 
and  of  course  exerted  a  corresponding  influence.  He 
saw  how  utterly  hopeless  must  be -a  contest  between  the 
Indians,  single-handed,  and  the  United  States,  and  he 
ultimately  succeeded  in  effecting  a  pacification — sur 
rendering,  by  necessity,  a  large  portion  of  the  Indian 
territory  within  the  State  of  New- York,  but  yet  retaining 
ample  ranges  of  the  forest  for  his  own  people.  But 

*  Life  of  Brant.  t- 

t  General  Lafayette,  who  was  present  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix.  Vide 
Levasseur's  account  of  the  General's  interview  with  Red-Jacket,  at  Buffalo,  in 
1825. 


28  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

although  the  result  of  the  negotiation  was  more  favorable 
to  the  Six  Nations  than  they  had  any  just  right  to  expect, 
it  nevertheless  gave  great  dissatisfaction  to  the  Indians 
generally ;  and  several  years  elapsed  before  the  Senecas 
became  reconciled  to  it. 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  the  commissioners 
engaged  Cornplanter  to  make  special  endeavors  to  pacify 
his  people,  the  Senecas  and  others ;  as  a  compensation 
for  which  exertions  a  special  grant  of  land  was  made  to 
him  on  the  Alleghany  river,  within  the  State  of  Penn 
sylvania,  on  which  he  resided  until  his  death.  But  his 
people  were  not  easily  reconciled ;  and  they  were  yet 
more  exasperated  at  the  conduct  of  Cornplanter,  when, 
five  years  afterward,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmar,  he 
gave  up  a  still  larger  portion  of  their  territory.  He  was 
bitterly  reproached  for  this  transaction ;  but,  as  in  the 
treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  his  motives  were  beyond  im 
peachment.  His  life  was  even  threatened,* — a  circum 
stance  to  which  he  referred  in  the  pathetic  speech  de 
livered  by  him  to  "the  Great  Counsellor  of  the  Thirteen 
Fires,"t  at  Philadelphia,  in  1790  : — 

"  Father,  we  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  the  Great  God, 
and  not  man,  has  preserved  the  Cornplanter  from  the  hands 
of  his  own  people." 

The  speech  here  cited  is  a  long  and  moving  appeal  to 
the  Thirteen  Fires,  to  reconsider  their  treaties  and  other 
proceedings  with  the  Indians,  and  especially  for  a  redress 

*  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians.  t  Washington. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  39 

of  alleged  grievances,  connected  with  the  purchase  of  a 
large  portion  of  their  lands  in  Western  New-York,  by 
Oliver  Phelps  and  Nathaniel  Gorham.  In  regard  to  the 
treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  the  history  of  which  is  eloquently 
reviewed  in  the  speech,  the  Cornplanter  declares  that 
its  concessions  were  yielded  only  to  force. 

"  You  then  told  us  that  we  were  in  your  hand,  and  that  by 
closing  it  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing,  and  you  demanded 
from  us  a  great  country  as  the  price  of  that  peace  you  had 
offered  us — as  if  our  want  of  strength  had  destroyed  our  rights. 
Our  chiefs  had  felt  your  power,  and  were  unable  to  contend 
against  you,  and  they  therefore  gave  up  that  country."  "  There 
were  but  few  chiefs  present,  and  they  were  compelled  to  give 
it  up  ;  and  it  is  not  the  Six  Nations  only  that  reproach  us  for 
having  given  up  that  country.  The  Chippewas,  and  all  the 
nations  which  lived  on  those  lands  westward,  call  to  us,  and 
ask  us — '  Brothers  of  our  fathers  !  Where  is  the  place  which 
you  have  reserved  for  us  to  lie  down  upon  V  What  they 
agreed  to  has  bound  our  nation ;  but  your  anger  against  us 
must,  by  this  time,  be  cooled,  and  though  our  strength  has  not 
increased,  nor  your  power  become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider 
calmly,  were  the  terms  dictated  to  us  by  your  commissioners 
reasonable  and  just?"* 

It  is  evident  from  the  whole  strain  of  this  remarkable 
speech,  that  Cornplanter  was  harassed  by  the  murmurs 
of  his  own  people,  and  himself  grieved  at  their  condition. 
And  it  will  be  seen  in  the  sequel,  that  the  crafty  Sa- 
go-ye-wat-ha  afterward  availed  himself  of  the  position 
he  had  himself  occupied  at  Fort  Stanwix,  to  advance  his 

*  Public  Documents — Indian  Affairs,  vol.  i.  pp.  206,  207. 


30  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

own  ambitious  views  at  the  expense  of  his  more  ingenuous 
superior.*  Still,  it  must  in  justice  be  conceded  to  the 
orator,  that  the  treaty  of  peace  having  been  concluded, 
he  ever  after  maintained  it  with  the  most  unwavering 
fidelity. 

The  names  of  Oliver  Phelps  and  Nathaniel  Gorham 
have  been  incidentally  mentioned  a  few  sentences  back, 
in  connection  with  the  griefs  which  Cornplanter  was 
pouring  into  the  ears  of  his  "  Great  Father,"  the  "  Coun 
sellor  of  the  Thirteen  Fires ;"  and  the  name  of  Red- 
Jacket  appearing  in  the  same  connexion,  a  few  words  of 
explanation  seem  to  be  required.  It  is  well  known  that 
in  consequence  of  the  loose  and  indefinite  manner  in 
which  patents  had  been  granted  by  the  crown,  in  the 
earlier  history  of  the  colonies,  to  vast  tracts  and  regions 
of  lands  unknown,  several  difficult  questions  of  land 
titles  and  jurisdiction  arose  between  New-York,  Con 
necticut,  Massachusetts,  and  Pennsylvania.  In  the  ad 
justment  of  these  difficulties,  Connecticut  became  dis 
possessed  of  a  tract  in  the  Susquehanna  country,  called 
"  The  Gore,"  and,  on  the  other  hand,  received  that  portion 
of  the  State  of  Ohio,  commonly  known  as  "  New-Con 
necticut,"  or  "  The  Western  Reserve."  Pennsylvania 
obtained  a  tract  of  land  lying  immediately  beyond  the 
western  boundary  of  New- York,  and  northeast  of  her 
own,  embracing  the  harbor  of  Presque  Isle,  upon  Lake 
Erie,  familiarly  known  as  "  The  Triangle."  This  was 
an  important  acquisition  to  Pennsylvania,  affording  the 

*  Life  of  Brant,  vol.  ii.  p.  245. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  3^ 

only  passage,  upon  her  own  territory,  to  Lake  Erie.  The 
difficulties  between  New- York  and  Massachusetts  were 
more  serious,  and  of  more  difficult  adjustment,  by  reason 
of  the  claim  of  the  latter  to  a  very  large  portion  of  West 
ern  New-York.  But  an  amicable  arrangement  was  effected 
toward  the  close  of  1786,  by  mutual  concessions.  Massa 
chusetts  relinquished  the  jurisdiction  which  she  had  at 
tempted  to  claim,  and  New- York  relinquished  to  Massa 
chusetts  the  pre-emptive  right,  (or  the  right  of  purchasing 
the  soil  from  the  Indians,)  to  a  tract  of  land  embracing 
six  millions  of  acres,  comprehending  what  is  generally 
known  as  "  the  Genesee  country,"  and  the  territory  be 
yond  to  Lake  Erie  and  the  Pennsylvania  border.  New- 
York  thus  retained  her  sovereignty,  but  lost  the  fee  of 
one  of  the  finest  regions  of  country  in  the  New  World. 

Pending  the  adjustment  of  these  difficulties,  and  em 
boldened,  probably,  by  the  success  which  crowned  the 
efforts  of  the  Green  Mountaineers  in  robbing  New- York 
of  the  territory  composing  the  state  of  Vermont,  a  daring 
company  of  speculators,  residing  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson,  had  attempted  to  grasp  the  entire  country  re 
maining  to  the  Six  Nations  after  the  treaty  of  1784,  with 
a  view,  as  it  was  believed,  of  ultimately  dismembering 
New-York,  and  creating  a  separate  state  from  its  western 
territory.*  The  laws  of  New- York,  even  at  that  early 
day,  prohibited  the  purchase  of  any  Indian  lands  what- 

*  The  gentlemen  concerned  in  this  vast  project  were,  John  Livingston,  Caleb 
Benton,  Peter  Ryckman,  John  Stephenson,  Ezekiel  Gilbert,  and  their  associates, 
of  the  county  of  Columbia,  and  state  of  New- York. 


32  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ever,  by  individuals,  or  by  companies,  within  the  state. 
But  Colonel  Livingston  and  his  associates  attempted  to 
escape  the  legal  difficulties  by  an  evasion.  Instead  of 
making  a  purchase,  they  negotiated  with  the  chiefs  of  the 
Six  Nations,  in  the  autumn  of  1787,  for  a  lease  of  their 
entire  territory  within  the  state  of  New-York,  exclusive 
of  certain  reservations,  for  and  during  the  period  of  nine 
hundred  and  ninety-nine  years,  at  the  nominal  yearly  rent 
of  two  thousand  Spanish  milled  dollars,  to  be  paid  annu 
ally  on  the  4th  day  of  July.  A  lease  of  such  extended 
duration  was  equivalent  to  a  purchase  of  the  fee  of  the 
land,  and  was  so  considered  by  the  lessees,  whose 
object,  as  it  was  understood,  was  to  throw  a  large  popu 
lation  as  rapidly  as  possible  into  that  territory,  to  form 
the  nucleus  of  another  independent  state.  But  the 
government  of  the  state,  and  the  people,  took  the  alarm. 
Remonstrances  were  poured  in  upon  the  legislature  from 
Hudson,  Poughkeepsie,  and  other  towns,  expressing  the 
surprise  and  anxiety  with  which  the  remonstrants  had 
observed  the  movements  of  the  association,  and  pro 
testing  against  the  application  making  by  the  latter  to 
obtain  the  sanction  of  their  claim  by  the  government. 
George  Clinton,  then  governor  of  the  state,  was  strongly 
opposed  to  the  transaction,  and  called  the  attention  of 
the  legislature  specially  to  the  subject.  Finally  the 
hopes  of  the  company  were  extinguished  by  the  law  of 
March,  1788,  proposed  by  Egbert  Benson,  then  in  the 
Senate,  declaring  the  pre-emptive  right  to  the  lands  to 
be  vested  in  the  state,  and  authorizing  the  strongest 


OF  RED-JACKET.  33 

measures  of  force  to  be  used  by  the  Executive,  in  the 
removal  of  all  intruders  from  the  lands.* 

Before  proceeding  farther  with  these  explanations, 
not  as  foreign  to  the  purposes  of  this  biography  as  they 
may  seem  at  the  present  stage  of  the  narrative,  it  must 
be  noted,  and  the  fact  should  be  remembered,  that  Red- 
Jacket  was  a  party  to  the  transaction  with  Colonel 
Livingston  and  his  associates,  as  also  was  the  Corn- 
planter.  The  importance  of  keeping  the  name  of  Red- 
Jacket  in  close  connexion  with  this  subject  will  pre 
sently  appear. 

Meantime,  another  feature  in  the  great  land  operations 
now  under  consideration  must  be  unfolded.  It  has 
just  been  seen  that,  in  the  year  1786,  Massachusetts 
acquired  from  the  state  of  New- York  the  pre-emptive 
right  to  a  large  tract  of  the  Indian  lands,  comprehended 
in  the  Seneca  country  proper.  This  pre-emptive  title 
to  all  the  lands  claimed  by,  or  accorded  to,  Massachu 
setts,  lying  east  of  the  Gene  see  river,  was  sold  by  the 
legislature  of  that  state,  in  the  following  year,  to  Oliver 
Phelps  and  Nathaniel  Gorham,  for  the  sum  of  one  million 
of  dollars,  payable  in  three  annual  instalments.  In  the 
next  subsequent  year, — that  is,  in  the  summer  of  1788, — 
Mr.  Phelps  led  an  expedition  of  colonists  into  the  newly 
purchased  territory,  and  causing  a  council  of  the  Six 

*  In  order  that  not  even  the  color  of  injustice  toward  the  lessees  might  re 
main,  the  legislature,  five  years  afterward,  made  a  grant  to  them  of  a  district 
of  country,  ten  miles  square,  in  the  northern  part  of  the  state,  and  subsequently 
they  received  grants  of  several  large  tracts  in  the  Genesee  country,  from  Phelps 
and  Gorham. 

5 


34  LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

Nations  to  be  convened  at  Buffalo  Creek,  in  the  month 
of  July,  succeeded  in  purchasing  the  fee  of  the  soil,  for 
the  small  sum  of  five  thousand  dollars  in  hand  paid, — 
one  half  in  cash,  and  the  other  in  goods, — subject  to 
an  annual  rent  of  five  hundred  dollars  forever.  The 
deed  to  Phelps  and  Gorham  was  dated  on  the  8th  of 
July,  1788,  and  bears  the  signature  of  Sha-go-yagh- 
wat-ha,*  or  Red-Jacket.  Joseph  Brant  was  also  a  party 
to  the  deed. 

As  the  lease  of  their  whole  territory,  executed  the 
preceding  year  by  the  Indians  to.  Colonel  Livingston 
and  his  associates,  had  not  yet  been  declared  invalid  by 
the  government  of  the  state,  the  sale  to  Phelps  and 
Gorham  rendered  a  farther  arrangement  with  the  former 
parties  necessary.  Accordingly,  in  the  course  of  the 
same  season,  a  second  instrument  was  executed  to 
Colonel  Livingston  and  his  company,  setting  forth  the 
sale  to  Phelps  and  Gorham,  and  for  that  reason  re 
linquishing  to  the  former  one  half  of  the  annual  rent  of 
two  thousand  dollars  per  annum,  for  the  period  of  nine 
hundred  and  ninety-nine  years.  And  here,  again,  it  is 
necessary  to  note  the  fact  that  Red-Jacket  was  a  party 
to  this  third  document,  connected  with  other  papers  and 
transactions,  equivalent  to  an  entire  sale  of  the  territory 
of  his  people  within  the  state  of  New- York. 


*  Thus  spelt  by  the  person  who  wrote  the  name  to  which  Red-Jacket  placed 
his  mark. 


CHAPTER  III. 

INDIAN  relations  of  the  United  States  in  1790 — Bad  feeling  of  the  Senecas — 
Council  at  Tioga  Point — Red-Jacket — Colonel  Pickering — Hendrick — Red- 
Jacket  revives  the  land  controversy — His  speech — Extraordinary  Indian  cere 
mony — Visit  of  Cornplanter  and  Big  Tree  to  Philadelphia — Appeal  to  General 
Washington — Duplicity  of  Cornplanter — The  probable  motive — Kindness  of 
Washington  to  the  deputation — Mission  of  Colonel  Proctor — Council  at  Buffalo 
Creek — Salutatory  speech  of  Red-Jacket — British  interference — Attempt  to 
remove  the  council  to  Niagara — Resisted  by  Proctor—  Farther  difficulties— In 
termeddling  of  the  British  officers — Council  broken  up — Interposition  of  the 
women,  and  proceedings  resumed — Red-Jacket's  speech  for  the  women — 
Proctor's  mission  abruptly  terminated  by  Colonel  Gordon — Colonel  Pickering 
holds  a  council  at  Painted  Post — Influence  of  the  Indian  women — Favorable 
result  of  that  council — Propositions  for  aiding  the  Indians  in  the  arts  and  man 
ners  of  civilization. 

IN  the  year  1790  the  Indian  relations  of  the  United 
States  were  in  a  most  unhappy,  if  not  unfavorable,  con 
dition.  A  savage  war,  fierce  and  bloody,  was  raging 
upon  the  frontier  settlements  of  Pennsylvania  and  Vir 
ginia  ;  and  the  strong  confederated  Indian  nations  in 
habiting  the  country  of  the  great  lakes,  even  to  the 
regions  beyond  the  Mississippi,  acting  under  the  advice 
of  the  officers  of  the  British  Indian  Department,  and 
encouraged  in  various  ways  by  the  government  of 
Canada,  were  gathering  to  the  contest  with  a  determi 
nation  that  the  Ohio  river  should  form  the  ultimate 
boundary  between  the  United  States  and  the  Indian 
country.  All  the  sympathies  of  the  Senecas,  who  had 


36  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

never  been  quite  satisfied  with  the  provisions  of  the 
treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  were  with  their  brethren  of  the 
west,  as  also  were  not  a  few  of  their  warriors  ;  although 
Cornplanter,  their  principal  chief,  remained  unshaken 
in  his  friendship  for  the  United  States.  Still,  the  popular 
feeling  among  his  nation  was  rather  hostile  ;  threatening, 
in  fact,  open  and  general  hostilities.  Unluckily,  just 
at  this  inauspicious  conjuncture,  the  Senecas  found  fresh 
cause  of  exasperation  in  the  murder  of  two  of  their 
people  by  some  of  the  white  border-men  of  Pennsyl 
vania.  The  effect  of  this  outrage  had  well  nigh  pro 
voked  an  immediate  outbreak,  but  the  government  of 
the  United  States  lost  not  a  moment  in  disavowing  the 
act,  and  in  the  adoption  of  measures  to  bring  the  mur 
derers  to  punishment,  by  the  offer  of  a  large  reward  for 
their  apprehension.  A  conference  with  the  Six  Nations 
was  also  invited  at  Tioga  Point,  at  which  Colonel  Timo 
thy  Pickering,  who  then  resided  at  Wyoming,  was  com 
missioned  to  attend  on  the  part  of  the  United  States. 
The  council-fire  was  kindled  on  the  16th  of  November, 
and  was  kept  burning  until  the  23d.  Among  the  nations 
present,  either  collectively  or  by  representation,  were 
the  Senecas,  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  Cayugas,  a  small 
party  of  Chippewas,  and  also  several  of  the  Stockbridge 
Indians,  among  whom  was  their  veteran  captain,  and  the 
faithful  friend  of  the  United  States,  Hendrick  Apamaut. 
The  Indians  were  in  a  high  state  of  excitement  on  their 
arrival,  in  regard  to  the  outrage  for  the  consideration  of 
which  they  had  been  convoked,  and  which  was  deeply 
felt.  The  chiefs  who  took  the  most  active  part  in  the 


OF  RED-JACKET,  37 

proceedings  of  this  council  were  Red-Jacket,  Farmer's- 
Brother,  Little  Billy,  Hendrick,  and  Fish-Carrier,  a 
very  old  and  distinguished  warrior  of  the  Cayugas. 
Old  Hendrick  made  a  very  eloquent  and  pathetic  ad 
dress  to  the  commissioner,  in  the  shape  of  an  appeal  in 
behalf  of  his  people,  reminding  him  of  their  strong  and 
uniform  attachment  to  the  United  States  during  the  war 
of  the  revolution,  of  the  hardships  they  underwent,  and 
the  losses  they  had  sustained  during  that  war,  and  com 
plaining  bitterly  of  the  neglect  with  which  they  had  been 
treated  since  the  peace,  in  consequence,  as  he  sup 
posed,  of  the  small  number  to  which  they  had  been  re 
duced.  In  referring  to  their  services  in  the  field,  he  used 
these  expressions  : — 

"  We  fought  by  your  side, — our  blood  was  mingled  with 
yours, — and  the  bones  of  our  warriors  still  remain  on  the  field 
of  battle,  as  so  many  monuments  of  our  attachment  to  the 
United  States."* 

Cornplanter  was  not  present  at  this  council,  and  the 
principal  speaker  was  Red-Jacket,  whose  efforts  pro 
duced  a  deep  effect  upon  his  people.  Still,  by  a  wise 
and  well-adapted  speech,  Colonel  Pickering  succeeded 
in  allaying  the  excitement  of  the  Indians, — dried  their 
tears,  and  wiped  out  the  blood  that  had  been  shed. 

But  no  sooner  had  that  important  business  been  dis 
posed  of  than  Red-Jacket  introduced  the  subject  of 
their  lands,  and  the  purchase  of  Phelps  and  Gorham. 

*  The  Stockbridge  Indians  suffered  very  severely  in  the  battle  of  White  Plains. 


38  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

In  a  set  speech  to  Colonel  Pickering  he  inveighed 
against  the  procedure,  (although,  as  has  been  seen,  he 
had  himself  been  a  party  to  it,)  and  declared  that  the 
Indians  had  been  defrauded.  It  was  not,  he  said,  a  sale 
which  they  had  contemplated,  or  which  they  had 
stipulated  to  make  to  those  gentlemen,  but  only  a  lease  ; 
and  the  consideration,  he  declared,  was  to  have  been 
ten  thousand  dollars,  together  with  an  annual  rent  of  one 
thousand  dollars,  instead  of  five  thousand  dollars  and  a 
rent  of  five  hundred,  which  only  had  been  paid  to  them. 
He  declared  that  after  the  bargain  was  concluded  in 
council  at  Buffalo  Creek,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Kirkland,*  Colo- 
nelJohn  Buder,t  and  Captain  Brant,  were  designated  by 
the  Indians  to  draw  up  the  papers.  The  Indians  sup 
posed  all  to  have  been  done  correctly  until  the  year 
following,  when  they  went  to  Canandaigua  to  receive 
their  pay.  Expecting  to  receive  ten  thousand  dollars, 
they  were  told  that  five  thousand  only  was  their  due. 

"  When  we  took  the  money  and  shared  it,  we  had  hut  about 
a  dollar  a  piece."  "  Mr.  Street  !"J  said  the  chief,  "  you  very 
well  know  that  all  that  our  lands  came  to  was  but  the  price  of 
a  few  hogsheads  of  tobacco."  "  Gentlemen  who  stand  by," 
(addressing  the  gentlemen  in  attendance  with  Colonel  Pick 
ering,)  "  do  not  think  hard  of  what  has  been  said.  At  the  time 
of  the  treaty,  twenty  brooches  would  not  buy  half  a  loaf  of 


*  The  celebrated  missionary  to  the  Indians. 

t  Of  the  British  Indian  Department — the  invader  of  Wyoming,  then  residing 
at  Niagara. 

t  A  gentleman  then  connected  with  the  Indian  Department,  who  was  present 
at  the  treaty  with  Phelps  and  Gorham,  and  who  was  now  with  Col.  Pickering. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  39 

bread,  so  that,  when  we  returned  home,  there  was  not  a  single 
spot  of  silver  about  us.  Mr.  Phelps  did  not  purchase,  but  he 
leased  the  land.  We  opened  our  ears,  and  understood  that 
the  land  was  leased.  This  happened -to  us  from  our  not  know 
ing  papers." 

The  speech  under  immediate  consideration,  is  the  earli 
est  of  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha's  forensic  efforts  of  which  there 
is  any  written  memorial,  nor  does  it  promise  much  either 
for  the  eloquence,  genius,  or  talent  of  the  orator.  On  the 
contrary,  it  is  remarkable  for  its  tameness,  rather  than 
for  spirit  or  mental  power, — sinking  indeed  below  the 
dead  level  of  mediocrity.  But  aside  from  the  fact  that 
his  theme,  for  the  most  part,  was  not  inspiring, — it  being 
chiefly  a  dry  recapitulation  of  business  transactions, — 
there  is  reason  to  believe  that  great  injustice  was  done 
him  by  the  interpreter.  A  gentleman,  now  venerable  in 
years,  who  was  present  at  the  treaty,*  asserts  that  both 
in  matter  and  manner,  Red-Jacket,  during  the  sittings 
of  the  council,  spoke  with  extraordinary  eloquence  and 
power.  Much  depends  upon  the  interpreter  in  the  pre 
servation  of  Indian  eloquence.  If  he  be  a  dull  and 
prosaic  man,  without  genius  himself,  and  incapable  of 
appreciating  the  glowing  thoughts,  the  burning  words, 
and  the  brilliant  metaphors  of  his  principal,  the  most 
eloquent  and  stirring  passages, — evidently  such  from 
the  impassioned  manner  of  their  delivery,  and  their 
kindling  effect  upon  those  understanding  the  language  to 


*  Thomas  Morris,  Esq.,  who  has  favored  the  author  with  his  written  recollec 
tions  of  that  council. 


40  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

whom  they  are  addressed, — will  fall  from  the  interpre 
ter's  lips  as  insipid  as  it  is  possible  to  render  language 
by  the  process  of  dilution.*  Hence,  from  the  acknow 
ledged  genius  of  Red-Jacket,  and  the  known  powers  of 
his  eloquence  upon  his  auditors,  this  speech  to  Colonel 
Pickering  is  to  be  received  rather  as  a  poor  paraphrase 
by  a  bad  interpreter,  than  as  the  speech  of  the  orator 
himself.  The  following  is  the  best  passage  it  contains. 
After  recapitulating  his  own  statement  of  the  negotiation 
with  Phelps  and  Gorham,  and  asserting  the  anxiety  of 
his  people  to  appeal  to  Congress  for  a  redress  of  their 
grievances  in  this  transaction,  the  orator  proceeded : — 

"  Now,  BROTHERS,  the  THIRTEEN  STATES,  you  must  open 
your  ears.  You  know  what  has  happened  respecting  our  lands. 
You  told  us,  from  this  time  the  chain  of  friendship  should  he 
brightened.  Now,  brothers,  We  have  begun  to  brighten  the 
chain,  and  we  will  follow  the  footsteps  of  our  forefathers.  We 
will  take  those  steps,  that  we  may  sit  easy  and  choose  where 
and  how  large  our  seats  should  be.  The  reason  we  send  this 
message  is,  that  the  President,  who  is  over  all  the  Thirteen 
States,  may  make  our  seats  easy.  We  do  it  that  the  chain  of 
friendship  may  be  brightened  with  the  Thirteen  States,  as  well 
as  with  the  British ;  that  we  may  pass  from  one  to  the  other 

*  "  I  have  heard  an  old  Indian  Sachem  speak  with  much  vivacity  and  elocu 
tion,  so  that  the  speaker  pleased  and  moved  his  audience  with  the  manner  of 
delivering  his  discourse,  which,  however,  as  it  afterwards  came  from  the  interpre 
ter,  disappointed  us  in  our  expectations.  After  the  speaker  had  employed  a  con 
siderable  time  in  haranguing  with  much  elocution,  the  interpreter  often  explained 
the  whole  by  one  single  sentence.  I  believe  the  speaker,  in  that  time,  embellished 
and  advanced  his  figures,  that  they  might  have  their  full  force  on  their  imagina 
tion,  while  the  interpreter  contented  himself  with  the  sense,  in  as  few  words  as 
it  could  be  expressed."— Colden's  Six  Nations. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  41 

unmolested.     We  wish  to  be  under  the  protection  of  the  Thir 
teen  States  as  well  as  of  the  British." 


During  the  progress  of  the  negotiations  with  Colonel 
Pickering  at  this  council,  an  episode  was  enacted,  of 
which  some  account  may  be  excused  in  this  place,  as 
an  illustration  of  Indian  character  and  manners.     It  was 
in  this  year,  (1790,)  that  Robert  Morris,  of  Philadel 
phia, — the  great  financier  of  the  revolution,— purchased 
from  the  state  of  Massachusetts  the  pre-emptive  right 
to  that  portion  of  her  territory  in  Western  New-York, 
that  had  not  been  sold  to  Phelps  and  Gorham,  viz  :  the 
entire  tract  bounded  on  the  north  by  Lake  Ontario,  on 
the  south  by  the  Pennsylvania  line,  on  the  east  by  the 
Genesee  river,  and  on  the  west  by  the  Niagara.     Pre 
paratory  to  the  negotiations  which  Mr.  Morris  well  knew 
he  should  be  obliged  to  hold  with  the  Indians,  and  for 
the  general  management  of  his  concerns  in  that  country, 
his  son  Thomas  had  taken  up  his  residence  at  Canan- 
daigua,  and  was  diligently  cultivating  an  acquaintance 
with  the  Indians.     In  this  he  was  successful,  and  he 
soon  became  popular  among  them.     He  was  in  attend 
ance  with  Colonel  Pickering  at  Tioga  Point,  where  the 
Indians  determined  to  adopt  him  into  the  Seneca  nation, 
and  Red-Jacket  bestowed  upon  him  the  name  he  him 
self  had  borne  previous  to  his  elevation  to  the  dignity  of 
a  Sachem, — Otetiani — "  Always  Ready."     The  occasion 
of  which  they  availed  themselves  to  perform  the  cere 
mony  of  conferring  upon  young  Morris  his  new  name, 
was  a  religious  observance,  when  the  whole  sixteen 

6 


42  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

hundred  Indians  present  at  the  treaty,  united  in  an 
offering  to  the  moon,  then  being  at  her  full.  The 
ceremonies  were  performed  in  the  evening.  It  was  a 
clear  night,  and  the  moon  shone  with  uncommon  bril 
liancy.  The  host  of  Indians,  and  their  neophyte,  were 
all  seated  upon  the  ground  in  an  extended  circle,  on  one 
side  of  which  a  large  fire  was  kept  burning.  The  aged 
Cayuga  chieftain,  Fish-Carrier,  who  was  held  in  exalted 
veneration  for  his  wisdom,  and  who  had  been  greatly 
distinguished  for  his  bravery  from  his  youth  up,  officia 
ted  as  the  high  priest  of  the  occasion, — making  a  long 
speech  to  the  luminary,  occasionally  throwing  tobacco 
into  the  fire  as  incense.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  ad 
dress,  the  whole  assembly  prostrated  themselves  upon 
the  bosom  of  their  parent  earth,  and  a  grunting  sound  of 
approbation  was  uttered  from  mouth  to  mouth  around 
the  entire  circle.  At  a  short  distance  from  the  fire  a 
post  had  been  planted  in  the  earth  ;  intended  to  repre 
sent  the  stake  of  torture  to  which  captives  are  bound  for 
execution.  After  the  ceremonies  in  favor  of  Madame 
Luna  had  been  ended,  they  commenced  a  war-dance 
around  the  post,  and  the  spectacle  must  have  been  as  pic 
turesque  as  it  was  animating  and  wild.  The  young  braves 
engaged  in  the  dance  were  naked  excepting  the  breech- 
clout  about  their  loins.  They  were  painted  frightfully, 
their  backs  being  chalked  white,  with  irregular  streaks  of 
red,  denoting  the  streaming  of  blood.  Frequently  would 
they  cease  from  dancing  while  one  of  their  number  ran 
to  the  fire,  snatching  thence  a  blazing  stick,  placed  there 
for  that  purpose,  which  he  would  thrust  at  the  post,  as 


OF  RED-JACKET.  43 

though  inflicting  torture  upon  a  prisoner.  In  the  course 
of  the  dance  they  sang  their  songs,  and  made  the  forests 
ring  with  their  wild  screams  and  shouts,  as  they  boasted 
of  their  deeds  of  war  and  told  the  number  of  scalps 
they  had  respectively  taken,  or  which  had  been  taken  by 
their  nation.  During  the  dance  those  engaged  in  it,  as 
did  others  also,  partook  freely  of  unmixed  rum,  and  by 
consequence  of  the  natural  excitement  of  the  occasion, 
and  the  artificial  excitement  of  the  liquor,  the  festival 
had  well  nigh  turned  out  a  tragedy.  It  happened  that 
among  the  dancers  was  an  Oneida  warrior,  who,  in 
striking  the  post,  boasted  of  the  number  of  scalps  taken 
by  his  nation  during  the  war  of  the  revolution.  Now 
the  Oneidas,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  sustained  the 
cause  of  the  colonies  in  that  contest,  while  the  rest  of 
the  Iroquois  confederacy  had  espoused  that  of  the 
crown.  The  boasting  of  the  Oneida  warrior,  therefore, 
was  like  striking  a  spark  into  a  keg  of  gunpowder. 
The  ire  of  the  Senecas  was  kindled  in  an  instant,  and 
they  in  turn  boasted  of  the  number  of  scalps  taken  by 
them  from  the  Oneidas  in  that  contest.  They  moreover 
taunted  the  Oneidas  as  cowards.  Quick  as  lightning 
the  hands  of  the  latter  were  upon  their  weapons,  and  in 
turn  the  knives  and  tomahawks  of  the  Senecas  began  to 
glitter  in  the  moon-beams,  as  they  were  hastily  drawn 
forth.  For  an  instant  it  was  a  scene  of  anxious  and 
almost  breathless  suspense,  a  death  struggle  seeming 
inevitable,  when  the  storm  was  hushed  by  the  interposi 
tion  of  old  Fish-Carrier,  who  rushed  forward,  and  strik 
ing  the  post  with  violence,  exclaimed  : — 


44  L*FE  AND  TIMES 

"  You  are  all  of  you  a  parcel  of  boys  :  When  you  have  at 
tained  my  age,  and  performed  the  warlike  deeds  that  I  have 
performed,  you  may  boast  what  you  have  done  :  not  till 
then !" 

Saying  which  he  threw  down  the  post,  put  an  end 
to  the  dance,  and  caused  the  assembly  to  retire.*  This 
scene,  in  its  reality,  must  have  been  one  of  absorbing  and 
peculiar  interest.  An  assembly  of  nearly  two  thousand 
inhabitants  of  the  forest,  grotesquely  clad  in  skins  and 
strouds,  with  shining  ornaments  of  silver,  and  their  coarse 
raven  hair  falling  over  their  shoulders,  and  playing 
wildly  in  the  wind  as  it  swept  past,  sighing  mournfully 
among  the  giant  branches  of  the  trees  above, — such  a 
group,  gathered  in  a  broad  circle  in  an  "  opening"  of  the 
wilderness,  the  starry  canopy  of  heaven  glittering  above 
them,  the  moon  casting  her  silver  mantle  around  their 
dusky  forms, — and  a  large  fire  blazing  in  the  midst  of 
them, — before  which  they  were  working  their  spells,  and 
performing  their  savage  rites, — must  have  presented  a 
spectacle  of  long  and  vivid  remembrance. 

In  December  of  the  same  year,  a  deputation  of  the 
Senecas,  consisting  of  the  Cornplanter,  Half-Town  and 
Great  Tree,  visited  Philadelphia,  then  the  seat  of  the 
federal  government,  for  the  purpose  of  again  remon 
strating  against  the  hardship  of  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stan- 
wix,  and  of  reclaiming,  if  possible,  a  portion  of  the  terri- 

*  MS.  recollections  of  Thomas  Morria.  Mr,  M.  was  known  among  the  Indians 
by  the  name  conferred  upon  him  on  this  occasion,  for  many  years.  After  his 
marriage,  his  wife  was  called  by  them  Otetiani  squaw,  and  his  children,  Otetiani 
pappooses. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  45 

tory  ceded  away  by  that  treaty.  It  was  on  the  occasion 
of  that  visit  that  Cornplanter  delivered  the  speech  to 
General  Washington,  then  President  of  the  United 
States,  cited  in  the  preceding  chapter.*  They  wished, 
in  particular,  to  obtain  a  restoration  of  the  territory, 
bordering  upon  Pennsylvania,  then  occupied  by  Half- 
Town  and  his  people,  who  were,  and  had  been  from 
the  first,  dissatisfied  with  the  treaty. 

In  the  course  of  his  appeal,  speaking  in  reference  to 
Half-Town's  clan,  Cornplanter  exclaimed  with  moving 
earnestness : — 

"  They  grew  out  of  that  land,  and  their  fathers  grew  out  of 
it,  and  they  cannot  be  persuaded  to  part  with  it.  It  is  a  very 
little  piece.  We  therefore  entreat  you  to  restore  to  us  this 
little  piece  of  land." 

The  appeal  is  as  simple  and  touching  as  that  of  Lot 
to  be  allowed  to  flee  into  Zoar.  "  Is  it  not  a  little  city  ?" 
But  such  has  not  been  the  course  of  events.  Vain  are 
the  appeals  of  Indians  to  the  pale  faces,  for  a  restora 
tion  of  territory, — no  matter  how  it  may  have  been  ac 
quired.  Yet,  in  the  .case  under  consideration,  the  In 
dians  had  less  cause  of  complaint  than  usual,  since  the 
treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  could  not  justly  have  been 
deemed  oppressive. 

But  the  provisions  of  the  Fort  Stanwix  treaty  did  not 
constitute  the  entire  burden  of  Cornplanter' s  remon 
strances.  He,  too,  complained  of  the  conduct  of  Phelps 

*  See  the  entire  speech  in  the  sketch  of  Cornplanter's  life,  toward  the  cloae  of 
the  volume. 


46  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

and  Gorhara,  imputing  the  same  frauds  that  had  been 
charged  by  Red- Jacket, — and  adding  that  Street  was 
to  receive  from  Phelps  a  grant  of  land  ten  miles  square, 
for  his  agency  in  the  deception  practised  upon  the  In 
dians.  This  feature  in  the  conduct  of  Cornplanter,  con 
sidering  the  general  fairness  and  integrity  of  his  cha 
racter,  as  exhibited  in  his  intercourse  with  the  whites 
subsequent  to  the  revolutionary  war,  is  not  of  easy  ex 
plication.  He,  like  Red- Jacket,  had  been  a  party  to  the 
sale  of  territory  to  Phelps  and  Gorham  ;  and  when  the 
subject  was  afterward  brought  before  Congress,  the  re 
port  of  Mr.  Butler,  from  the  Committee  of  Indian  Affairs, 
supplied  the  most  ample  testimony,  from  gentlemen  of 
irreproachable  veracity,  that  the  said  purchase  had  been 
made  in  the  most  fair  and  honorable  manner,  and  that 
the  papers  had  been  thoroughly  and  truly  explained  to 
the  Indians,  by  whom  the  terms  were  perfectly  under 
stood.  The  charges  of  fraud,  therefore,  first  publicly 
made  by  Red-Jacket  in  his  speech  to  Colonel  Pickering, 
and  afterward  repeated,  as  has  been  seen,  by  Corn- 
planter,  fell  to  the  ground.  But  how  came  these 
chiefs, — the  Cornplanter  being  the  head  of  his  nation, — 
to  prefer  the  charges  ?  May  it  not  have  been  that  Red- 
Jacket  was  even  then  plotting  to  supplant  his  principal 
in  the  affections  of  his  people,  by  inducing  them  to  be 
lieve  that  he  was  more  their  friend,  and  a  better  patriot, 
than  his  rival  ?  And  may  not  the  latter  have  taken  up 
the  false  charge,  and  repeated  it  to  General  Washington, 
for  the  purpose  only  of  sustaining  himself,  and  circum- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  47 

venting  the  crafty  demagogue,  whose  machinations  were 
ultimately  but  too  successful  ? 

The  bearing  of  Washington  toward  these  sons  of  the 
forest  was  such  as  to  allay  the  unpleasant  feelings 
under  which  they  arrived  in  Philadelphia,  and  to  send 
them  away  in  good  humor.  Nay,  the  Cornplanter  was 
engaged  to  accompany  Colonel  Proctor  on  a  friendly 
mission  to  the  country  of  the  Miamis,  for  the  purpose  of 
bringing  the  hostile  Indians  to  reasonable  terms  of 
peace.  This  mission  was  not  undertaken  until  the  fol 
lowing  spring,  when  Colonel  Proctor  proceeded  into  the 
Seneca  country,  to  join  Cornplanter.  Meeting  with  him 
at  his  own  town,  situated  upon  Oil  Creek,  one  of  the 
upper  tributaries  of  the  Alleghany  river,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  convoke  a  grand  council  of  the  Six  Nations 
at  Buffalo  Creek,  before  they  could  safely  proceed  to  the 
country  of  the  hostile  nations.  The  fact  was,  that  the 
repulse  of  General  Harmar's  expedition  in  the  preceding 
autumn  had  greatly  emboldened  the  hostile  Indians, 
with  whose  cause  those  four  of  the  Six  Nations  which  had 
been  engaged  in  the  war  of  the  revolution  on  the  side  of 
the  crown,  especially  the  Senecas,  strongly  sympathized. 
Numbers  of  their  young  warriors,  disregarding  the  re 
straints,  feeble  at  best,  of  their  own  principal  chiefs, 
were  in  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  and  it  was  only  with 
the  greatest  difficulty,  during  the  whole  of  that  border 
conflict,  that  the  greater  part  of  the  Six  Nations  were 
kept  from  joining  their-  brethren.  Just  about  this  time, 
also,  the  Senecas  had  again  been  exasperated  by  the 
murder  of  several  of  their  people,  who  had  given  no 


48  £IFE  AND  TIMES 

offence,  by  some  of  the  Pennsylvania  borderers  living  at 
Big  Beaver  Creek,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Pittsburgh. 
Hence  Cornplanter  and  Colonel  Proctor  were  obliged  to 
proceed  with  the  utmost  circumspection ;  and  a  grand 
council  at  Buffalo  being  demanded  before  the  nations 
would  allow  Cornplanter  to  proceed  to  the  west,  the 
measure  was  acquiesced  in,  though  attended  by  great  in 
convenience,  and  necessarily  causing  a  long  delay. 

It  has  been  necessary  to  glance  at  this  mission  of 
Colonel  Proctor  and  the  Cornplanter,  for  the  reason  that 
the  leading  personage  of  the  present  memoir,  Red- 
Jacket,  figured  conspicuously  in  the  council  at  Buffalo 
Creek,  at  which  place  Cornplanter  and  Colonel  Proctor 
arrived  on  the  27th  of  April,  1791.  The  council-fire 
had  been  burning  several  days,  in  anticipation  of  their 
presence,  and  many  of  the  principal  chiefs  were  already 
there, — among  whom  were  Farmer' s-Brother,  Young- 
King  and  Red-Jacket, — the  former  two  being  dressed 
in  the  uniforms  of  British  colonels.  Red-Jacket  was  a 
much  younger  chief  than  the  others,  but  had  now,  it  was 
evident,  become  a  man  of  consideration.  Colonel  Proc 
tor,  in  his  diary,*  mentions  him  as  "  the  great  speaker 
and  prince  of  the  Turtle  tribe."t  The  Colonel  was 
received  with  unusual  ceremony.  The  Indians  had 
mounted  a  two-pounder  upon  logs  at  the  porch  of  the 
council-house,  heavily  loaded,  which  they  discharged  on 
the  approach  of  their  guests,  but  to  the  no  small  peril  of 
all  who  were  near,  since  the  explosion  up-threw  the  gun 

*  Vide  Proctor's  Journal,  Indian  State  Papers,  vol.  i.  p.  155. 
t  An  Error.     Red-Jacket  was  of  the  Wolf  tribe. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  49 

from  its  position,  and  sadly  deranged  its  fixtures.  Red- 
Jacket,  or,  as  his  people  were  then  accustomed  to  call 
him,  "the  Young  Prince  of  the  Wolf  Tribe,"  had  been 
designated  by  the  council  to  receive  the  Colonel  and 
Cornplanter,  and  as  they  entered  the  council-house,  the 
orator  rose  and  welcomed  the  former  in  the  following 
speech : — 

"  BROTHER  :  Listen !  It  is  usual  for  us  to  speak ;  and  to 
you  we  do  it  as  to  a  brother  that  has  been  absent  a  long  time. 
Now  we  all  speak  to  you,  and  to  our  Head  Warrior  that  left 
us  last  fall : — and  we  thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  his  and  your 
safe  arrival  here,  as  you  are  together,  hand  in  hand,  from  Ho- 
nandaganius,*  upon  great  business. 

"  You  have  travelled  long,  with  tears  in  your  eyes,  upon  ac 
count  of  the  bad  roads,  and  bad  season  of  the  year.  Besides 
the  disturbances  between  the  bad  Indians  and  our  brothers  the 
white  people,  every  thing  has  been  trying  to  prevent  your 
coming,  and  to  stop  your  business,  and  make  you  lose  your 
way. 

"  Thus  the  big  waters  might  have  stopped  your  coming; 
and  the  wars  might  have  stopped  you;  and  sickness  might 
have  stopped  you ;  for  we  cannot  know  what  is  to  happen  un 
til  it  comes  upon  us.  So,  therefore,  we  thank  the  Great  Spirit 
who  has  preserved  you  from  such  dangers  that  might  have 
hindered  us  from  hearing  of  the  good  news  which  you  and 
our  head  warrior  have  opened  to  us.  But  how  could  it  be 
that  any  thing  bad  could  have  happened  to  you,  while  you 
have  such  important  business  to  transact,  as  we  understand 
you  have  come  on  ? 

"  You  must  now  wipe  away  those  tears  occasioned  by  all  the 
great  dangers  you  have  come  through.  And  now  we  set  you 
upon  a  seat  where  you  can  sit  up  straight, — and  a  seat  where 
you  are  secure  from  the  fears  of  your  enemies  ; — where  you 

*  General  Washington. 

7 


50  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

can  look  round  and  see  all  your  friends  and  brothers  in  peace. 
Besides,  you  have  come  along  with  your  heart  and  your  throat 
stopped  up,  to  secure  all  that  you  had  to  say  in  your  body. 
But  now  we  open  your  heart  with  your  brothers'  hands,  and 
we  run  our  fingers  through  to  open  your  mouth,  that  you  may 
speak  clear,  and  not  be  molested.  Your  ears  also  have  been 
stopped  by  Honandaganius  until  you  should  see  your  brothers 
at  this  place,  being  spared  by  the  Great  Spirit  to  arrive  safe. 

"  Now,  open  your  ears  to  hear  what  your  brothers  may  say 
after  you  have  made  your  speech.  This  is,  therefore,  the  com 
pliment  of  the  chiefs  and  head  men  of  Buffalo  Creek,  to  you 
and  our  great  warrior,  the  Cornplanter,  and  you  may  each  of 
you  go  on  safely  with  your  business." 


Cornplanter  replied  in  behalf  of  Colonel  Proctor 
and  himself,  and  at  the  close  of  his  speech,  intended 
merely  as  an  interchange  of  compliments,  Red- Jacket 
advanced  and  presented  the  colonel  with  the  belt  which 
he  held  while  delivering  bis  salutatory  address. 

But  notwithstanding  the  apparent  frankness  and  cor 
diality  of  this  speech  of  welcome,  the  conduct  of  Red- 
Jacket,  even  during  tbe  first  evening's  conference,  was 
marked  by  extreme  wariness,  giving  evidence  of  dis- 
ingenuousness,  if  not  of  dissimulation.  When  Colonel 
Proctor  stated  "  that  he  had  been  commissioned  by  Ge- 
"  neral  Washington,  tbe  great  chief  of  the  Thirteen 
"  Fires,"  Red-Jacket  remarked  "  that  many  persons 
"  had  occasionally  come  into  their  country,  who  said 
"  tbey  had  also  come  from  the  authority  of  the  Thirteen 
"  Fires,  but  of  the  truth  of  this  they  were  not  always 
"  convinced."  But  the  colonel  afterward  ascertained 
that  Red-Jacket  was  only  playing  a  part  in  the  ex- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  51 

•pression  of  his  doubts.  The  orator  and  the  chiefs  at 
the  council  had  been  fully,  advised  of  the  colonel's  offi 
cial  character,  by  the  chiefs  who  had  met  him  in  the  in 
termediate  councils,  called  in  some  of  the  Indian  towns 
through  which  he  had  passed  on  his  way  thither.  It 
was  also  ascertained  by  Proctor,  on  the  first  evening  of 
his  arrival,  that  Red-Jacket  was  acting  under  the  advice 
of  Brant  and  Colonel  John  Butler,  in  order  to  thwart  the 
views  of  the  government  of  the  United  States,  and  if  possi 
ble  frustrate  the  intended  visit  of  Proctor  and  Cornplanter 
to  the  Miamis.  Brant  and  Butler  had  been  at  Buffalo 
Creek  some  days  before  Proctor's  arrival,  and  after  a 
conference,  the  former  had  departed  suddenly  for  the 
country  of  the  belligerent  Indians,  leaving  Red- Jacket 
to  receive  the  messengers  as  already  stated,  and  enact 
a  part  cast  expressly  for  the  occasion  of  their  ar 
rival.  According  to  certain  intimations  given  by  Cap 
tain  Powell,  an  officer  in  the  British  Indian  service  who 
had  been  despatched  by  the  commandant  of  Fort  Erie  to 
meet  Colonel  Proctor  at  the  Buffalo  Council-house,  this 
sudden  mission  of  Brant  had  been  "  directed  from  head 
quarters  ;"  but  whether  reference  was  had  to  Quebec, 
or  the  fort  at  Niagara,  does  not  appear. 

The  council  was  numerously  attended  on  the  two 
succeeding  days,  during  which  Colonel  Proctor  read  his 
entire  instructions  to  the  chiefs,  as  also  the  address  with 
which  he  was  charged  to  the  hostile  Indians  of  the  west. 
Having  concluded  the  interpretations  of  these  papers, 
and  informed  the  Indians  of  the  kindness  exercised  by 
the  Great  Father  of  the  Thirteen  Fires,  as  manifested 


52  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

by  the  liberal  concessions  made  to  Cornplanter  during 
his  recent  visit  to  Philadelphia,  Colonel  Proctor  was  sur 
prised  by  a  speech  from  Red-Jacket,  declaring  that  the 
council-fire  must  be  removed  to  the  British  fortress  of 
Niagara,  to  which  place  he  said  the  colonel  must  accom 
pany  them.  As  a  reason  for  this  proposition,  Red- Jacket 
spoke  of  the  absence  of  several  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations ; 
adding,  that  in  the  discussion  of  matters  of  such  grave 
importance  he  wished  the  presence  of  the  British  offi 
cers.  "  Captain  Powell,"  he  said,  "  is  always  true  to 
"  us,  and  is  with  us  at  every  treaty." 

Conceiving  it  to  be  an  unwarrantable  request,  sanc 
tioned  neither  by  his  principals  nor  his  instructions,  the 
colonel  peremptorily  refused  to  comply  with  it — declaring, 
that  if  the  relations  of  the  chiefs  with  the  officers  of  the 
British  garrison  were  such  that  they  could  not  act  but 
upon  their  counsel  and  advice,  they  must  send  for  those 
officers  to  join  them  at  Buffalo  Creek.  A  marked 
silence  pervaded  the  council  for  some  time  upon  the 
utterance  of  Colonel  Proctor's  refusal ;  after  which  Red- 
Jacket  and  Farmer' s-Brother  successively  addressed 
the  Indians,  and  in  the  end  a  messenger  was  despatched 
to  Niagara,  with  a  request  that  Colonel  Butler  would 
join  their  council  without  delay. 

During  the  three  days  intervening  before  the  return  of 
the  messenger,  Colonel  Proctor  was  urging  upon  the 
chiefs  the  importance  of  a  more  rapid  despatch  of  busi 
ness,  that  he  might  resume  his  journey  without  farther 
let  or  hindrance. 

The  object  of  his  visit  to  the  Six  Nations  was  two- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  53 

fold, — first,  to  allay,  if  possible,  the  rising  feeling  of  hos 
tility  among  the  Senecas,  and  secure  the  neutrality  of 
the  entire  confederacy ;  and,  secondly,  to  induce  a 
deputation  of  their  chiefs  to  accompany  him  and  the 
Cornplanter  into  the  hostile  country,  to  add  their  pur- 
suasions  in  favor  of  peace.  But  Red-Jacket  and  the 
leading  chiefs  were  exceedingly  adverse,  if  not  to  the 
entire  object  of  the  Colonel's  mission,  at  least  to  the 
sending  of  a  deputation  to  accompany  him.  At  first 
they  objected  to  the  distance,  pretending  that  it  was  the 
design  to  take  them  away  to  the  shores  of  the  distant 
ocean, — a  journey  so  long  that  it  would  require  twelve 
months  to  reach  the  point  of  destination.  This  excuse 
having  been  removed,  the  next  objection  interposed  by 
Red-Jacket  was  fear, — a  fear  that  they  would  all  be 
murdered  by  the  Miamis  and  their  confederates.  Ac 
cordingly,  on  the  3d  of  May,  in  reply  to  the  colonel, 
who  continued  to  press  his  business  with  urgency,  Red- 
Jacket  dictated  the  following  address  : — 

"  Tell  him,"  (said  he  to  the  interpreter,)  "  Tell  Colonel 
Proctor  that  some  of  his  language  is  soft,  hut  that  other  parts 
of  it  are  too  strong.  The  danger  before  us  is  great.  Our  ene 
mies  are  drunk,  and  they  will  not  hear  what  we  say  like  a  man 
that  is  sober ;  and  we  consider  that,  whatever  number  of  the 
Six  Nations  accompany  him,  (Col.  Proctor,)  will  be  in  the  same 
danger  with  himself,  and  it  is  likely  that  we  shall  not  live  long 
when  the  bad  Indians  shall  see  us.  Therefore,  as  it  is  a  busi 
ness  of  such  great  weight  to  us,  we  must  take  counsel,  in  order 
to  save  ourselves,  and  him,  from  falling  by  their  hands.  More 
over,  the  Indians  are  not  like  white  men,  for  they  must  think  a 
great  while.  He  (Colonel  Proctor)  must  therefore  attend  our 


54  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

councils,  and  look  and  hear  what  we  shall  speak  on  his  busi 
ness.  To-morrow  our  head  men  will  meet  together,  and  try 
what  can  be  done." 

The  plea  of  fear  was  one  that  Red-Jacket  might  very 
possibly  have  interposed  in  all  sincerity ;  but  on  the  part 
of  the  brave  old  Farmer's-Brother,  Young  King,  and  the 
celebrated  Cayuga  chief,  Fish-Carrier,  with  whom  Red- 
Jacket  was  acting  in  close  consultation,  it  must  have 
been  an  artifice  of  dissimulation.  Whatever  might  have 
been  the  fact  with  the  orator,  the  emotion  of  fear  was  a 
stranger  to  the  bosoms  of  the  other  three.  Indeed  the 
pretext  was  transparent.  Colonel  Proctor  had  already 
seen  that  their  opinions  and  conduct  were  to  be  regulated 
by  the  British  agent  and  the  British  officers  only.  At 
least  if  he  had  not  actually  seen  as  much,  he  was  not 
long  left  in  doubt  as  to  the  fact ;  since  Red-Jacket  had 
scarcely  finished  the  brief  speech  recited  above,  before 
a  messenger  came  from  Colonel  Butler,  inviting  the 
chiefs  to  meet  him  on  the  lake  shore,  at  a  distance  from 
the  council-fire,  and  not  to  allow  Colonel  Proctor  to  ac 
company  them.  From  that  hour  forward,  the  prospect 
of  a  favorable  issue  to  the  colonel's  mission  became 
more  and  more  dubious.  It  is  true  that  Colonel  Butler 
subsequently  met  Colonel  Proctor,  and  even  entertained 
him  with  courtesy ;  but  the  Indians  were  entirely  dis 
suaded  from  lending  him  any  assistance,  or  co-operating 
in  furtherance  of  his  views  ;  while  in  their  conversations 
with  Colonel  Proctor,  the  British  officers  assumed  the 
position  that  no  peace  would,  or  probably  could,  be  ne 
gotiated  with  the  hostile  Indians,  excepting  through  their 


OF  RED-JACKET.  55 

mediation.  In  a  word,  it  was  insisted  by  His  Britannic 
Majesty's  officers  that  the  adjustment  of  the  entire  con 
troversy,  and  the  details  of  any  treaty,  with  the  north 
western  Indians,  must  be  left  to  Captain  Brant,  the 
chiefs  at  Buffalo,  and  certain  officers  of  the  British  In 
dian  department  at  Detroit.  And  during  the  whole  of 
these  conversations  and  proceedings,  the  course  of  Red- 
Jacket  was  manifestly  directed  by  the  officers  of  His 
Britannic  Majesty.  Under  these  untoward  circum 
stances, — ascertaining,  moreover,  that  Brant  had  taken 
a  considerable  body  of  the  Mohawk  Indians  with  him 
to  the  Miamis ;  that  the  hostile  Indians  were  receiving 
large  military  supplies  from  the  British  garrison  at  De 
troit;  that  Colonel  Gordon  was  strengthening  his  de 
fences  at  Niagara ;  and  that  preparations  were  making 
for  the  construction  of  another  fortification  on  the  north 
ern  shore,  near  the  foot  of  Lake  Erie  ;  and  having  also 
been  explicitly  told  by  Young  King,  on  the  evening 
of  the  14th  of  May,  that  they  would  not  send  a  deputa 
tion  of  their  chiefs  with  him  to  the  Miamis, — Colonel 
Proctor  determined  to  end  farther  procrastination,  and 
his  mission,  at  once.  On  the  same  evening,  therefore, 
he  communicated  this  determination  to  the  Indians,  in  a 
few  brief  but  energetic  words,  in  the  course  of  which  he 
forgot  not  to  intimate  that  his  report  to  the  war-chief  of 
the  Thirteen  Fires*  would  not  be  very  favorable,  and 
probably  would  not  tend  greatly  to  their  future  advan 
tage.  The  colonel's  decisive  manner  made  a  deep  im- 

*  General  Knox  was  at  that  time  Secretary  at  War. 


56  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

pression  upon  the  Indians,  especially  the  women,  to 
whom  his  words  were  reported,  and  through  whose  in 
terposition  the  progress  of  the  mission  speedily  as 
sumed  a  different  aspect,  promising,  for  the  time,  a  favor 
able  result.  The  story  will  be  related  chiefly  as  illus 
trative  of  Indian  character,  though  not  disconnected 
with  the  life  of  Red-Jacket. 

Having  heard  the  conversation  between  Colonel  Proc 
tor  and  Young  King,  as  just  recited,  on  the  following 
morning,  being  the  14th  of  May,  the  elders  of  the  In 
dian  women  repaired  to  Colonel  Proctor's  lodge,  where 
a  number  of  chiefs  were  present,  and  addressed  him  in 
the  following  manner : — 

"BROTHER:  The  Great  Spirit  has  spared  us  until  a  new 
day  to  talk  together :  for,  since  you  came  here  from  General 
Washington,  you,  and  our  uncles  the  sachems,  have  been 
counselling  together.  Moreover,  your  sisters,  the  women, 
have  taken  the  same  into  great  consideration,  because  that  you 
and  our  sachems  have  said  so  much  about  it.  Now,  that  is  the 
reason  why  we  have  come  to  say  something  to  you,  and  to  tell 
you  that  the  Great  Spirit  hath  preserved  you,  and  that  you 
ought  to  hear  and  listen  to  what  we,  women,  shall  speak,  as 
well  as  to  the  sachems ;  for  we  are  the  owners  of  this  land, — and 
it  is  our's.  It  is  we  that  plant  it  for  our  and  their  use.  Hear 
us,  therefore,  for  we  speak  of  things  that  concern  us  and  our 
children,  and  you  must  not  think  hard  of  us  while  our  men 
shall  say  more  to  you ;  for  we  have  told  them." 

This  formal  speech  of  the  women  being  ended,  Colo 
nel  Proctor  acceded  to  a  request  that  he  would  meet 
their  sachems  in  council  on  the  same  day,  and  hear  what 
would  be  said  by  the  speaker  whom  they  had  s 


OF  RED-JACKET.  57 

to  represent  them — "  the  Young  Prince  of  the  Turtle 
Tribe,  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha."*  At  the  given  signal,  the  firing 
•  of  a  gun,  the  council  assembled,  and  on  his  arrival  at 
the  council-fire,  an  unusual  spectacle  was  presented  to 
Colonel  Proctor,  who  found  the  elders  of  the  women 
seated  near  their  chiefs.  It  appeared  that  the  women, 
who,  as  is  natural  to  the  sex,  were  the  lovers  of  peace, 
had  prevailed  upon  their  lords,  including  all  the  leading 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  to  alter  the  determination 
avowed  to  Colonel  Proctor  on  the  preceding  evening  by 
Young  King.  After  a  short  silence,  Red-Jacket  took  up 
the  speech  of  his  clients  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHER  FROM  PENNSYLVANIA  :  You  that  are  sent  from 
General  Washington,  and  by  the  Thirteen  Fires :  you  have 
been  sitting  side  by  side  with  us  every  day,  and  the  Great 
Spirit  has  appointed  us  another  pleasant  day  to  meet  again. 

"  Now  listen,  BROTHER  !  You  know  what  we  have  been 
doing  so  long,  and  what  trouble  we  have  been  at;  and  you 

*  The  women  on  this  occasion  spoke  of  Red-Jacket  as  of  the  Turtle  Tribe, 
and  it  has  been  thus  written  elsewhere.  But  he  himself  claimed  to  be  of  the 
Wolf  Tribe,  and  thus  I  have  designated  him.  My  authority  is  the  following 
anecdote,  related  to  me  by  the  venerable  Mr.  James  Wadsworth,  of  Geneseo,  in 
the  summer  of  1840.  Many  years  ago,  the  Six  Nations  held  a  treaty,  by  them 
selves,  at  a  place  about  five  miles  east  of  Mr.  Wadsworth's  residence.  They 
continued  in  council  until  their  provisions  were  exhausted,  and  until,  in  fact, 
they  became  very  hungry.  On  breaking  up,  Red-Jacket,  who  was  well  ac 
quainted  with  Mr.  Wadsworth,  led  some  thirty  or  forty  of  the  leading  chiefs 
to  his  house,  and  requested  breakfast.  Mr.  W.  spread  a  table  liberally, 
but  such  was  the  voracity  of  the  Indians  that  the  viands  disappeared  almost  as 
fast  asnhey  could  be  set  before  them.  Steaks,  cold  hams,  tongues,  &c.,  vanished 
with  prodigious  rapidity.  Red-Jacket  lost  not  his  full  portion ;  and  reading  Mr. 
Wadsworth's  surprise  at  their  voracity  in  his  countenance,  the  chief  drily  re 
marked  that  his  entertainer  must  excuse  him,  inasmuch  as  he  belonged  to  the 
Wolf  Tribe — adding  "  and  wolves,  you  know,  are  always  fond  of  meat." 

8 


58  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

know  that  it  has  been  the  request  of  our  head  warrior,*  that 
we  are  left  to  answer  for  our  women,  who  are  to  conclude 
what  ought  to  be  done  by  both  sachems  and  warriors.  So 
hear  what  is  their  conclusion. 

"  BROTHER  :  The  business  you  have  come  on  is  very  trou 
blesome,  and  we  have  been  a  long  time  considering  on  it,  ever 
since  you  came  here,  and  now  the  elders  of  our  women,  con 
sidering  the  greatness  of  your  business,  have  said  that  our 
sachems  and  warriors  must  help  you  over  your  difficulties,  for 
the  good  of  them  and  their  children.  Moreover,  you  tell  us, 
since  the  treaty  of  Tioga  with  us,  the  Americans  are  strong 
for  peace. 

"  Now  all  that  has  been  done  for  you  has  been  done  by  our 
women  :  the  rest  will  be  a  hard  task  for  us  ;  for  the  people  at 
the  setting  sun  are  bad  people,  and  you  have  come  on  in  too 
much  haste  for  such  great  matters  of  importance.  And  now, 
Brother,  you  must  look  when  it  is  light  in  the  morning  until 
the  setting  sun,  and  you  must  reach  your  neck  over  the  land, 
and  take  all  the  light  you  can,  to  show  the  danger.  And  these 
are  the  words  of  our  women  to  you,  and  the  sachems  and  war 
riors  who  shall  go  with  you.  And  now  we  shall  name  them 
as  they  have  first  presented  themselves  in  this  full  council.t 

"  Now,  Brother  from  Pennsylvania  and  from  General  Wash 
ington,  I  have  told  you  what  has  been  directed.  Let  us,  there 
fore  throw  all  care  on  the  mercy  of  our  Great  Keeper,  in  hopes 
that  he  will  assist  us.  You  now  know  that  Colonel  Butler  of 
the  British  told  us  that  he  must  take  our  writings  down  to 
Colonel  Gordon,  as  he  is  a  very  wise  man,  and  perhaps  he 
may  have  something  to  say  to  us  that  may  be  for  our  good. 

*  Cornplanter. 

t  Here  followed  the  names  of  the  delegates,  one  of  whom  was  Red-Jacket 
himself,  and  among  whom  was  not  Cornplanter,  for  a  reason  presently  stated. 
The  delegates  were  six  in  number,  of  whom  were  the  four  following  :  Kuyscetta, 
Red-Jacket,  "  the  Young  Prince  of  the  Turtle  Tribe,"  as  he  was  designated, 
Captain  John,  of  the  Onondagas,  and  the  Grand  Carrier,  Awangogathe.'  (The 
names  of  the  two  other  deputies  were  lost  by  Colonel  Proctor.) 


OF  RED-JACKET.  59 

And  we  also  want  his  assistance,  as  he  is  the  man  that  keeps 
all  the  vessels  that  are  on  the  lake. 

"  Therefore,  my  Brother,  make  your  mind  easy,  for  your  re 
quest  is  granted,  and  when  we  hear  from  our  brothers  the 
British,  then  we  shall  know  what  time  we  can  start.  And  you 
must  not  be  uneasy  that  our  brother  O'Beel*  does  not  go  with 
you,  for  he  is  very  tired,  and  must  rest  awhile,  and  take  charge 
of  our  young  warriors  while  they  are  playing,!  to  keep  them 
in  peace  for  fear  of  danger.  And  now,  while  we  are  speak 
ing,  more  of  -our  young  warriors  have  given  their  names  to  go 
with  you."! 

If  the  true  reason  is  here  given  why  the  Cornplanter 
was  not  allowed  to  proceed  upon  the  mission, — if  indeed 
he  had  not  been  kept  from  the  deputation  by  a  British 
intrigue  through  Red-Jacket, — there  was  probably  ano 
ther  reason  lying  still  deeper  in  the  minds  of  the  women. 
Cornplanter  was  not  only  the  principal  war-chief  of  the 
Senecas,  but  he  was  a  man  of  great  bravery  and  saga 
city,  and  withal  a  sincere  friend  of  peace.  The  times 
were  critical,  and  the  Indians  at  Buffalo  Creek  and  in 
the  circumjacent  country  were  in  frequent  alarm. 
Even  while  Colonel  Proctor  was  with  them,  two  fresh 
scalps  had  been  brought  in,  one  of  which  was  that  of  an 
Indian,  accompanied  by  a  story  that  the  white  people 
were  making  war  upon  them.  And  although  Colonel 
Proctor  succeeded  in  convincing  them  that  the  tale  was 
without  foundation  in  truth,  yet  the  Indians  were  not 

*  O'Beel,  or  O'Bail,  was  one  of  the  names  of  Cornplanter,  it  being  the  name 
of  his  father,  who  was  a  white  man. 

t  That  is  hunting — as  explained  by  Colonel  Proctor. 

t  Here  follow  the  names,  very  long,  and  very  Indian,  of  nine  warriors,  who 
volunteered  to  go  upon  the  mission.  It  is  needless  to  record  them,  as  none 
of  them  were  never  otherwise  distinguished. 


60  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

without  apprehensions  of  evil.  It  is,  therefore,  proba 
ble  that  the  women  had  determined  to  retain  Cornplan- 
ter  as  the  chief  who  could  best  restrain  the  warlike  pro 
pensities  of  their  young  braves,  while  they  could  repose 
greater  confidence  both  in  his  bravery  and  discretion, 
in  the  event  of  actual  danger,  during  the  absence  of 
the  messengers  to  the  Miamies,  than  in  any  other  leader 
of  their  nation.  But  the  benevolent  designs  of  the 
women  were  circumvented  by  "the  man  that  kept  the 
vessels  on  the  lake."  Proctor  had  previously  applied  to 
Colonel  Gordon  for  permission  to  charter  a  vessel  for  the 
proposed  voyage  upon  Lake  Erie,  to  which  no  answer 
had  as  yet  been  returned.  The  British  commander, 
probably,  was  reluctant  to  be  known  openly  as  the  agent 
in  defeating  the  pacific  mission  of  Colonel  Proctor,  and 
he  had,  therefore,  been  intriguing  to  that  effect  through 
the  Indians.  But  finding  that  through  the  interposition 
of  the  women,  who  were  exercising  a  sounder  discretion 
upon  the  subject  than  the  men,  the  object  could  not  be 
thus  frustrated,  he  at  once  threw  aside  his  mask,  and 
brought  the  mission  abruptly  to  an  end,  by  refusing  to 
recognise  Proctor  in  his  official  character,  and  by  pro 
hibiting  the  passage  of  the  Indian  deputies  to  Sandusky 
in  any  vessel  upon  the  lake.  Thus  circumstanced,  as 
the  journey  could  not  with  prudence  be  undertaken  by 
land,  and  as  the  Indians  positively  refused  to  attempt 
the  passage  of  the  lake  in  canoes,  Proctor  was  compelled 
most  reluctantly  to  abandon  the  enterprise,  and  return  to 
the  seat  of  government.  It  was  well  for  his  personal 
safety  that  he  did  so ;  since  by  information  received  sub- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  61 

sequently  from  a  captive  who  escaped  from  the  Miamies, 
it  was  ascertained  that  the  noted  Simon  Girty,  and 
other  desperadoes,  tories,  who  had  fled  from  the  border 
settlements  of  the  United  States  during  the  war  of  the 
revolution,  had  determined  upon  the  colonel's  assassina 
tion,  should  he  come  among  them,  even  though  attended 
"  by  a  hundred  Senecas."* 

This  council  at  Buffalo  Creek,  in  regard  to  the  mission 
of  Colonel  Proctor,  had  not  been  anticipated  by  the 
government  of  the  United  States.  But  knowing  the 
feverish  temperament  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  the  recent 
provocations  the  Senecas  in  particular  had  received  at 
the  hands  of  some  of  the  Pennsylvania  border  men,  the 
President  was  at  the  same  time  engaged  in  another 
effort  to  divert  their  attention  from  the  wars  of  their 
western  brethren,  and  to  cultivate  with  them  the  most 
amicable  relations.  To  this  end,  before  the  unfavorable 
result  of  Proctor's  embassy  could  have  been  known  at 
Philadelphia,  Colonel  Pickering  had  been  commissioned 
to  hold  a  treatyf  with  the  Six  Nations  at  the  Painted 
Post.  This  treaty  was  held  in  June,  and  was  attended 
by  favorable  results.  Indeed,  although  most  of  their 
principal  chiefs  were  to  a  very  unhappy  extent  under 
the  influence  of  the  British  military  authorities  in  Cana 
da,  yet,  the  greater  proportion  of  their  older  men,  on  the 
republican  side  of  the  boundary,  were  inclined  to  peace, 
—-the  young  men  of  the  Senecas,  and  a  few  of  the  Cayu- 
gas  only,  being  resolved  upon  war.  The  intervention  of 

*  Deposition  of  Thomas  Rhea.    Indian  State  Papers,  vol.  i.,  pp.  196,  197. 
t  Holding  a  council,  in  Indian  parlance,  is  called  holding  "  a  treaty,"  if  there 
be  two  or  more  parties  present. 


62  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

the  women,  moreover,  prior  to  the  departure  of  Colonel 
Proctor,  had  produced  a  happy  effect,  by  soothing  the 
irritated  feelings  of  their  men,  and  directing  their 
thoughts  to  the  blessings  of  peace.  Very  erroneous 
opinions  are  generally  entertained  among  civilized  peo 
ple,  in  regard  to  the  consideration  in  which  their 
women  are  held  by  the  American  Indians,  and  the  de 
gree  of  influence  they  exercise  among  them.  True, 
as  with  all  barbarians,  the  women  are  in  some  re 
spects  the  slaves  of  the  men ;  but  those  of  the  Ameri 
can  aboriginals  are  no  farther  slaves  than  they  are  ren 
dered  such  by  the  field-labor  which  is  imposed  upon 
them  in  addition  to  the  ordinary  cares  of  the  household  ; 
and  in  this  respect  the  women  of  the  peasantry  of 
Europe  are  in  no  better  position  than  they.  On  the 
other  hand,  although  the  respect  with  which  they  are 
treated  by  their  lords  is  not  as  refined  and  spiritualized 
as  among  the  cavaliers  in  the  days  of  chivalry,  still  it 
may  safely  be  averred  that  in  the  adjustment  of  weighty 
and  difficult  matters,  no  other  people  are  in  the  habit  of 
treating  the  opinions  of  their  women  with  greater  defe 
rence  than  the  American  Indians.  On  the  occasion  now 
passing  in  review,  that  influence,  as  already  remarked, 
was  most  happily  exerted,  and  the  consequence  was, 
that  the  council  called  under  the  auspices  of  Colonel 
Pickering,  at  the  Painted  Post,*  was  well  attended.  In- 

*  The  "  Painted  Post"  was  a  noted  land-mark  in  the  early  settlement  of 
western  New-York,  and  in  the  history  of  Indian  affairs,  long  before.  It  was 
literally  a  post,  of  oak  timber,  planted  in  the  ground  upon  the  Conhocton  Creek, 
within  the  boundary  of  New-York,  but  not  far  from  the  Pennsylvania  line.  It 
was  painted  in  the  Indian  manner,  and  tradition  avers  that  it  was  a  monument, 


OF  RED-JACKET.  53 

deed,  despite  the  efforts  of  the  British  officers  in  com 
mand  of  Upper  Canada,  the  chiefs  began  to  draw  off  in 
the  direction  of  the  Painted  Post,  even  before  the  de 
parture  of  Colonel  Proctor  from  Buffalo  Creek. 

The  speeches  interchanged  between  the  chiefs  and 
Colonel  Pickering  at  this  council  have  not  been  pre 
served  ;  but  the  result  was  favorable  in  yet  farther 
diverting  the  attention  of  the  Six  Nations  from  the  affairs 
of  the  western  Indians  in  actual  hostility ;  while  by  a 
liberal  distribution  of  presents,  the  young  warriors  were 
checked  in  their  propensity  to  start  away  upon  the  war 
path  whenever  blood  was  snuffed  in  the  tainted  breeze. 
Yet  another  fortunate  measure  was  accomplished  by  the 
employment  of  the  brave  old  Stockbridge  chief,  Hen- 
drick  Aupamut,  upon  a  pacific  mission  to  the  belligerent 
country  of  the  Miamies, — an  undertaking  which  Colonel 
Proctor  and  the  Cornplanter  had  failed  to  achieve. 

More  interesting  than  all  to  the  philanthropist,  it  was 
at  this  council  that,  in  accordance  with  the  benevolent 
views  of  Washington,  Colonel  Pickering  made  a  suc 
cessful  demonstration  toward  winning  the  attention  of 
the  chiefs  to  the  policy  so  important  to  them,  of  com 
mencing  the  work  of  civilization  among  their  people. 
This  was  a  point  upon  which  Colonel  Pickering  had 
been  particularly  instructed  by  the  President,  and  no 
suitable  occasion  was  neglected,  during  the  three  weeks' 

of  great  antiquity,  erected  to  commemorate  the  death  of  some  celebrated  war- 
chief,  whose  name  has  been  lost  in  the  lapse  of  ages.  The  Indians,  it  is  also  re 
lated,  were  in  the  practice,  from  generation  to  generation,  of  erecting  new  ones 
on  the  decay  of  the  old.  The  Painted  Post  has  given  the  name  to  a  township, 
now  forming  the  south-east  corner  of  Steuben  county. 


64  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

deliberations  of  the  council,  to  fulfil  this  part  of  the  com 
mission.  At  the  close  of  the  council,  the  colonel  regaled 
the  chiefs  with  a  sumptuous  entertainment,  provided 
strictly  in  accordance  with  the  usages  of  civilized  life. 
The  assemblage  at  the  feast  was  large,  including  several 
gentlemen  from  New-York,  Boston  and  Philadelphia,  in 
the  train  of  the  commissioner,  and  numerous  chiefs. 

In  the  course  of  the  entertainment,  the  commissioner 
took  occasion  to  renew  his  appeal  to  the  chiefs,  at  least 
to  make  an  effort  to  introduce  among  their  tribes  the  arts 
and  customs  of  civilization, — closing  an  eloquent  address 
by  pointing  them  to  the  taste  and  elegance  of  the  ban 
quet  before  them.  He  told  them  that  if  they,  would 
comply  with  the  advice  of  the  President,  and  adopt  the 
principles  and  practices  of  civilized  life,  within  five  years 
they  might  spread  such  a  table  themselves — the  products 
of  their  overteeming  soil ;  while  by  educating  their  young 
men,  they  might  be  qualified  to  meet  the  whites  even  in 
the  great  council  of  the  Thirteen  Fires, — in  which  coun 
cil  they  might  also  be  represented. 

Red-Jacket  replied, — rather  doggedly, — but  yet  with 
some  humor.  There  were  suspicions  afloat,  that  what 
ever  might  be  the  temper  of  the  head  men  toward  each 
other,  upon  both  sides,  the  terms  between  the  young 
white  men  of  the  company  and  the  pretty  squaws  had 
been  sufficiently  amicable,  of  which  circumstance  the 
orator  was  not  unmindful  to  avail  himself  in  his  re 
sponse,  which  was  substantially  thus  : — 

"  BROTHER  :  You  have  during  this  negotiation  said  a  good 
deal  on  civilization.  No  chief  present  can  forget  what  you 


OF  RED-JACKET.  65 

have  told  us.     They  will  bear  it  in  mind  if  they  should  not 
follow  your  advice. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  thank  you  for  your  good  counsel ; — and, 
as  an  additional  inducement  to  its  adoption,  I  am  happy  to  per 
ceive," — (casting  his  piercing  eye  around  the  table  with  an  em 
phasis,  look,  and  tone,  peculiarly  but  insidiously  significant,) 
"  that  you  have  introduced  to  our  notice  several  young  men 
who  will  doubtless  feel  that  patriotism  which  your  oratory  is 
calculated  to  inspire, — proud  that  they  can  give  a  practical 
illustration  of  its  sincerity  by  intermarrying  with  our  women/'* 

The  satire  was  as  keen  as  well  deserved.  But  not 
withstanding  the  indefmiteness  of  Red- Jacket's  reply, 
the  suggestions  of  Colonel  Pickering  had  been  listened 
to  with  more  than  ordinary  attention  ;  and  an  invitation 
to  several  of  the  chiefs  to  visit  Philadelphia  at  some  con 
venient  season,  to  confer  with  their  Great  Father,  the 
President,  farther  upon  the  subject,  was  accepted.t 

*  MS.  Collections  of  Joseph  W.  Moulton,  Esq. 

t  Message  of  President  Washington  to  the    Senate  of  the  United  States, 
March  26, 1792. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

EFFORTS  of  General  Washington  for  improving  the  moral  and  social  condition 
of  the  Indians — Mission  of  fifty  chiefs  to  Philadelphia — Welcomed  by  the 
Governor  of  Pennsylvania — Speech  of  Red-Jacket  in  reply — Address  to  the 
chiefs  by  President  Washington — Speech  of  Red-Jacket  in  reply — Comments 
upon  the  speech — Proposition  of  the  government  for  the  improvement  of  the 
Indians — Reply  of  Red-Jacket—  Speech  of  Colonel  Pickering  to  the  chiefs — 
Troubles  with  the  north-western  Indians — Reply  of  Farmer's-Brother  to  Colo 
nel  Pickering — Reply  of  Red-Jacket — Parting  address  of  Washington — Red- 
Jacket  and  the  military  clothes — Close  of  the  conferences— Continuance  of 
the  war  with  the  Indians  of  the  north-west — The  Senecas  to  send  a  deputa 
tion  of  their  chiefs  upon  a  message  of  peace — Irritation  of  the  Six  Nations — 
Interference  of  the  British — The  Fish-Carrier — The  deputation  returns — Their 
mission  unsuccessful — Close  of  the  Indian  war. 

ON  the  thirteenth  day  of  March,  1792,  Red-Jacket 
arrived  in  Philadelphia,  being  one  of  a  deputation  of 
fifty  chiefs  of  his  people,  respectable  for  their  character 
and  influence,  invited  thither  by  Colonel  Pickering,  as 
stated  in  the  preceding  chapter.  The  brave  and  true- 
hearted  Farmer's-Brother  was  of  the  number ;  and  they 
had  been  brought  to  what  was  at  that  time  the  federal 
city,  under  the  guidance  of  their  faithful  missionary,  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Kirkland.  In  addition  to  the  design,  dear  to 
the  heart  of  Washington,  of  persuading  the  Indians  to 
exchange  the  hunter  state  for  that  of  civilized  life,  the 
visit  of  this  deputation  had  been  strongly  desired  by  the 
Executive,  for  the  purpose,  if  possible,  of  attaching 
them  more  closely  to  the  interests  of  the  United  States. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c.  67 

In  order  to  effect  this  object,  it  was  thought  important, 
not  only  to  impart  to  them  some  just  notions  of  the 
strength  and  power  of  the  United  States,  but  to  win 
their  confidence  by  kindness, — by  enlightening  their  un 
derstandings  as  to  their  own  true  interests, — and  by 
convincing  them  of  the  equitable  and  benevolent  policy 
of  the  United  States  in  regard  to  them. 

Nor  was  this  the  only  object  that  rendered  the  visit  of 
this  deputation  particularly  welcome  in  Philadelphia  at 
that  time.  Events  had  occurred  in  the  prosecution  of 
the  contest  with  the  hostile  Indians  of  the  north-west, 
of  a  disastrous  character.  The  campaign  against  the 
Miami  country,  entrusted  to  the  command  of  General 
St.  Clair,  had  been  brought  to  a  bloody  and  disastrous 
termination  on  the  4th  of  November,  1791.  It  was  a 
bitter  reverse  to  the  arms  of  the  young  republic.  The 
immediate  effect  of  their  victory  was  to  elate  the  In 
dians  beyond  measure ;  and  the  government  was  seri 
ously  apprehensive  that  in  the  flush  of  the  signal  triumph 
obtained  by  their  brethren  at  the  west,  the  Senecas,  and 
possibly  the  Cayugas  also,  might  seize  their  hatchets  and 
fall  upon  the  frontier  settlements  of  New-York  and  Penn 
sylvania,  in  the  vain  expectation  that  they  might  now  be 
able  at  least  to  avert,  if  not  to  roll  back,  the  tide  of 
white  population  which  was  so  rapidly  crowding  them 
from  their  seats.  In  addition  to  all  which,  it  was  the 
earnest  desire  of  the  government  to  make  one  more 
effort  to  induce  them  to  send  a  deputation  of  their  most 
influential  chiefs  to  the  hostile  country,  in  the  hope  of 
persuading  them  to  reasonable  terms  of  peace.  By  the 


68  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

defeat  of  St.  Clair,  a  measure  of  this  character  had  be 
come  far  more  important,  and  more  urgent  withal,  than 
at  the  time  of  Proctor's  unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  pre 
ceding  year.  Under  these  circumstances,  several  of 
which  had  not  been  foreseen  when  the  invitation  was 
first  extended  to  the  Six  Nations  by  Colonel  Pickering, 
the  visit  of  Red- Jacket  and  his  associates  was  timely 
and  fortunate. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  more  ample  materials  for  a 
history  of  this  Indian  embassy  to  the  seat  of  the  federal 
government  have  not  been  preserved.  The  effort  was 
one  of  the  earliest  put  forth  by  the  government  of  the 
young  republic,  for  advancing  the  substantial  happiness 
of  the  red  man,  by  persuading  him  to  adopt  the  habits 
of  civilization.  And  inasmuch  as  the  policy  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  toward  the  hapless  race,  whose  doom  it  is  to 
disappear  before  the  white  man,  will  be  a  subject  of 
grave  consideration  with  the  future  historian,  it  is  im 
portant  that  the  facts  should  stand  forth  upon  the  record. 
The  Anglo-Saxon  race  will  have  enough  to  answer  for, 
in  regard  to  this  people,  in  any  event.  Let  it,  then, 
have  credit  for  what  it  has  done,  or  attempted  to  do,  in 
their  behalf;  and  if  it  shall  appear  that  few  and  small 
were  the  advances  made  by  the  Indians  in  the  scale  of 
civilization,  during  the  first  fifty  years  of  the  independent 
existence  of  the  United  States,  it  will  at  the  same  time 
appear  that  the  government  of  the  latter  was  not  alto 
gether  at  fault.  Certainly  it  was  not  until  after  the  ad 
ministration  of  the  sixth  President  had  terminated,  in 
March,  1829,  that  the  beneficent  policy  of  Washington 


OF  RED-JACKET.  59 

toward  the  children  of  the  forest  was  changed.  Until 
that  period  they  had  enjoyed  the  protection  of  the  fede 
ral  government,  in  their  ancient  "  seats,"  so  long  as  they 
chose  to  remain  in  them  ;  and  the  efforts  both  of  the  go 
vernment  and  of  various  voluntary  associations  of  a  bene 
volent  character,  for  the  improvement  of  their  moral,  reli 
gious,  and  social  condition,  had  been  unintermitted  ;  and 
it  may  be  added,  in  sorrow,  almost  unavailing. 

Viewed  in  the  aspect  here  presented,  the  proceedings 
attending  the  mission  of  Red-Jacket  and  his  associates 
to  Philadelphia,  now  under  consideration,  assume  more 
than  an  ordinary  degree  of  interest.  And  as  Red- 
Jacket  himself  bore  a  prominent  part  in  those  proceed 
ings,  the  narrative  will  be  given  as  much  in  detail  as  the 
materials  that  have  escaped  the  ravages  of  time  will 
allow.  The  chiefs  were  welcomed  to  Philadelphia  by 
the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  by  whom  they  were  ad 
dressed  in  the  council  chamber  of  the  city.  After  re 
ferring  to  the  fact  that  every  thing  which  it  was  sup 
posed  might  conduce  to  the  comfort  of  the  chiefs  du 
ring  their  visit  had  been  provided  for  them,  the 
Governor  closed  his  speech  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHERS  !  I  know  the  kindness  with  which  you  treat 
the  strangers  that  visit  your  country ;  and  it  is  my  sincere 
wish  that,  when  you  return  to  your  families,  you  may  be  able 
to  assure  them  that  the  virtues  of  friendship  and  hospitality 
are  also  practised  by  the  citizens  of  Pennsylvania." 

This  interview  took  place  on  the  28th  of  March. 
Five  days  afterward, — for  in  all  matters  of  diplomacy 


70  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

and  of  state  the  Indians  proceed  with  unexceeded  de 
liberation, — the  Governor  met  the  chiefs  in  council  again, 
when  Red- Jacket  pronounced  an  answer  to  the  speech 
of  his  Excellency,  in  the  following  terms  : — 

BROTHER  ONAS*  GOVERNOR  :  Open  unprejudiced  ears  to 
what  we  have  to  say  !  Some  days  since  you  addressed  us,  and 
what  you  said  gave  us  great  pleasure.  This  day  the  Great 
Spirit  has  allowed  us  to  meet  you  again  in  this  council  cham 
ber.  "We  hope  that  your  not  receiving  our  immediate  answer 
to  your  address  will  make  no  improper  impression  upon  your 
mind.  We  mention  this  lest  you  should  suspect  that  your 
kind  welcome  and  friendly  address  has  not  had  a  proper  effect 
upon  our  hearts.  We  assure  you  it  is  far  otherwise.  In  your 
address  to  us  the  other  day,  in  this  ancient  council  chamber, 
where  our  forefathers  have  often  conversed  together,  several 
things  struck  our  attention  very  forcibly.  When  you  told  us 
this  was  the  place  in  which  our  forefathers  often  met  on  peace 
able  terms,  it  gave  us  sensible  pleasure,  and  more  joy  than  we 
could  express.  Though  we  have  no  writings  like  you,  yet  we 
remember  often  to  have  heard  of  the  friendship  that  existed 
between  our  fathers  and  yours.  The  picturet  to  which  you 
drew  our  attention  brought  fresh  to  our  minds  the  friendly  con 
ferences  that  used  to  be  held  between  the  former  governors  of 
Pennsylvania  and  our  tribes,  and  showed  the  love  which  your 
fathers  had  of  peace,  and  the  friendly  disposition  of  our  peo 
ple.  It  is  still  our  wish,  as  well  as  yours,  to  preserve  peace  be 
tween  our  tribes  and  you,  and  it  would  be  well  if  the  same 
spirit  existed  among  the  Indians  at  the  westward,  and  through 

*  The  name  which  the  Indians  conferred  upon  William  Penn,  and  which  they 
continued  to  bestow  upon  every  succeeding  Governor  of  Pennsylvania.  The 
word  itself  signifies  a  pen. 

t  Picture  of  Penn's  treaty  with  the  Indians.  Drake,  in  whose  Book  of  the 
Indians  the  account  of  these  interviews  between  the  Indians  and  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania  is  found. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  71 

every  part  of  the  United  States.  You  particularly  expressed 
that  you  were  well  pleased  to  find  that  we  differed  in  disposi 
tion  from  the  Indians  westward.  Your  disposition  is  that  for 
which  the  Onas  Governors  were  remarkable.  As  you  love 
peace,  so  do  we  also ;  and  we  wish  it  could  be  extended  to  the 
most  distant  part  of  this  great  country.  We  agreed  in  coun 
cil,  this  morning,  that  the  sentiments  I  have  expressed  should 
be  communicated  to  you  before  the  delegates  of  the  Five  Na 
tions  ;  an<J  to  tell  you  that  your  cordial  welcome  to  this  city, 
and  the  good  sentiments  contained  in  your  address,  have  made 
a  deep  impression  on  our  hearts,  and  given  us  great  joy,  and 
from  the  heart  I  tell  you  so.  This  is  all  I  have  to  say." 

The  inference  from  this  speech  of  Red-Jacket  would 
certainly  be  that,  without  diversity  of  opinion,  the  In 
dians  of  the  Six  Nations  were  at  length  peaceably  dis 
posed.  But  such  was  not  the  fact.  After  Red-Jacket 
had  concluded,  Good  Peter,  another  of  the  delegation, 
sometimes  called  Dominie  Peter,*  and  a  very  worthy 
man,  likewise  addressed  a  short  speech  to  the  Governor, 
which  is  represented  as  having  been,  for  the  most  part,  a 
repetition  of  the  pacific  sentiments  expressed  by  Red- 
Jacket.t  But  in  the  course  of  it  the  following  passage 
occurred : — 

"What  is  there  more  desirable  than  that  we,  who  live 
within  hearing  of  each  other,  should  unite  for  the  common 
good  ?  This  is  my  wish.  It  is  the  wish  of  my  nation, 
although  I  am  sorry  I  can't  say  so  of  every  individual  in  it,  for 
there  are  differences  of  opinion  among  us,  as  well  as  among 
the  white  people." 

*  For  some  account  of  Good  Peter,  see  Clinton's  Historical  Discourse, 
t  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians. 


72  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

On  their  presentation  to  the  President,  General 
Washington,  they  were  addressed  by  the  latter  in 
the  following  terms  of  friendship  and  cordiality : — * 

"  SACHEMS  AND  WARRIORS  OF  THE  FIVE  NATIONS  :  It 
affords  me  great  satisfaction  to  see  so  many  of  you,  who  are 
the  respectable  chiefs  and  representatives  of  your  several 
tribes,  and  I  cordially  bid  you  welcome  to  the  seat  of  the 
Government  of  the  United  States. 

"  You  have  been  invited  to  this  place  by  Colonel  Pickering, 
at  my  special  request,  in  order  to  remove  all  causes  of  discon 
tent  ;  to  devise  and  adopt  plans  to  promote  your  welfare,  and 
firmly  to  cement  the  peace  between  the  United  States  and 
you,  so  as  that  in  future  we  shall  consider  ourselves  brothers 
indeed. 

"  I  assure  you  that  I  am  desirous  that  a  firm  peace  should 
exist,  not  only  between  the  United  States  and  the  Five  Na 
tions,  but  also  between  the  United  States  and  all  the  nations 
of  this  land, — and  that  this  peace  should  be  founded  upon  the 
principles  of  justice  and  humanity,  as  upon  an  immoveable 
rock. 

"  That  you  may  partake  of  all  the  comforts  of  this  earth, 
which  can  be  derived  from  civilized  life,  enriched  by  the  pos 
session  of  industry,  virtue  and  knowledge ;  and  I  trust  that 
such  judicious  measures  will  now  be  concerted,  to  secure  to 
you  and  your  children  these  invaluable  objects,  as  will  afford 
you  cause  for  rejoicing  while  you  live. 

"  That  these  are  the  strong  and  sincere  desires  of  my  heart, 
I  hope  time  and  circumstances  will  convince  you.  But  in 
order  that  our  peace  and  friendship  may  for  ever  be  unclouded, 

*  This  speech  of  President  Washington  has  not  been  preserved  by  Sparks, 
although  that  delivered  by  him  eighteen  months  before,  to  Cornplanter,  appears 
in  his  correspondence.  The  author  is  indebted  for  it  to  Joseph  W.  Moulton, 
Esq.,  who  obtained  a  copy  at  Washington,  many  years  ago. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  73 

we  must  forget  the  misunderstandings  of  past  times.  Let  us 
now  look  forward,  and  devise  measures  to  render  our  friend 
ship  perpetual.  I  am  aware  that  the  existing  hostilities  with 
some  of  the  western  Indians  have  been  ascribed  to  an  unjust 
possession  of  their  lands  by  the  United  States.  But  be  as 
sured  that  this  is  not  the  case.  We  require  no  lands  but  those 
obtained  by  treaties,  which  we  consider  as  fairly  made,  and 
particularly  confirmed  by  the  treaty  of  Muskingum,  in  the 
year  1789. 

"  If  the  western  Indians  should  entertain  the  opinion  that 
we  want  to  wrest  their  lands  from  them,  they  are  laboring  un 
der  an  error.  If  this  error  could  be  corrected  it  would  be  for 
their  happiness, — and  nothing  would  give  me  more  pleasure, 
because  it  would  open  to  both  of  us  the  door  of  peace. 

"  I  shall  not  enter  into  further  particulars  with  you  at  pre 
sent,  but  refer  you  to  General  Knox,  the  Secretary  of  War, 
and  Colonel  Pickering,  who  will  communicate  with  you  upon 
the  objects  of  your  journey,  and  inform  me  thereof. 

"  As  an  evidence  of  the  sincerity  of  the  desires  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  for  perfect  peace  and  friendship  with  you,  I  deliver 
you  this  white  belt  of  wampum,  which  I  request  you  will 
safely  keep. 

(Signed)         GEO.  WASHINGTON."* 

The  President  having  thus  deputed  Colonel  Pickering 
and  General  Knox  to  conduct  the  subsequent  confer 
ences  with  the  chiefs,  an  interview  was  had  with  them 
in  the  city  council  chamber,  on  the  31st  of  March,  at 
which  time  Red-Jacket,  holding  in  his  hands  the  white 

*  The  manuscript  from  which  the  preceding  speech  has  been  transcribed  bears 
the  date  of  March  23d,  1792.  Hence,  in  the  order  of  time,  it  should  stand  be 
fore  the  antecedent  account  of  the  interview  between  the  chiefs  and  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania.  But  the  date  is  believed  to  be  erroneous ;  and  if  not,  the 
transposition  has  been  made  for  the  sake  of  convenience. 

10 


74  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

belt  which   had    been   delivered   to   him  by  General 
Washington,  addressed  Colonel  Pickering  as  follows  :— 

"  I  now  request  the  attention  of  the  President  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  by  his  agent,  Colonel  Pickering,  now  present.  A 
few  days  since,  when  the  American  chief  had  spoken  to  us, 
he  gave  us  to  understand  that  General  Knox  and  Colonel 
Pickering  should  be  the  agents  to  negotiate  with  us  on  things 
which  concern  our  welfare.  Let  me  call  for  your  compassion, 
as  you  can  put  all  down  upon  paper,  while  we  have  to  labor 
with  our  minds,  to  retain  and  digest  what  is  spoken,  to  enable 
us  to  make  an  answer. 

"  BROTHER — whose  attention  I  have  called  as  the  represen 
tative  of  the  great  chief  of  this  Island  : — when,  the  other  day, 
he  welcomed  us  to  the  great  council-fire  of  the  thirteen  United 
States,  he  said  it  was  from  his  very  heart.  He  said  it  gave  him 
pleasure  to  look  around  and  see  such  numerous  representa 
tives  of  the  Five  Nations  of  Indians,  and  that  it  was  at  "his 
special  request  we  had  been  invited  to  the  seat  of  the  general 
government,  to  promote  the  happiness  of  our  nation,  in  a 
friendly  connection  with  the  United  States.  He  then  told  us 
that  his  love  of  peace  did  not  terminate  with  the  Five  Nations, 
but  extended  to  all  the  nations  at  the  setting  sun ;  and  that  it 
was  his  desire  that  universal  peace  might  prevail  in  this 
island. 

"  BROTHER  CON-NEH-SAUTY  :*  I  requested  your  compassion, 
on  account  of  our  different  situations,  by  reason  of  which  I 
should  notice  only  a  few  of  the  principal  things  in  the  Presi 
dent's  speech,  delivered  to  us  the  other  day.  Three  things  I 
have  mentioned  of  the  introductory  part  of  his  speech.  What 
other  reply  can  we,  your  brothers  of  the  Five  Nations,  make 
to  that  introductory  part  of  the  speech,  than  to  thank  him, 
and  say  that  it  has  given  a  spring  to  every  passion  of  our 
souls  1 

*  The  Indian  name  of  Col.  Pickering. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  75 

"  BROTHER  :  The  President  again  observed  to  us  that  he 
wished  our  minds  might  all  be  disposed  to  peace, — that  a  hap 
py  peace  might  be  established  between  you  and  your  brothers 
of  the  Five  Nations,  so  firmly  that  nothing  might  move  it ;  that 
it  might  be  founded  on  a  rock.  This  sentiment  of  your  chief 
has  given  joy  to  our  hearts,-— to  compare  that  peace  to  a  rock, 
which  is  immoveable. 

"  The  President  further  observed  to  us  that  by  our  continu 
ing  to  walk  in  the  path  of  peace,  and  hearkening  to  his  coun 
sel,  we  might  share  with  you  in  all  the  blessings  of  civilized 
life.  This  also  meets  the  approbation  of  our  minds,  and  has 
the  thanks  of  all  your  brothers  of  the  Five  Nations. 

"  He  again  observed  to  us  that  if  we  attended  to  his  coun 
sel  in  this  matter,  our  children,  and  children's  children,  might 
partake  in  all  the  blessings  which  should  rise  out  of  this  earth. 
This  has  taken  hold  of  our  minds,  and  even  we  who  are  grown 
up  look  forward,  and  anticipate  its  fulfilment. 

"  The  President  again  observed  to  us  that  what  he  had 
spoken  was  in  the  sincerity  of  his  heart,  and  that  time  and  op 
portunities  would  give  further  evidence  that  what  he  said  was 
true.  And  we  believed  it,  because  we  saw  the  words  come 
from  his  own  lips, — and  therefore  they  were  lodged  deep  in 
our  mind. 

"  The  President  of  the  Thirteen  Fires,  while  continuing  his 
speech/  made  also  this  remark,  '  that  in  order  to  establish 
all  his  words  for  the  best  good  of  your  nation  and  our's,  we 
must  forget  all  the  evils  that  were  past,  and  attend  to  what  lies 
before  us,  and  take  such  a  course  as  shall  cement  our  peace, 
that  we  may  be  as  one.' 

"  The  President  again  observed  that  it  had  come  to  his  ears 
that  the  cause  of  the  hostilities  now  prevailing  with  the  West 
ern  Indians,  was  their  persuasion  that  the  United  States  had 
unjustly  taken  away  their  lands.  But  he  assured  us  this  was 
not  the  case.  That  it  was  not  the  mind  of  any  of  his  chiefs  to 
take  any  land  on  the  whole  island  without  agreeing  for  it. 


76  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

He  then  mentioned  a  treaty  at  Muskingum,  and  he  concluded 
that  what  land  was  given  up  at  that  treaty  was  fairly  obtained. 
"  He  also  observed  to  us  that  it  was  his  opinion  that  the 
hostile  Indians  were  in  an  error ;  that  they  had  missed  the 
true  path;  whatever  evil  spirit,  or  whatever  lies  had  turned 
them  aside,  he  wished  they  could  be  discovered,  that  they 
might  be  removed.  He  expressed  a  strong  wish  that  those 
obstacles  to  the  extending  of  peace  to  the  westward  might  be 
discovered ;  and  he  would  use  all  his  exertions  to  remove 
them,  that  peace  might  be  extended  to  the  whole  Island. — 
Toward  the  close  of  his  speech  the  President  informed  us  that 
there  were  many  things  which  concerned  the  future  happiness 
of  the  Five  Nations,  the  concerting  of  which  he  should  refer 
to  you*  here  present,  and  the  Chief  Warrior  of  the  United 
States.f  And  at  the  close  he  observed  that  our  professions  of 
friendship  and  regard  were  commonly  witnessed  by  some 
token :  therefore,  in  the  name  of  the  United  States,  he  pre 
sented  us  with  this  white  belt,  which  was  to  be  handed  down 
from  one  generation  to  another,  as  a  confirmation  of  his  words, 
and  a  witness  of  the  friendly  disposition  of  the  United  States, 
towards  the  peace  and  happiness  of  the  five  confederated 
Nations." 

[Red-Jacket  here  laid  aside  the  white  belt  received 
from  the  President,  and  taking  up  a  belt  of  their  own, 
proceeded  as  follows  : — ] 

"  Now  let  the  President  of  the  United  States  possess  his 
mind  in  peace.  We  have  made  but  a  short  reply  to  his  address 
to  us  the  other  day,  for  the  belt  he  gave  us  is  deposited  with 
us ;  and  we  have  taken  fast  hold  of  it.  What  more  can  we 
say  than  to  return  our  united  thanks  for  his  address  in  wel 
coming  us  to  the  seat  of  the  great  council,  and  for  the  advice 
he  gave  us  ]  And  our  pleasure  is  increased  that  you,  Con-neh- 

*  Pointing  to  Colonel  Pickering.  t  General  Knox,  Secretary  at  War. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  77 

rauty,  are  appointed   to  assist  us  in  devising  the  means  to 
promote  and  secure  the  happiness  of  the  Five  Nations. 

"  BROTHER  !  Now  open  your  ears,  as  the  Representative  of  the 
Great  Council  of  the  thirteen  United  States,  in  our  present 
Council.  Hear  the  words  we  may  speak.  And  all  here 
present,  of  the  great  Council,*  and  our  Brethren  of  the  Five 
Nations,  hear ! — We  consider  ourselves  in  the  presence  of 
the  Great  Spirit,  the  proprietor  of  us  all; 

"  The  President,  in  effect,  observed  to  us  that  we  of  the 
Five  Nations  were  our  own  proprietors — were  freemen,  and 
might  speak  with  freedom.  This  has  gladdened  our  hearts, 
and  removed  a  weight  that  was  upon  them.  And  therefore 
you  will  hear  us  patiently  while  we  speak.  The  President 
has,  in  effect,  told  us  that  we  were  freemen ;  the  sole  proprie 
tors  of  the  soil  on  which  we  live.  This  is  th*  source  of  the 
joy  which  we  feel.  How  can  two  brothers  speak  freely  to 
gether,  unless  they  feel  that  they  are  upon  equal  ground  ? 

"  I  observed  to  you,  Brother,!  that  our  considering  our 
selves,  by  your  own  acknowledgment,  as  freemen,  has  given 
this  joy  to  our  hearts — that  we  might  speak  in  character. 
Therefore,  we  join  with  the  President  in  his  wish  that  all  the 
evils  which  have  hitherto  disturbed  our  peace  may  be  buried 
in  oblivion ;  and  this  wish  proceeds  from  our  hearts.  Now  we 
can  speak  our  minds  freely,  as  they  are  free  from  pressure. 

"  Now,  Brother,  while  you  continue  to  hear  in  behalf  of 
the  United  States,  let  all  here  present  also  open  their  ears, 
while  those  of  the  Five  Nations  here  present  speak  with  one 

*  Some  members  of  Congress  were  present — of  which  the  Indians  had  been 
informed. 

t  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  frequent  use  of  the  word  Brother  is  the 
effect  of  the  rules  of  Indian  politeness,  which  enjoin,  in  all  conversations,  a  constant 
remembrance  of  the  relation  subsisting  between  the  parties,  especially  where  that 
relation  implies  any  affection,  or  respect.  It  is  like  the  perpetual  repetition,  in 
civilized  life,  of  Sir,  or  Madam — or,  in  England,  Your  Lordship.  In  the  same 
manner  the  Indians,  at  every  sentence,  repeat,  My  Father,  My  Uncle,  My 
Cousin,  My  Brother,  &c. 


78  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

voice.  We  wish  to  see  your  words  verified  to  our  children, 
and  children's  children.  You  enjoy  all  the  blessings  of  this 
life ;  to  you,  therefore,  we  look  to  make  provision  that  the 
same  may  be  enjoyed  by  our  children.  This  wish  comes  from 
our  heart ;  but  we  add  that  our  happiness  cannot  be  great  if 
in  the  introduction  of  your  ways  we  are  put  under  too  much 
constraint. 

"  BROTHER  !  Appointed  agent  to  converse  with  us  upon  the 
affairs  of  our  peace,  continue  to  hear.  We,  your  brothers  of 
the  Five  Nations,  believe  that  the  Great  Spirit  let  this  island 
drop  down  from  above.  We  also  believe  in  his  superinten- 
dency  over  this  whole  island.  It  is  he  who  gives  peace  and 
prosperity,  and  he  also  sends  evil.  But  prosperity  has  been 
yours.  American  Brethren — all  the  good  which  can  spring 
out  of  this  island  you  enjoy.  We  therefore  wish  that  we  and 
our  children,  and  our  children's  children,  may  partake  with 
you  in  that  enjoyment. 

"  BROTHER  !  I  observed  that  the  Great  Spirit  might  smile 
upon  one  people,  and  turn  and  frown  upon  another.  This 
you  have  seen,  who  are  of  one  color  and  one  blood.  The 
King  of  England  and  you  Americans  strove  to  advance  your 
happiness  by  extending  your  possessions  upon  this  island, 
which  produces  so  many  good  things.  And  while  you '  two 
great  powers  were  thus  contending  for  those  good  things,  by 
which  the  whole  island  was  shaken  and  violently  agitated,  is  it 
strange  that  the  peace  of  us,  the  Five  Nations,  was  shaken  and 
overturned  1 

"  But,  let  me  say  no  more  of  the  trembling  of  our  island. 
All  is,  in  a  measure,  now  quieted.  Peace  is  now  restored. 
The  peace  of  us,  the  Five  Nations,  is  now  budding.  But  still 
there  is  some  shaking  among  the  original  Americans,  at  the 
setting  sun  ; — and  you,  the  Thirteen  Fires,  and  the  King  of 
England,  know  what  is  our  situation,  and  the  causes  of  this 
disturbance.  Now,  here  you  have  an  ambassador,*  as  we  are 

*  Mr.  Hammond  was  then  the  British  Envoy  to  the  United  States. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  79 

informed,  from  the  King  of  England.  Let  him,  in  behalf  of 
the  King,  and  the  Americans,  adjust  all  their  matters,  according 
to  their  agreement,  at  the  making  of  peace — and  then  you  will 
soon  see  all  things  settled  among  the  Indian  Nations.  Peace 
will  be  spread  far  and  near.  Let  the  President  and  the  am 
bassador  use  all  their  exertions  to  bring  about  this  settlement, 
(according  to  the  peace,)  and  it  will  make  us  all  glad,  and  we 
shall  consider  both  as  our  real  friends. 

"  BROTHER  !  Continue  to  hear  !  Be  assured  we  have  spoken 
from  our  very  hearts,  and  not  from  our  lips  only.  Let  us  there 
fore  make  this  observation  : — That  when  you  Americans  and 
the  King  made  peace,  he  did  not  mention  us,  and  showed  us 
no  compassion,  notwithstanding  all  he  said  to  us,  and  all  we 
had  suffered.  This  has  been  the  occasion  of  great  sorrow  and 
pain,  and  great  loss  to  us,  the  Five  Nations.  When  you  and 
he  settled  the  peace  between  you  two  great  nations,  he  never 
asked  us  for  a  delegation  to  attend  to  our  interests.  Had  he 
done  this,  a  settlement  of  peace  among  all  the  western  nations 
might  have  been  effected.  But  the  neglecting  of  this,  and  pas 
sing  us  by  unnoticed,  has  brought  upon  us  great  pain  and 
trouble. 

"  BROTHER  !  It  is  evident  that  we  of  the  Five  Nations  have 
suffered  much  in  consequence  of  the  strife  between  you  and 
the  King  of  England,  who  are  of  one  color  and  one  blood. 
Our  chain  of  peace  has  been  broken.  Peace  and  friendship 
have  been  chased  from  us.  But  you  Americans  were  deter 
mined  not  to  treat  us  in  the  same  manner  as  we  had  been  treated 
by  the  King  of  England.  You  therefore  desired  us,  at  the 
re-establishment  of  peace,  to  sit  down  at  our  ancient  fire-places, 
and  again  enjoy  our  lands.  And  had  the  peace  between  you 
and  the  King  of  England  been  completely  accomplished,*  it 
would  long  before  this  time  have  extended  far  beyond  the  Five 
Nations. 

*  An  allusion,  probably,  to  the  retention  by  Great  Britain,  of  the  northwestern 
posts,  belonging  to  the  United  States,  and  to  other  difficulties  under  the  first  treaty. 


80  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  BROTHER  CON-NEH-SAUTY  :  You  are  specially  appointed 
with  General  Knox  to  confer  with  us  on  our  peace  and  happi 
ness.  We  have  rejoiced  in  your  appointment,  and  we  hope 
that  the  great  Warrior  will  remember  that  though  a  Warrior t 
he  is  to  converse  with  us  about  peace  ;  letting  what  concerns 
war  sleep  ; — and  the  counselling  part  of  his  mind,  while  acting 
with  us,  be  of  peace. 

"  BROTHER  !  Have  patience,  and  continue  to  listen.  The 
President  has  assured  us  that  he  is  not,  the  cause  of  the  hostili 
ties  now  existing  at  the  westward,  but  laments  it.  Brother, 
we  wish  you  to  point  out  to  us  of  the  Five  Nations  what  you 
think  is  the  real  cause. 

"  BROTHER  !  'Agent  of  the  thirteen  United  States  in  the 
present  council :  We  now  publicly  return  our  thanks  to  the 
President  and  all  the  Counsellors  of  the  thirteen  United  States, 
for  the  words  which  he  has  spoken  to  us.  They  were  good — 
without  any  mixture.  Shall  we  observe  that  he  wished  that  if 
the  errors  of  the  hostile  Indians  could  be  discovered,  he  would 
use  his  utmost  exertions  to  remove  them  ? 

"  BROTHER  !  You  and  the  King  of  England  are  the  two 
governing  powers  of  this  Island.  What  are  we  ?  You  both 
are  important  and  proud ;  and  you  cannot  adjust  your  own 
affairs  agreeably  to  your  declarations  of  peace.  Therefore  the 
Western  Indians  are  bewildered.  One  says  one  thing  to  them, 
and  one  says  another.  Were  these  things  adjusted,  it  would 
be  easy  to  diffuse  peace  every  where. 

"  In  confirmation  of  our  words,  we  give  this  belt,  which  we 
wish  the  President  to  hold  fast  in  remembrance  of  what  we 
have  now  spoken." 

This  speech  was  never  before  published.*  Its  impor 
tance,  in  several  respects,  requires  a  pause  in  the  narra- 

*  The  author  is  indebted  for  the  manuscript  to  Joseph  W.  Moulton,  Esq.,  who 
began  writing  a  history  of  the  State  of  New- York  some  fifteen  or  twenty  years 
ago,  but  proceeded  no  farther  than  a  single  volume. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  81 

live  for  its  consideration.  In  the  first  place,  if  the  orator 
was  really  as  desirous  of  peace  and  amity  with  the  United 
States  as  would  appear  from  the  language  of  the  speech, 
the  English  officers  in  Canada  must  have  lost  their  hold 
upon  his  partialities  since  the  visit  of  Colonel  Proctor  to 
the  frontier  the  preceding  year.  In  the  second  place,  by 
bearing  the  declarations  of  this  speech  in  mind,  the 
reader  will  hereafter  perceive  what  an  entire  revolution 
was  subsequently  wrought  in  the  feelings  of  Red-Jacket, 
in  regard  to  the  civilization  of  his  people.  But  the  most 
important  portion  of  the  harangue  refers  to  a  prominent 
cause  of  the  Indian  war  then  raging,  which  has  thus  far 
been  but  slightly  considered,  viz. : — The  indifference  with 
which  the  Indians  had  been  cut  off,  or  passed  over,  by 
Great  Britain,  in  the  treaty  of  peace.  Notwithstanding 
the  loyalty  of  these  untutored  sons  of  the  forest,  their 
constancy,  and  the  prodigality  with  which  they  had  shed 
their  blood  in  the  cause  of  the  crown,  when  the  ministers 
of  that  crown  found  it  expedient  to  negotiate  for  peace, 
no  one  condition  or  word  was  interposed  in  behalf  of 
allies  thus  faithful,  and  they  were  left  to  shift  for  them 
selves  as  best  they  might.  In  the  impressive  language 
of  Red- Jacket,  "  the  King  showed  them  no  compassion." 
They  had  been  as  dependent  upon  the  crown  as  children 
upon  a  parent ;  and  being  left  to  themselves,  in  a  state 
of  war  with  the  United  States,  although  for  a  time  they 
desisted  from  actual  hostilities,  they  knew  not  what  to 
do.  In  a  word,  to  borrow  another  expressive  phrase 
«  from  the  Seneca  orator,  "they  were  bewildered."  The 
consequence  was,  that,  distrusting  the  people  with  whom 

11 


82  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

they  had  so  recently  been  at  war,  and  neglected  by  those 
in  whom  they  had  confided,  and  who  ought  to  have  stipu 
lated  for  an  honorable  peace  for  them,  as  well  as  for 
themselves,  the  poor  Indians, — children  of  ignorance, 
caprice,  and  passion, — were  left  to  the  resources  of  their 
own  wild  natures,  and  the  chances  of  fortune.  Nor  was 
this  all:  When,  from  a  variety  of  untoward  circum 
stances,  very  shortly  after  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty 
between  the  United  States  and  England,  in  1783,  the 
question  of  peace  or  war  again  hung  long  and  doubt 
fully  in  the  scales,  those  who  ought  to  have  been  the 
best  counsellors  of  the  Indians  became  their  worst. 
They  were  encouraged  again  to  embark  in  a  war,  which, 
without  the  aid  of  England,  even  the  Indians  themselves 
knew  must  be  hopeless,  and  during  the  continuance  of 
that  war,  were  "  paltered  with  in  a  double  sense;"  until, 
but  for  the  humanity  of  those  who,  though  technically 
then  their  enemies,  had  from  the  first  been  in  reality  their 
best  friends,  their  race  would  have  been  annihilated.* 
True  indeed  was  the  assertion  of  Red-Jacket,  that  the 
Indians  were  the  chief  sufferers  from  the  "shaking  of 
the  island"  by  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States ;  nor 
is  it  strange  that  in  their  forlorn  situation,  these  untutored 
and  dependent  tenants  of  the  wood  looked  anxiously  to 
the  united  councils  of  the  two  white  nations  with  whom 
only  they  were  acquainted,  to  adjust  for  them  the  terms 
of  peace.  Red-Jacket  has  told  the  story  in  the  preceding 

*  For  an  ample  history  of  the  matters  here  referred  to,  and  documentary  proofs 
of  the  truth  of  the  positions  here  assumed,  see  Life  of  Brant,  vol.  ii. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  83 

speech,  with  the  simple  and  touching  eloquence  of  nature, 
and  there  it  may  be  left. 

On  the  9th  of  April  Colonel  Pickering  communicated 
to  the  chiefs  the  propositions  which  had  been  matured  by 
the  American  government,  as  the  basis  of  its  labors  in 
the  work  of  their  civilization  and  social  improvement. 
The  details  of  that  project  seem  not  to  have  been  pre 
served.  The  general  scope  of  the  plan  may  nevertheless 
be  inferred  from  the  following  stipulation,  to  which  the 
President  asked  the  assent  of  the  Senate  by  a  special 
message  on  the  23d  of  March : — 

"  The  United  States,  in  order  to  promote  the  happiness  of 
the  Five  Nations  of  Indians,  will  cause  to  be  expended,  annu 
ally,  the  amount  of  one  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  in  pur 
chasing  for  them  clothing,  domestic  animals,  and  implements 
of  husbandry,  and  for  encouraging  useful  artificers  to  reside  in 
their  villages." 

Perhaps  a  more  accurate  estimate  of  the  propositions 
submitted  to  the  Indians  may  be  formed  by  a  perusal  of 
the  annexed  speech  from  Red- Jacket,  in  which,  while  he 
assents  to  the  general  tenor  of  the  overtures,  he  suggests 
some  modifications  and  improvements.  The  Indians 
had  indeed  been  requested  by  Colonel  Pickering  to  -speak 
their  minds  upon  the  propositions,  and  to  propose  for  con 
sideration  any  alterations  they  should  think  proper.  Ac 
cordingly,  at  the  next  interview,  which  was  on  the  10th 
of  April,  Red-Jacket  spoke  the  minds  of  the  Senecas  as 
follows : — 

"BROTHER  CON-NEH-SAUTY  :  Yesterday,  when  you  made 
your  proposals,  the  Oneidas  accepted  them,  and  thanked  you. 


84  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

They  spoke  for  those  Oneidas,  Onondagas,  and  Tuscaroras 
who  all  lie  under  one  blanket*  We,  the  Senecas,  have  con 
sidered  them,  and  are  now  going  to  speak. 

"  Yesterday,  when  you  proposed  four  establishments,  and 
that  there  should  be  three  men  for  each,  you  mentioned  the 
rewards  to  be  given  to  a  certain  number  who  should  learn 
quickest — of  the  biggest  nations,  six — while  those  who  could  not 
learn  fast  must  be  miserable.  If  you  do  right,  you  will  give 
to  all  something  to  work  with  as  fast  as  they  learn,  so  that  all 
may  be  supplied  j  otherwise  a  strife  will  arise.  But  if  all  are 
to  be  supplied,  all  will  be  encouraged  to  learn.  Another 
thing : — a  great  many  of  our  people  are  poor  women,  who 
have  no  men  in  their  families  :  now  by  supplying  others  in  the 
manner  we  have  suggested,  the  fields  of  the  poor  may  be 
ploughed.  This  will  rouse  the  minds  of  the  whole  nation  to 
learn  what  the  white  people  know. 

"  You  told  us  if  we  liked  what  you  said  we  should  say  so  : 
If  it  was  deficient  in  any  thing,  we  should  tell  what  was 
wanting ; — if  redundant,  we  should  strike  off.  You  mentioned 
the  places  for  the  establishments, — one  was  at  Geneseo,  and 
one  at  Oneida.  We  have  considered  that  at  Oneida  there  are 
a  great  many  people,  Tuscaroras  and  Oneidas,  who  can  help 
one  another; — and  that  at  Geneseo  there  are  also  Oneidas  and 
Tuscaroras,  who,  being  numerous,  will  want  one  establishment 
for  themselves.  We  wish  you  to  use  them  as  you  do  the 
Senecas,  that  their  minds  may  be  easy.  Perhaps  they  will 
learn  quicker,  so  as  to  desire  two  establishments  at  Geneseo. 

"  You  must  not  suppose  that  we  slight  any  thing  that  you 
have  offered.  We  accept  of  all.  It  is  all  good.  But  we  hope 
that  you  will  not  think  of  making  establishments  at  Buffalo 
Creek,  or  Obeilstown,t  at  present.  For  there  is  some  shaking! 
at  the  extremity  of  our  house.§  There  may  be  some  danger 
to  the  persons  who  might  be  employed. 


*  Live  in  one  neighborhood.  t  O'Bail, — the  Cornplanter's  town. 

*  Trouble.  §  The  border  of  their  country. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  85 

"  There  is  one  thing  which  might  be  of  great  advantage  to 
us,  which  you  have  not  mentioned  :  that  is  a  saw-mill.  This 
would  help  us  greatly.  We  know  the  cause  of  Mr.  Allen's 
leaving  our  country.*  He  told  us  the  reason  before  he  went 
away.  And  you  and  we  all  know  that  his  mill  is  over  the  line 
agreed  upon  last  summer  before  you,  and  he  has  gone  away, 
he  says,  because  he  owns  nothing.  Allen  told  us  if  General 
Washington  would  buy  the  mill,  paying  him  just  what  it  cost, 
it  might  be  our's,  and  be  allowed  to  stand  on  our  land.  And  we 
should  rejoice  exceedingly  if  we  could  become  the  proprietors 
of  that  mill.  If  General  Washington  would  buy  it  and  give  it 
to  us,  the  superintendent  might  see  to  the  appraisement  of  it. 

"  You  mentioned  that  this  provision  was  for  those  of  our 
nations  who  live  on  this  side  of  the  Lakes.  But  perhaps  our 
brothers  at  Grand  River,  when  they  see  those  things  introduced 
among  us,  may  fall  in  love  with  them,  and  want  to  come  and 
join  us.  We  therefore  wish  that  the  plan  may  be  so  formed 
as  to  comprehend  all.  For  our  peace  is  in  a  weak,  languid 
condition,  just  expiring,  and  we  would  avoid  giving  offence  to 
any  of  our  brothers.  There  are  two  roads  :  perhaps  they  on 
the  other  side  of  the  waterf  may  take  our  road.  Therefore 
we  wish  you  to  extend  your  invitation  to  the  whole  Six  Nations, 
and  press  them  to  join  us  when  peace  shall  take  place.  We 
shall  desire  the  proposed  establishments  may  be  made  at  Buffalo 
and  Alleghany. 

"  It  was  the  custom  of  our  fathers,  when  they  had  finished 
any  particular  business,  to  talk  over  affairs  of  general  concern. 

*  Ebenezer  Allen,  a  tory,  who  fled  from  Pennsylvania  and  joined  the  Senecas. 
He  was  a  monster  of  iniquity,  according  to  Mary  Jemison,  the  white  woman, 
whose  life  contains  a  chapter  devoted  to  him.  After  the  war  he  became  a  trader. 
He  had  several  successive  Indian  wives,  and  afterward  married  a  white  woman. 
He  once  drowned  a  Dutch  trader,  and  committed  many  other  enormities.  He 
built  the  first  mill  at  the  Genesee  falls,  now  Rochester,  under  the  authority  of 
Phelps  and  Gorham, — they  having  obtained  a  special  grant  of  a  territory  at  that 
place,  of  the  Indians,  twelve  by  twenty-four  miles  in  extent,  for  "  a  mill-yard  !" 
Allen  ultimately  fled  from  the  United  States,  and  died  at  Grand  River. 

t  Meaning  the  Indians  at  Grand  River,  in  Upper  Canada. 


86  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Now  we  wish  Congress  to  hasten  to  make  peace  with  the  hos 
tile  Indians  who  are  alongside  of  us.  We  both  have  our  eyes 
to  the  place  where  the  trouble  lies.  This  is  all  we  have  to 
say."* 

This  address  has  not  been  preserved  because  of  its 
eloquence.  It  is  a  mere  business  recital,  and  claims  no 
higher  character.  But  it  forms  a  feature  in  the  history  of 
this  first  effort  to  introduce  the  blessings  of  civilization 
among  the  Six  Nations,  and  it  also  serves  to  illustrate  the 
views  entertained  at  that  time  by  a  notable  chief,  who 
subsequently  became  one  of  the  most  steady  and  impla 
cable  opponents  of  that  beneficent  policy.  It  is  therefore 
neither  a  useless  document,  nor  out  of  place  in  this  con 
nexion. 

The  speeches,  or  addresses,  recited  in  the  preceding 
pages  of  the  present  chapter,  had  been  interchanged 
before  the  speech  of  Red-Jacket  in  reply  to  that  of  the 
President  had  been  formally  answered  by  Colonel 
Pickering,  upon  whom  the  duty  of  making  such  answer 
had  devolved.  The  Colonel  discharged  this  duty  at  an 
interview,  appointed  for  the  purpose,  on  the  17th  day  of 
April.  Under  ordinary  circumstances,  involving  matters 
of  less  importance,  a  document  of  the  length  of  Colonel 
Pickering's  address,  instead  of  being  inserted  entire  in 
the  text,  would  have  been  epitomized,  or  transferred 
to  the  appendix.  But  the  address  is  so  closely  inter 
woven  with  that  benevolent  feature  of  Washington's 
early  Indian  policy  which  contemplated  their  moral 

*  The  author  is  indebted  to  the  researches  of  Joseph  W.  Moulton,  Esq.,  for  a 
copy  of  this  speech. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  87 

and  social  elevation,  and  passes  in  review  so  many 
facts  blended  with  the  Indian  relations  of  the  United 
States  at  the  period  under  consideration,  that  its  insertion 
at  length  seems  to  be  required.  It  serves  to  elucidate,  in 
language  equally  concise  and  clear,  the  causes,  and  the 
merits,  of  the  war  then  raging  with  the  north-western 
Indians,  while  it  discloses,  in  refreshing  relief,  the  just 
and  humane  views  of  the  President,  and  the  policy  by 
which  his  administration  was  marked,  in  regard,  not  only 
to  the  Six  Nations,  but  to  the  various  tribes  of  the  abori 
ginal  family  within  the  confines  of  the  republic. 

The  chiefs  having  assembled,  and  the  council  been 
opened  in  due  form  on  the  day  above  stated,  Colonel 
Pickering  addressed  them  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHERS  OP  THE  FIVE  NATIONS  :  Some  days  ago  you 
delivered  your  answer  to  the  President's  speech.  According 
to  your  custom,  you  repeated  the  principal  parts  of  it,  and 
expressed  your  thanks  for  the  friendly  sentiments  it  contained, 
which  had  made  your  hearts  glad.  You  rejoiced  that  the 
President  considered  you  as  freemen,  and  desired  you  to  speak 
with  freedom  ;  and  then  you  joined  with  the  President  in  his 
wish  that  all  the  evils  which  had  hitherto  disturbed  our  peace 
might  be  buried  in  oblivion.  You  declared  your  belief  that 
this  island  came  from  the  Great  Spirit,  that  you  considered 
yourselves  as  in  his  presence,  and  that  he  is  the  proprietor 
of  all. 

"  BROTHERS  !  We,  your  white  brethren,  have  the  same  be 
lief  ;  as  He  made,  so  He  governs  the  world.  He  has  so  disposed 
events  that  we  should  meet  at  this  place,  to  consult  on  those 
things  which  may  prove  blessings  to  you  and  your  posterity. 
We,  your  brethren  of  the  United  States,  rejoice  that  your 
hearts  are  thus  inclined.  Many  good  men  have  wished  to  see 
such  a  day,  when  the  knowledge  possessed  by  the  white  people 


88  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

might  be  introduced  among  you,  the  nations  of  this  land.  Such 
good  men  have  long  been  searching,  but  with  small  success, 
for  a  path  by  which  this  knowledge  might  be  carried  amongst 
you.  Now  we  think  we  have  discovered  the  true  path  ;  and 
you  begin  to  see  it.  But  you  must  be  very  careful  lest  you 
lose  sight  of  it.  Your  nephews,  the  Stockbridge  Indians, 
know  the  path  so  well  that  they  can  now  walk  on  boldly ;  and 
the  Oneidas  are  following  in  their  steps.  By  and  by  the  path 
will  be  extended  through  all  your  countries,  and  I  hope 'to  see 
it  so  plainly  marked  that  not  one  of  all  your  nations  shall 
miss  it. 

"  BROTHERS  !  You  not  only  see  this  path,  but  think  it  a 
good  one  ;  and  therefore  you  express  your  wishes  to  see  the 
President's  words  verified  to  your  children  and  children's 
children.  You  observed  that  we  enjoyed  all  the  good  things 
of  this  life,  and  that  you  looked  to  us  to  make  provision  that 
the  same  might  be  enjoyed  by  your  children.  But  you  desired 
that  this  might  be  done  by  degrees.  This  is  right.  For  you 
know  when  a  traveller  gets  upon  a  new  track  that  he  can  but 
just  discern,  if  he  hurries  along  he  will  be  in  danger  of  losing 
it  altogether. 

"  BROTHERS  !  Some  of  you  are  grown  old ;  others  are  of 
my  age  ;  and  some  are  much  younger.  But  even  the  oldest  of 
you  may  see  many  of  your  children  walking  in  this  new  path. 
Look  forward  ten,  fifteen,  or  twenty  years ;  for  many  of  us 
may  live  so  long ;  and  then  we  may  see  our  children  meet 
together  and  speak  with  one  tongue.  Or  if  your  children  are 
in  your  country,  and  our's  are  here,  yet  they  can  then  speak  on 
paper,  with  the  same  ease  and  certainty  as  if  they  stood  face 
to  face. 

"  BROTHERS  !    Does  not  this  thought  give  you  pleasure  1 

"  BROTHERS  !  You  took  notice  of  what  the  President  said 
to  you  relative  to  the  war  with  the  western  Indians  ;  that  he 
was  not  the  cause  of  it,  but  lamented  it ;  and  would  be  happy 
in  the  discovery  of  the  means  by  which  peace  could  be  restored. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  §9 

You  then  wished  me  to  point  out  to  you  what  I  thought  was 
the  real  cause  of  the  war. 

"  BROTHERS  !  This  perhaps  would  be  a  difficult  task.  We 
have  heard  that  the  minds  of  the  western  Indians  have  been 
disturbed  on  account  of  their  lands,  which  at  the  treaty  of 
peace  with  Great  Britain,  fell  within  the  boundary  of  the 
United  States.  But  as  it  has  ever  been  our  strong  desire  to 
establish  peace,  and  to  remove  every  cause  of  jealousy  and 
discontent — I  now  solemnly  declare  to  you  that  we  claim  none 
of  those  lands,  except  such  of  them  as  we  have  purchased  at 
treaties  held  with  the  Indians,  who,  as  owners,  undertook  to 
sell  them.  All  other  lands  of  the  Indians  we  renounce.  The 
President,  with  his  own  mouth,  has  made  the  same  declaration ; 
and  if  you  look  into  the  great  parchment  which  he  gave  the 
Cornplanter,  you  will  see  it  under  his  hand.  Let  this  be 
strongly  impressed  on  your  mind.  But  I  am  informed  that 
some  of  the  western  Indians  who  joined  with  the  British  and 
took  up  the  hatchet  sixteen  years  ago,  have  never  laid  it  down 
to  this  day.  Yet  measures  were  taken  by  Congress  for  making 
peace  with  all  the  Indian  nations, — with  those  at  the  west 
ward  as  well  as  with  you :  and  runners  were  sent  at  the  same 
time  to  invite  them  to  a  treaty.  The  like  invitation  has  been 
several  times  renewed.  But  the  Miami  and  Wabash  Indians 
never  would  attend.  The  only  nations  at  the  westward  who 
have  entered  into  treaties  with  us,  are  the  Shawanese,  about 
six  years  ago,  at  a  council  fire  at  the  mouth  of  the  Miami, 
which  runs  into  the  Ohio,  and  the  Delawares,  Wyandots,  Ot- 
tawas,  and  Chippewas,  who  attended  the  treaty  at  Fort 
Mclntosh,  seven  years  ago,  and  ceded  part  of  their  lands  ;  and 
the  Pottawattamies  and  Sacs,  who,  with  the  Delawares,  Wy 
andots,  Ottawas,  and  Chippewas,  attended  the  treaty  at  Musk- 
ingum,  about  three  years  ago,  when  the  treaty  at  Fort  Mcln 
tosh  was  renewed  and  confirmed.  About  two  years  ago  a 
fresh  messenger  wras  sent  to  the  hostile  Indians,  to  invite  them 
to  a  treaty  of  peace  :  but  they  refused  to  come,  and  repeated 
their  outrages  with  increased  violence. 

12 


90  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  BROTHERS  !  It  will  surprise  you  to  hear  that  these  hostile 
Indians,  in  their  various  incursions  on  our  frontiers  since  we 
made  peace  with  the  British,  have  killed  upward  of  one  thou 
sand  five  hundred  of  our  defenceless  men,  women  and  chil 
dren  !  I  speak  not  of  warriors ; — but  only  of  quiet,  harmless 
people,  who  were  following  their  peaceable  employments. 
Such  is  our  information.  After  all  these  things  could  we  do 
otherwise  than  send  armies  into  their  country  1  It  is  true  we 
have  been  unfortunate.  But  we  are  not  discouraged,  though 
we  desire  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  For  what  good  can 
arise  from  the  continuance  of  it  1  We  want  nothing  which  be 
longs  to  the  hostile  Indians.  Why  then  should  they  continue 
their  depredations  1  If  any  of  them  have  made  war  on  account 
of  the  lands  purchased  of  them  since  the  peace  made  with  the 
British,  I  can  only  say  that  the  Great  Council  of  the  United 
States  appointed  Commissioners  to  treat  with  them  on  that 
subject,  and  to  give  them  a  large  quantity  of  goods.  A  num 
ber  of  chiefs  signed  the  deeds ;  and  from  the  reports  of  the 
Commissioners  it  was  supposed  the  lands  were  fairly  obtained. 
And  in  consequence  thereof,  large  tracts  have  since  been  sold. 
Some  to  the  citizens  of  the  United  States,  and  some  to  the 
people  of  your  ancient  Father,  the  King  of  the  French,  who 
have  gone  and  built  houses  and  planted  corn  in  that  country. 
Hence  you  see  how  difficult  it  would  be  to  restore  that  land 
to  the  Indians,  even  if  those  chiefs  who  signed  the  deeds  were 
not  a  complete  representation  of  the  nations  who  owned  the 
land.  But  there  is  one  thing  which  the  United  States,  who 
desire  nothing  but  what  is  just,  will  cheerfully  do.  They  will 
attentively  hear  the  complaints  of  the  western  Indians  ;  they 
will  re-examine  the  treaties,  and  inquire  into  the  manner  in 
which  they  were  conducted ;  and  if  the  complaints  of  the 
western  Indians  appear  to  be  well  founded,  the  United  States 
will  make  them  ample  compensation  for  their  lands.  They 
will  do  more.  The  United  States,  so  far  from  desiring  to  in 
jure  the  western  Indians,  would  rather  do  them  good ;  and 
cheerfully  impart  to  them  that  knowledge  and  those  arts  which 


OF  RED-JACKET.  9^ 

you  are  now  convinced  will  be  so  beneficial  to  your  nations, 
and  which  you  have  cordially  agreed  to  accept. 

"  BROTHERS  !  What  are  the  obstacles  to  so  much  good  ? 
Are  they  not  the  jealousies  and  prejudices  entertained  by  the 
western  Indians  against  the  United  States  1  As  though  we 
wished  for  their  destruction ; — or  if  they  had  been  wronged, 
that  we  were  determined  never  to  do  what  was  right.  But 
these  obstacles  would  vanish,  if  we  could  persuade  them  to 
come  near  enough  to  hear  our  voice.  For  they  would  soon 
find  it  to  be  the  voice  of  justice,  kindness,  and  peace. 

"  BROTHERS  !  You  have  a  regard  to  the  people  of  your  own 
color,  and  you  are  the  friends  of  the  United  States.  Perhaps 
as  friends  to  both  parties,  you  may  have  it  in  your  power,  and 
be  disposed  to  speak  to  the  western  Indians,  to  convince 
them  that  war  is  not  necessary  to  enable  them  to  obtain  jus 
tice  ;  and  that  the  United  States  have  no  desire  to  revenge 
the  injuries  they  have  received. 

"  BROTHERS  !  891116  of  you  were  once  our  enemies  :  but 
now  you  are  our  friends ;  and  you  have  strong  proof  of  the 
kindness  of  our  hearts  toward  you.  In  like  manner  let  peace 
take  place  with  the  western  Indians,  and  they  will  immedi 
ately  find  us  equally  kind  to  them. 

"  BROTHERS  !  Perhaps  some  of  the  western  Indians  have 
never  yet  distinctly  heard  our  voice  inviting  them  to  peace. 
Possibly  our  white  runners  did  not  go  near  enough  to  make 
them  all  hear;  or  perhaps  the  noise  of  the  guns  prevented 
their  hearing.  But  it  may  be  in  your  power  to  go  among 
them  and  put  your  voice  directly  into  their  ears. 

"  BROTHERS  !  I  mention  this  matter  to  you,  because  it  is  im 
portant  to  us,  your  friends,  and  to  the  people  of  your  own 
color.  If  you  please  you  can  consider  of  it.  But  you  are 
perfectly  free  to  speak  and  to  act  according  to  your  own 
judgment. 

"  BROTHERS  !  You  mentioned  some  other  things  in  your 
speech,  which  I  have  duly  attended  to  ;  but  it  would  be  tedious 
to  repeat  them  all.  However,  as  you  referred  to  the  treaty  of 


92  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

peace  made  between  us  and  the  British,  and  gave  your  opinion, 
that  if  all  the  articles  of  it  were  completely  fulfilled,  the  diffi 
culties  with  the  western  Indians  would  cease  :*  I  will  just 
observe,  that  although  every  thing  in  that  treaty  is  not  accom 
plished,  yet  the  peace  between  us  and  the  British  is  not  there 
by  disturbed.  We  constantly  trade  together,  and  maintain  a 
friendly  intercourse  with  each  other  ;  and  all  remaining  differen 
ces  will  doubtless  be  quietly  settled.  This  being  the  case,  those 
must  be  bad  people  who  make  a  handle  of  those  differences  to 
encourage  the  Indians  to  war.  Such  bad  men,  whatever  may 
be  their  pretences,  are  equally  enemies  to  the  Indians  and  to 
us." 

To  this  wise  and  conciliatory  speech,  breathing 
throughout  a  spirit  of  benevolence  and  justice,  the  two 
chiefs,  Farmers'-Brother  and  Red- Jacket,  rejoined  in 
succession,  and  at  the  same  interview, — a  circumstance 
ratber  remarkable  in  Indian  diplomacy.  Farmers'- 
Brother  spoke  as  follows  ;  first  to  his  own  people  : — 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  FIVE  NATIONS,  attend  while  I  address 
myself  in  your  presence  to  my  Brother  Con-neh-sauty,  the 
Representative  on  this  occasion,  of  the  thirteen  United  States. 

Turning  then  to  Colonel   Pickering,  he   proceeded: — 

"  BROTHER  !  You  have  this  day  spoken  to  us.  Your  speech 
has  been  long.  As  a  part  of  it  referred  to  what  you  had  before 
communicated  to  us  at  large,  we  shall  not  now  make  any  re 
ply.  But  in  the  close  of  your  talk  to  us,  you  mentioned  one 
subject  of  great  importance,  which  related  to  the  state  of  the 
hostile  Indians  toward  the  setting  sun.  You  gave  us  your 
opinion  of  the  causes  of  their  being  in  a  hostile  state  ; — we  shall 
now  assign  some  reasons,  as  they  lie  in  our  minds. 

*  This  was  the  opinion  of  Fisher  Ames.  See  his  masterly  speech  upon  the 
question  of  ratifying  Mr.  Jay's  treaty. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 


93 


"  BROTHER  !  You  desired  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely  upon 
this  subject,  as  we  were  a  free  and  independent  people.  "We 
thank  you  for  the  declaration.  We  shall  do  it.  Your  Brothers 
of  the  Five  Nations  have  been  exceedingly  distressed  in  their 
minds  since  your  peace  with  the  British,  that  things  at  the 
westward  were  not  settled  to  your  satisfaction.  "We  shall  now 
assign  but  a  few  of  the  principal  reasons  of  the  hostilities  in  that 
quarter ;  for  there  will  be  no  time  to  descend  to  all  the  par 
ticulars. 

"  BROTHER  !  Continue  to  hear  us.  It  is  true  there  was  a 
treaty  held  at  Fort  Mclntosh,  where  were  a  few  deputies  from 
several  nations  composed  of  such  as  were  hunting  round  in 
the  bush ;  and  not  of  the  real  chiefs.*  About  a  year  after 
this,  a  large  delegation  of  the  Five  Nations  went  into  the 
Shawanese  country,  where  a  great  council  was  called,  from  all 
the  nations  in  that  quarter.  After  some  time  spent  in  coun 
selling,  and  it  being  difficult  to  continue  longer  in  so  great  a 
body,  for  want  of  provisions  ;  the  warriors  went  out  to  get 
something  to  season  their  broth,  and  to  cover  their  feet.  At 
the  same  time  some  runners  were  sent  out  to  call  in  distant 
nations.  And  behold  !  at  this  juncture,  the  Big-Knife  came 
into  their  country,  to  the  very  town  where  they  were  assem 
bled,  and  took  and  destroyed  the  town,  killed  all  the  old 
chiefs,  and  extinguished  the  council-fire.  This  happened 
but  one  season  after  the  treaty  held  at  Fort  Mclntosh.  I 
say  that  this  extinguished  the  council-fire,  which  was  then 

*  This  treaty  was  negotiated  by  Gen.  St.  Clair,  in  1785.  The  Indians  ever 
afterward,  as  well  the  nations  said  to  have  been  represented,  as  the  Six  Nations, 
contended  that  it  was  not  the  result  of  a  fair  negotiation, — in  other  words,  as 
Farmer's-Br other  maintained,  they  held  that  the  nations  concerned  were  not 
properly  represented,  and  they  therefore  contended  that  the  treaty  was  not  binding. 
It  had  doubtless  been  the  policy  of  the  Indians,  both  the  Six  Nations  and  those 
of  the  north-west,  to  act  together  in  one  grand  confederacy,  but  General  St.  Clair 
availed  himself  of  a  moment  of  jealousy  between  them,  and  dexterously  con 
trived  to  institute  separate  negotiations.  Still  the  great  body  of  the  Indians 
were  never  satisfied  with  that  procedure.  See  letter  of  Gen.  St.  Clair  to  the 
President.  Indian  State  Papers,  vol.  i.,  p.  10-11. 


94  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

kindled  for  the  purpose  of  a  general  peace.  For,  shocking  to 
tell !  the  Big-Knife  killed  the  old  chief  who  had  then  in  his 
hands  the  treaty  of  Fort  Mclntosh,  and  the  flag  of  the  United 
States  then  received.  Hence  we  conceive  that  the  Virginians 
themselves  at  that  time  broke  the  peace.* 

"  After  this,  we  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  Delawares,  and 
others,  moved  the  council  fire  to  the  place  called  the  Standing 
Stone.  And  we,  your  brothers  of  the  Five  Nations,  endea 
vored  to  quiet  their  disturbed  minds,  speaking  to  them  of  the 
disaster  which  had  befallen  them. 

"  Now  at  this  removed  council  fire,  the  "Wyandot  and  Dela 
wares  replied  to  us  of  the  Five  Nations,  in  the  following 
manner : — 

" '  See,  Brothers !  While  you  are  kindling  these  council 
'  fires  in  the  bushes,  evil  has  come  upon  us.  We  expected  it 
'  would  be  so  ;  and  we  therefore  must  blame  you,  for  having 
'  so  much  confidence  in  the  Big-Knife.  Moreover,  we  must 
'  thank  you  that  you  have  come  so  far  into  our  country,  and  are 

*  now  at  the  place  where  the  ancient  council  fire  was  kindled, 
1  the  light  of  which  reached  to  the  clouds,  and  was  seen  by  all 

*  the  Five  Nations.     We  are  glad  that  you  still  talk  to  us  upon 

*  It  is  difficult  to  ascertain  with  certainty  to  what  transaction  the  speaker  here 
refers.  But  it  is  most  likely  he  was  speaking  of  a  friendly  town  of  Indians, 
called  the  Piankeshaws,  living  upon  the  W abash.  In  a  report  upon  the  Indian 
relations  of  the  country,  by  General  Knox,  Secretary  of  War,  to  the  President, 
dated  June  15,  1789,  it  is  remarked  that  since  the  conclusion  of  the  revolution 
ary  war,  in  1783,  the  United  States  had  formed  no  treaties  with  the  Indians  of 
the  Wabash  country,  and  that  hostilities  had  almost  constantly  existed  between 
the  people  of  Kentucky  and  the  said  Indians.  "  The  injuries  and  murders," 
said  the  Secretary,  "  have  been  so  reciprocal,  that  it  would  be  a  point  of  criti 
cal  investigation  to  know  on  which  side  they  have  been  the  greatest."  The 
Secretary  added, — "  Some  of  the  inhabitants  of  Kentucky,  during  the  past  year, 
(1788,)  roused  by  recent  injuries,  made  an  invasion  into  the  Wabash  country, 
and,  possessing  an  equal  aversion  to  all  bearing  the  name  of  Indians,  they  de 
stroyed  a  number  of  peaceable  Piankeshaws,  who  prided  themselves  on  their 
attachment  to  the  United  States."  Is  it  cause  of  wonder,  then,  that  the  less  en 
lightened  savages,  who  were  liable  to  such  treatment,  should  look  upon  "  all 
the  whites  with  equal  aversion?" 


OF  RED-JACKET. 


95 


'  the  subject  of  a  general  peace,  and  that  we  should  still  use 
*  our  endeavors  to  effect  it  among  all  the  Indian  nations  in  this 
'  quarter.' 

"  Our  elder  brother,  the  Mohawk,  then  spoke,  and  gave  them 
great  thanks,  that  they  would  still  endeavor  to  establish  peace, 
and  promised  to  write  the  Congress  on  the  subject. 

"  BROTHER  !  The  Five  Nations  were  the  cause  of  the  at 
tendance  on  the  treaty  at  the  Falls  of  Muskingum.  Some  of 
us  went  by  Fort  Pitt,  to  take  all  in  that  route.  These  first 
arrived  at  Muskingum.  Another  party  went  by  Detroit,  to 
bring  all  from  that  quarter.  At  length,  when  we  had  arrived 
at  the  place  called  the  High  Hills,  it  was  determined  that  a 
runner  should  be  sent  to  Muskingum  to  know  the  business  of 
the  treaty.  Accordingly,  Captain  David,  of  the  Mohawk  Na 
tion,  who  is  since  dead,  was  chosen  for  this  purpose. 

"  When  the  runner  went  to  the  place  (which  was  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Muskingum)  and  was  returning,  he  met  the  main 
body  at  the  Falls,  (which  was  about  half  way,)  going  on  to 
the  council  fire.  Captain  David  brought  back  a  large  piece  of 
writing.  And  when  it  was  read,  (as  it  was  by  Brant,)  all  that 
it  spoke  was  in  regard  to  their  lands  ;  and  they  found  that  all 
the  Commissioner  wanted  was  to  get  their  lands.  This  dis 
turbed  all  their  minds, — when  they  found  all  that  was  wanted 
was  to  get  their  lands, — and  it  shocked  the  minds  of  the  Five 
Nations. 

"  All  the  Indians  then  went  back,  except  the  Senecas,  and 
one  out  of  each  other  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  some  of  the 
Delawares  and  Wyandots.  These  went  on  to  the  council  fire 
of  the  Commissioner,  because  it  had  been  burning  all  the  sea 
son,  waiting  for  them.  Here  their  minds  were  made  uneasy, 
because  the  Commissioner  marked  out  their  lands  as  l\e  saw  fit, 
and  just  told  them  what  he  did,  saying,  "  I  am  going  to  have  so 
much."  The  Five  Nations  tried  to  assist  those  nations,  but 
could  not.  For  the  Commissioner  said,  I  have  nothing  to  do 
with  you,  the  Five  Nations,  but  only  with  these  other  nations 


96  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

who  own  the  lands.  Then  our  minds  sank  within  us,  and  we 
said  no  more. 

"  Then  the  Commissioner  marked  off  big  pieces,  describing 
them,  and  said,  so  much  I  must  have.  The  nations  meant  to 
have  the  line  run  along  the  heads  of  the  small  creeks,  running 
into  the  Alleghany ;  but  the  Commissioner  said  that  was  not 
enough,  but  that  he  wanted  the  line  to  run  so  far  back  as  to 
go  upon  the  heads  of  the  waters  running  into  Lake  Erie  ; 
and  he  extended  it  accordingly  toward  the  Mississippi. 

"  BROTHER  !  You  said  perhaps  the  voice  of  the  runner  of 
the  United  States  had  not  gone  near  enough  to  the  western 
Indians  for  them  to  hear  it.  This  was  the  case. 

"  BROTHER  !  You  desired  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely  upon 
this  subject,  to  wit :  the  causes  of  the  uneasiness  among  the 
western  Indians.  We  have  now  candidly  related  to  you 
from  step  to  step  these  facts ;  which  from  small  beginnings 
have  increased  to  an  extensive  breach  of  our  peace. 

"  BROTHER  !  Possess  your  mind  in  peace.  This  matter 
does  not  immediately  concern  us — but  you  desired  us  to  speak. 

The  Farmers'-Brother  having  ended,  Red-Jacket  rose 
and  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHER  CON-NEH-SAUTY,  who  have  been  appointed  by 
the  President  to  represent  the  United  States  in  the  business 
on  which  we  were  invited,  now  attend ! 

"  You  spoke  to  us  on  our  first  arrival ;  and  a  few  days 
since  you  opened  the  whole  business  which  respects  our 
national  happiness.  After  this,  you  adverted  to  the  troubled 
state  of  the  nations  at  the  westward ;  and  mentioned  what  you 
supposed  were  the  causes  of  those  troubles  among  the  various 
nations  in  that  quarter  ;  and  you  desired  us  to  speak  our  minds 
freely  on  this  subject. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  have  heard  the  two  principal  causes  of 
those  troubles.  Those  two  causes,  as  we  apprehend,  were 
these, — the  destroying  of  the  town  by  Big-Knife,  and  killing 


OF  RED-JACKET.  97 

the  old  man,  while  the  nations  were  met  counselling  for  peace  ; 
and  the  smallness  of  the  number  who  attended  the  treaty  at 
Muskingum,  and  the  affair  of  the  lands.  For  we,  the  Five 
Nations,  had  to  give  up  our  judgments  to  what  the  Commis 
sioner  dictated,  and  that  was  the  reason  there  were  so  many 
names  to  the  writing. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  have  now  heard  the  causes  of  the  uneasi 
ness  among  the  western  Indians  ;  you  said  you  wished  to  know 
the  causes  of  those  hostilities,  that  you  might  remove  them. 
Here  they  are,  as  we  consider  them.  Now  it  is  our  wish  that 
the  President  and  Congress  would  exert  themselves  to  remove 
them.  You  have  manifested  a  desire  to  put  the  burthen  of 
bringing  you  and  the  western  Indians  together,  upon  our  shoul 
ders  ;  but  it  is  too  heavy  for  us  to  bear  without  your  assistance. 

"  BROTHER  :  Continue  to  hear !  We  are  not  able  to  go 
forward  with  this  great  business  alone.  Therefore,  if  you  earn 
estly  wish  for  the  restoration  of  peace  as  your  words  have  ex 
pressed,  let  us  have  some  assistance.  Let  there  be  one  voice 
between  you  arid  the  British,  who  are  by  our  fireside,  to  effect 
this  object.  True,  you  have  drawn  a  line  between  them  and 
you ;  and  the  line  comes  near  to  us.  But  we  think  you  are 
too  proud  to  act  together  upon  this  business.  And  unless  you 
go  to  the  western  Indians,  how  will  you  convince  them  that 
you  mean  to  do  them  justice  "? 

"  BROTHER  :  We  of  the  Five  Nations  have  not  settled  all 
the  affairs  pertaining  to  our  peace, — and  it  will  give  great  joy 
to  our  minds  if  you  can  extend  peace  to  the  western  nations. 
What  we  have  proposed,  we  think  would  be  a  healing  medi 
cine.  Therefore,  when  we  have  completed  our  business  with 
you,  we  shall  be  glad  to  communicate  this  to  the  people  of  our 
color  to  the  westward. 

"  BROTHER  :  While  you  are  yet  hearing,  let  us  remind  you 
of  your  own  words, — '  verily  you  must  love  those  of  your 
*  own  color :  and  we  believe  also  that  you  are  friends  to  us.' 

"  BROTHER  :  You  have  spoken  truly :  we  do  love  both, — we 

13 


98  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

also  love  our  common  peace.  Therefore  have  we  thus  ad 
vised  to  this  healing  medicine,  which,  alone,  we  think,  will 
complete  a  cure  of  all  the  wounds. 

"  BROTHER  :  This  is  all  we  have  now  to  say.  You  see  that  it 
is  a  pleasant  day  ;  an  emblem  of  the  pleasure  and  joy  now  dif 
fused  through  all  here  present,  for  indeed  it  has  been  a  coun 
selling  day, — a  day  of  business." 

The  consultations  being  about  to  close,  on  the  25th  of 
April  the  President  transmitted  to  the  chiefs  the  annexed 
farewell  address  : — 

"  MY  CHILDREN  OF  THE  FIVE  NATIONS  ! 

"  You  were  invited  here  at  my  request,  in  order  that  mea 
sures  should  be  concerted  with  you,  to  impart  such  of  the 
blessings  of  civilization,  as  may  at  present  suit  your  condition, 
and  give  you  further  desires  to  improve  your  own  happiness. 

"  Colonel  Pickering  has  made  the  particular  arrangements 
with  you  to  carry  into  execution  these  objects, — all  of  which 
I  hereby  approve  and  confirm. 

"  And  in  order  that  the  money  necessary  to  defray  the  an 
nual  expenses  of  the  arrangements  which  have  been  made, 
should  be  provided  permanently,  I  now  ratify  an  article  which 
will  secure  the  yearly  appropriation  of  the  sum  of  one  thou 
sand  five  hundred  dollars,  for  the  use  and  benefit  of  the  Five 
Nations, — the  Stockbridge  Indians  included. 

"  The  United  States  having  received  and  provided  for  you 
as  for  a  part  of  themselves,  will,  I  am  persuaded,  be  strongly 
and  gratefully  impressed  on  your  minds,  and  those  of  all  your 
tribes. 

"  Let  it  be  spread  abroad  among  all  your  villages,  and 
throughout  your  land,  that  the  United  States  are  desirous  not 
only  of  a  general  peace  with  all  the  Indian  tribes,  but  of  being 
their  friends  and  protectors. 

"  It  has  been  my  direction,  and  I  hope  it  has  been  executed 


OF  RED-JACKET.  99 

to  your  satisfaction,  that  during  your  residence  here  you  should 
be  well  fed,  well  lodged,  and  well  clothed,  and  that  presents 
should  be  furnished  to  your  wives  and  families. 

"  I  partake  of  your  sorrow  on  account  that  it  has  pleased 
the  Great  Spirit  to  take  from  you  two  of  your  number  by 
death,  since  your  residence  in  this  city.*  I  have  ordered  that 
your  tears  should  be  wiped  away  according  to  your  custom, 
and  that  presents  should  be  sent  to  the  relations  of  the  de 
ceased. 

"  Our  lives  are  all  in  the  hands  of  our  Maker,  and  we  must 
part  with  them  whenever  he  shall  demand  them, — and  the  sur 
vivors  must  submit  to  events  they  cannot  prevent. 

"  Having  happily  settled  all  your  business,  and  being  about 
to  return  to  your  own  country,  I  wish  you  a  pleasant  journey, 
and  that  you  may  safely  return  to  your  families,  after  so  long 
a  journey,  and  find  them  in  good  health. 

"  Given  under  my  hand,  at  the  city  of  Philadelphia,  this 
twenty-fifth  day  of  April,  1792. 

(Signed)        GEO.  WASHINGTON." 

The  conferences  were  finally  closed  on  the  30th  of 
April,  to  the  mutual  satisfaction  of  both  parties.  The 
chiefs  had  not  only  agreed  to  try,  with  their  people,  to 
become  civilized,  but  had  likewise  stipulated  to  send  a 

*  One  of  the  chiefs  to  whose  decease  General  Washington  here  referred  was 
Peter  Jaquette,  a  leading  sachem  of  the  Oneidas,  who  died  on  the  19th  of  March, 
soon  after  the  deputation  arrived  in  Philadelphia.  Peter  had  been  taken  to 
France  by  the  Marquis  de  la  Fayette,  (on  that  nobleman's  return  home  after  the 
close  of  the  revolutionary  war,)  where  he  received  an  education.  The  Pennsyl 
vania  Gazette  of  that  day  thus  described  the  funeral  of  the  chief: — "  His  funeral 
was  attended  from  Oeler's  hotel  to  the  Presbyterian  burying  ground  in  Mulberry- 
street.  The  corpse  was  preceded  by  a  detachment  of  the  light  infantry  of  the 
city,  with  arms  reversed,  drums  fnuffled,  and  the  music  playing  a  solemn  dirge. 
The  corpse  was  followed  by  six  of  the  chiefs  as  mourners,  succeeded  by  all  the 
warriors  ;  the  reverend  clergy  of  all  denominations ;  Secretary  of  War,  and  the 
gentlemen  of  the  war  department ;  officers  of  the  federal  army,  and  of  the 
militia  ;  and  a  number  of  citizens." 


100  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

strong  deputation  to  their  brethren  in  the  Miami  country, 
for  the  purpose  of  bringing  them,  if  possible,  into  a  more 
pacific  disposition.  Colonel  Pickering  delivered  a  part 
ing  speech  to  them,  embracing  their  instructions  as  to 
their  contemplated  mission.  The  hostile  Indians  had 
imbibed  the  idea, — or  rather  it  had  been  insinuated  into 
their  minds  by  the  officers  of  the  British  Indian  service 
in  Upper  Canada, — that  the  United  States  were  claiming 
the  fee  of  their  whole  domain  south  of  the  great  lakes, 
and  east  of  the  Mississippi.  Of  this  idea  Red-Jacket 
and  his  associates  were  charged  to  disabuse  them,  and 
to  show  them  by  maps  with  which  they  were  provided, 
that  the  United  States  claimed  no  farther  nor  other  por 
tions  of  the  soil  than  were  comprehended  in  the  several 
purchases  actually  made  by  treaty,  including,  of  course, 
the  treaties  of  Fort  Mclntosh  and  Fort  Harmar,  or 
Muskingum.  But  it  should  here  be  remembered  that 
the  Indians  invariably  protested  against  the  fairness  and 
validity  of  the  two  last  mentioned  treaties  ;  and  were 
then  in  arms  to  compel  the  United  States  to  regard  the 
Ohio  as  their  actual  western  boundary.  Nevertheless, 
the  chiefs  departed  in  good  spirits,  and  great  hopes  were 
entertained  that  their  western  mission  would  be  attended 
by  auspicious  results.* 

*  It  was  during  this  visit  to  Philadelphia  that  General  Washington  presented 
Red-Jacket  with  the  large  silver  medal,  bearing  his  likeness,  which  the  chief 
wore  until  his  death,  and  of  which  he  was  so  proud.  Soon  after  the  arrival  of 
the  chiefs,  General  Knox  directed  a  military  suit  of  clothes  to  be  delivered  to 
each  of  them,  including  a  cocked  hat,  &c.,  as  worn  by  the  officers  of  the  army. 
When  Red-Jacket's  suit  was  tendered  to  him,  he  requested  the  bearer  to  inform 
General  Knox  that  he  could  not  consistently  wear  the  dress,  because  he  was  a 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

The  members  of  this  deputation  arrived  at  Buffalo 
Creek  early  in  June  ;  but  although  returning  with  the 
most  amicable  feelings  themselves,  their  people  were 
found  in  a  very  different  condition  of  temper.  Many  of 
the  young  Seneca  warriors  were  among  the  hostile  In 
dians  ;  but  it  appeared  that  the  commander  of  Fort  Jef 
ferson  had  succeeded  in  winning  some  of  them  to  the 
cause  of  the  United  States,  and  a  scout  of  the  hostile 
Indians  had  been  cut  off  by  their  assistance.  This 
affair  had  caused  great  uneasiness  among  the  Six  Na 
tions,  and  their  resentment  against  the  commander  of 
Fort  Jefferson  was  kindled  to  exasperation,  because,  as 
they  alleged,  "  he  had  excited  some  of  their  thoughtless 
young  men  to  strike  the  tomahawk  into  the  heads  of 
their  brothers."  Old  Fish-Carrier,  the  principal  chief 
of  the  Cayugas,  and  a  man  of  great  consideration  among 
his  nation,  was  for  a  time  after  this  occurrence  exceed 
ingly  disaffected  ;  as  indeed  were  the  whole  Cayuga  and 
Seneca  nations.  Being  advised  of  this  critical  state  of 
things,  General  Chapin,  the  efficient  and  influential  agent 
for  the  Six  Nations,  whose  residence  was  at  Canan- 


sachem,— a  civil  officer,— and  not  a  war-chief.  He  therefore  requested  that  a 
different  suit  might  be  given  to  him,  more  suitable  to  his  station.  Still  he  insisted 
on  keeping  the  military  clothes  until  the  other  dress  was  provided  for  him.  But 
when  the  plain  dress  was  brought,  and  the  regimentals  asked  for  in  exchange,  he 
declined  delivering  them  up, — coolly  remarking  that  although  as  a  sachem  he 
could  not  wear  a  military  uniform  in  time  of  peace,  yet  in  the  time  of  war  the 
sachems  joined  the  warriors,  and  he  would  therefore  keep  it  until  a  war  should 
break  out,  when  he  could  assume  it  with  entire  propriety.  MSS.  of  Thomas 
Morris.  Red-Jacket  had  two  brothers  upon  this  deputation,  viz :  Sa-o-nish-shon- 
wa,  (A  Great  Breath,)  and  Sos-son-do-e-wa,  (A  Great  Darkness.)— Old  MS-  of 
Colonel  Pickering. 


102  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

daigua,  hastened  to  Buffalo  Creek,  and  by  much  exer 
tion  succeeded  in  allaying  the  anger  of  the  Cayuga  chief, 
and  tranquillizing  the  minds  of  the  Indians.  Such  in 
deed  was  the  change  wrought  in  the  mind  of  the  Fish- 
Carrier,  that  he  promised  to  recall  those  of  his  warriors 
who  had  joined  the  hostiles.*  He  also  acceded  to  the 
measure  of  sending  the  proposed  deputation  of  chiefs 
to  the  Miami  country ;  but  owing  to  the  extreme  delibe 
ration  of  their  movements,  their  frequent  counselling, 
and  their  dilatory  manner  of  conducting  business,  the 
messengers  did  not  depart  westward  until  the  middle  of 
September.  Yet  these  delays  arose  from  no  farther  re 
luctance  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  to  enter  upon  the 
mission.  The  deportment  of  the  federal  government 
toward  them,  and  the  agreeable  manner  in  which  they 
had  passed  their  time  in  Philadelphia,  had  completely 
won  their  friendship, — even  that  of  the  dissembling 
Red- Jacket,  who  never  afterward  gave  any  good  reason 
for  doubting  his  constancy  upon  that  point.  He  was 
himself  one  of  the  deputation  which  proceeded  to  the 
west,  as  also  was  the  Cornplanter. 

Meantime,  justly  appreciating  his  great  talents,  and 
reckoning  much  upon  his  influence  among  the  north 
western  tribes,  the  government  of  the  United  States,  by 
much  exertion,  had  succeeded,  after  the  departure  of  the 
Seneca  delegation,  in  persuading  Joseph  Brant,  the  Mo 
hawk  chief,  and  the  war-captain  of  the  whole  Iroquois 
confederacy,  to  visit  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose,  if 

*  Letter  from  General  Israel  Chapin  to  the  Secretary  at  War.     Indian  State 
Papers,  p.  241. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  103 

possible,  of  despatching  him  also  to  the  Miami  country 
as  a  messenger  of  peace.  Brant  did  not  leave  Upper 
Canada,  to  visit  the  seat  of  the  American  government, 
without  encountering  much  opposition  from  Sir  John 
Johnson  and  other  officers  in  the  British  service.  But 
he  nevertheless  performed  the  journey,  was  respectfully 
received  by  the  federal  authorities  at  Philadelphia,  and 
was  ultimately  induced  to  undertake  the  western  mis 
sion.  Taking  Grand  River  in  the  way  on  his  return,  he 
was  prostrated  by  a  fit  of  sickness,  and  rendered  unable, 
during  that  season,  to  fulfil  his  engagement. 

Nor  at  that  time,  probably,  would  a  visit,  even  from 
him,  have  been  attended  by  any  particular  benefit.  The 
hostile  Indians  were  met  in  council  by  Red-Jacket  and 
his  associates  at  the  Au  Glaize,  on  the  Miami  river  of 
Lake  Erie,  but  were  found  in  a  most  implacable  humor. 
In  his  anxiety  for  a  pacification,  the  President  had  sent 
other  messengers  of  peace  to  traverse  the  Wabash 
country,  among  whom  were  the  Rev.  Mr.  Heckewelder, 
General  Rufus  Putnam,  Colonel  Hardin,  Major  Trueman, 
and  another  officer  named  Freeman.  The  last  men 
tioned  three  of  these  messengers  had  been  intercepted 
and  murdered.  The  hostile  council  was  large,  and  no 
white  man  was  admitted  to  its  deliberations,  save  the 
noted  Simon  Girty,  whom,  at  the  expense  of  their  own 
character,  the  Wyandots  considered  as  one  of  them 
selves.  The  Shawanese  were  the  only  speakers  on  the 
side  of  the  hostile  chiefs,  and  Red-Jacket  alone  was 
permitted  to  open  his  lips  in  behalf  of  the  pacifica- 


104  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

tors.*  The  following  passage  from  the  address  of  the 
Shawanese  to  the  Six  Nations  sufficiently  illustrates  the 
temper  by  which  they  were  then  governed  : — 

"  ELDEST  BROTHERS  !  You  come  to  us  with  your  opinion, 
and  the  voice  of  the  United  States.  It  is  your  mind  to  put  an 
end  to  all  hostilities.  Brothers  !  now  we  will  relate  what  took 
place  last  fall  in  our  country.  General  Washington  sent  an 
army  into  our  country,  which  fell  into  our  hands.  Their 
orders  were  thus  :  to  proceed  into  Our  country  as  far  as  the 
Miami  towns,  to  the  Glaize ;  thence  to  Detroit,  but  not  to 
molest  the  King's  people ;  and  if  the  army  should  meet  any 
people  that  appeared  friendly,  to  leave  them  behind  their 
backs  without  harm. 

"  The  President  of  the  United  States  must  well  know  why 
the  blood  is  so  deep  in  our  paths.  We  have  been  informed 
that  he  has  sent  messengers  of  peace  on  these  bloody  roads, 
who  fell  on  the  way.t  And  now,  as  he  knows  that  road  to  be 
bloody,  no  communication  can  take  place  through  that  bloody 
way,  as  there  is  a  path  through  the  Six  Nations'  country, 
which. is  smooth  and  easy.  If  he  wants  to  send  the  voice  of 
peace,  it  must  come  through  that  road. 

"  ELDER  BROTHERS  !  We  have  been  informed  the  President 
of  the  United  States  thinks  himself  the  greatest  man  on  this 
island.  We  had  this  country  long  in  peace  before  we  saw 
any  person  of  a  white  skin.  We  consider  the  people  of  the 
white  skin  the  younger." 

There  were  no  stenographers  present  at  that  council, 
and  it  is  therefore  impossible  to  report  as  to  the  manner 
in  which  Red-Jacket  acquitted  himself.  But  as  he  was 

*  Letter  from  the  Secretary  at  War  to  the  President,  Dec.  6,  1792.  See  In 
dian  State  Papers,  p.  322. 

t  Alluding  to  the  murders  of  Hardin,  Trueman,  and  Freeman,  as  just  men 
tioned  in  the  text. 


OF  RED- JACKET.  105 

the  only  speaker  in  the  cause  of  peace,  he  doubtless 
participated  in  the  debates  often.  The  result  was  a 
stipulation  for  an  armistice  during  the  winter,  and  for 
the  holding  of  a  treaty  with  the  United  States  at  the 
Miami  rapids  in  the  ensuing  spring,  "  at  any  time  after 
the  leaves  were  oat."  But  as  a  basis  of  the  negotiation 
they  insisted  sturdily  upon  the  status  quo  ante  bellum, — 
contending  that  they  had  still  a  claim  upon  a  portion  of 
the  territory  east  of  the  Ohio,  and  that  under  no  circum 
stances  would  they  consent  to  any  farther  western  bound 
ary  than  the  line  of  that  river.  Such  was  the  determi 
nation  of  which  Red- Jacket  and  his  associates  were  the 
bearers  on  their  return.  A  report  of  the  whole  pro 
cedure,  drawn  up  in  the  Indian  style,  was  forwarded  to 
the  President,  accompanied  by  an  address  from  the  Six 
Nations,  praying  the  government  of  the  United  States 
to  commission  messengers  to  treat  upon  the  basis  pro 
posed.  They  besought  the  President  to  send  agents 
"  who  were  men  of  honesty,  not  proud  land-jobbers, 
but  men  who  loved  and  desired  peace."  They  also 
suggested  that  the  agents  should  be  "  attended  by  some 
friend  or  Quaker," — a  proposition  which,  as  will  pre 
sently  appear,  was  adopted.* 

The  deputation  returned  to  Buffalo  Creek  about  the 
middle  of  November,  and  the  results  of  their  mission 


*  The  report  of  this  deputation,  as  returned  in  form,  and  rendered  into  Eng 
lish  by  Mr.  Parish,  the  interpreter,  is  a  curious  document.  See  Appendix,  [A]. 
The  council  at  the  Glaize  was  very  lai-ge,  including  representations  from  thirty- 
seven  nations  beyond  the  Canadian  territory, — as  also,  chiefs  from  "  the  Gora 
country,"  who  were  occupied  the  whole  season  in  travelling  thither. 

14 


106  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

were  forwarded  to  Philadelphia,  by  Mr.  Jasper  Parish, 
the  interpreter.  Red- Jacket  was  desirous  of  visiting 
Philadelphia  as  the  bearer  of  despatches  himself,  but 
considerations  of  economy  induced  General  Chapin,  the 
Indian  Agent,  to  dissuade  him  from  that  purpose, — a 
circumstance  which  was  regretted  by  the  Secretary  at 
War.* 

The  armistice  for  which  the  Miamis  and  Shawanese 
had  stipulated  was  not  very  rigidly  observed.  The 
paths  were  not  only  made  bloody  by  frequent  murders, 
but  at  least  one  sharp  and  considerable  action  was  fought, 
late  in  the  fall,  between  an  army  of  Indians  and  a  de 
tachment  of  Kentucky  volunteers,  commanded  by  Ma 
jor  Adair,  in  which  the  former  were  rather  checked  than 
defeated. 

The  reply  of  the  President  to  this  proposition  of  the  hos 
tile  Indians  was  by  them  considered  evasive,  and  cre 
ated  great  dissatisfaction.  They  even  charged  the  dele 
gates  from  the  Six  Nations  with  not  having  advised  the 
American  government,  in  good  faith,  of  their  exact  de 
termination.  The  consequence  was  the  convocation  of 
another  council  of  the  belligerent  confederates,  in  which 
they  reiterated  the  conditions  upon  which  only  they 
would  agree  to  treat,  in  more  positive  language  than  be 
fore  ;  and  they  admonished  the  President  to  send  for 
ward  no  commissioners,  unless  prepared  to  negotiate 
upon  the  prescribed  basis.  Commissioners  were,  never 
theless,  appointed,  who  proceeded  by  the  way  of  Alba- 

*  Letter  of  General  Knox  to  the  President. 


OF  RED- JACKET.  107 

ny  to  Niagara,  and  thence  to  Sandusky,  to  meet  the  In 
dians  at  Au  Glaize.  Moved  by  the  benevolence  of  their 
principles,  the  Quakers,  likewise,  of  Pennsylvania, 
spontaneously,  and  before  the  desire  to  that  effect,  of 
the  Six  Nations,  was  known  to  them,  appointed  a  depu 
tation  from  their  pacific  order,  to  proceed  to  Detroit 
and  exert  their  influence  in  the  cause  of  peace.*  Both 
commissions  were  alike  ineffective.  The  Indians  gath 
ered  at  the  Au  Glaize  in  great  numbers,  and  in  the 
worst  possible  humor.  And  although  the  greatest  chief 
tain  of  their  race,  in  modern  times,  Joseph  Brant,  was 
there,  and  exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  accomplish  a 
general  pacification,  the  effort  was  unavailing.  The 
Indians  would  not  relax  one  iota  from  their  original 
determination  to  make  the  Ohio  the  ultima  ihule  of 
white  possession  and  civilization.  The  commissioners 
could  of  course  entertain  no  such  proposition,  and  after 
nearly  the  entire  year  (1793)  had  been  consumed,  they 
returned  from  their  bootless  errand.  Meantime,  after 
the  defeat  of  St.  Clair,  the  command  of  the  army  had 
been  confided  to  General  Wayne,  who  evinced  the  ut 
most  energy  in  its  re-organization.  He  was  already  in  the 
Indian  country,  at  the  time  when  the  negotiation  failed, 
and  immediately  thereafter  preparations  were  made 
for  opening  another  campaign,  on  the  return  of  spring, 


*  The  commissioners  appointed  by  the  government  were  General  Benjamin 
Lincoln,  Beverly  Randolph,  and  Colonel  Timothy  Pickering.  The  Quaker  gen 
tlemen  deputed  upon  the  mission  were  John  Parish,  William  Savary,  and  John 
Elliott,  of  Philadelphia;  Jacob  Lindley,  of  Westchester  county;  and  Joseph 
Moore  and  William  Hartshorne,  of  New-Jersey. 


108  LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

(1794,)  with  all  the  vigor  the  government  could  put 
forth.  That  campaign  was  short  and  brilliant.  After 
several  rather  severe  affairs  in  the  early  part  of  the 
summer,  the  fierce  battle  fought  by  Wayne,  at  the 
rapids  of  the  Miamis,  on  the  20th  of  August,  crowned 
by  a  signal  victory,  put  an  end  to  hostilities.  This  bat 
tle  was  not  fought  against  the  Indians  alone.  They 
were  assisted  by  "  a  mixed  multitude"  of  tories  and 
refugees  from  the  United  States ;  half-breeds,  French  and 
English  fur-traders,  and  others,  residing  at  Detroit  and 
in  the  wild  regions  beyond.  The  action  was,  moreover, 
fought  almost  under  the  guns  of  a  British  fort,  which  the 
assurance  of  Governor  Sinclair  had  caused  to  be  erected 
thus  far  within  the  territory  of  the  United  States,  and 
between  the  commander  of  which  and  General  Wayne 
a  sharp  correspondence  ensued.  The  American  Gene 
ral  was  so  greatly  exasperated  at  the  conduct  of  the 
British  officers  and  agents  in  that  quarter,  that  he  could 
scarcely  desist  from  laying  siege  to  the  fort  itself. 
There  were  several  skirmishes  between  scouting  par 
ties,  after  the  battle,— affording  Wayne  an  excuse  to  lay 
waste  the  country  of  the  Miamis,  which  was  well  culti 
vated  for  the  distance  of  fifty  miles.  Colonel  M'Kee, 
an  influential  officer  in  the  British  Indian  department, 
had  extensive  possessions  there,  which  were  ravaged 
and  his  buildings  laid  in  ashes.  Wayne  continued  to 
occupy  the  country  for  a  whole  year  afterward,  at  the 
close  of  which  the  definitive  treaty  of  Greenville  was 
concluded  with  the  Indians,  which  was  of  a  character 
perfectly  agreeable  to  the  United  States. 


CHAPTER  V. 

FARTHER  difficulties  with  the  Six  Nations,  occasioned  by  Pennsylvania — Great 
Council  at  Canandaigua — Troubles  of  the  Oneidas — Description  of  the  Gather 
ing — Opening  of  the  Grand  Council — Ceremonies  of  condolement— Visit  of 
Jemima  Wilkinson— Speeches  in  Council — Jemima  speaks — Speech  of  the 
women  to  Colonel  Pickering— Presence  of  a  supposed  spy— His  dismissal — 
Correspondence  concerning  him — News  of  Wayne's  victory — Its  effect  upon 
the  Indians — Difficulties  and  jealousies  among  the  Indians  themselves — Colo 
nel  Pickering  determines  to  bring  them  to  a  decision — Indians  appeal  to  the 
Quakers — Speech  of  Red-Jacket  to  them,  and  also  to  Colonel  Pickering  in 
Council — Farther  proceedings — Difficulties  with  Cornplanter — Conclusion  of 
the  Treaty — Dissolution  of  the  Council — Excellent  "conduct  of  the  Quakers. 

THE  termination  of  the  war  between  the  United  States 
and  the  north-western  Indians  was  mentioned  at  the 
close  of  the  preceding  chapter,  in  anticipation  of  the 
regular  historical  progress  of  these  memoirs.  But  the 
name  of  the  Seneca  orator,  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha,  does  not 
occur  in  connection  with  that  war,  or  with  any  other 
public  event  during  the  year  1793.  In  February  of  the 
next  year,  (1794,)  he  was  present  at  a  council  convened 
at  Buffalo  Creek,  at  the  instance  of  the  federal  govern 
ment,  for  the  purpose  of  yet  farther  conciliating  the  good 
feelings  of  the  Senecas  and  Cayugas.  The  wayward 
ness  of  the  Indian  character  is  such,  and  the  desire  of 
their  young  men  is  always  so  strong  to  be  upon  the  war 
path  at  every  opportunity,  that  the  most  assiduous  and 
watchful  exertions  were  constantly  necessary  to  keep 


110  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

the  Senecas  and  Cayugas  from  joining  the  belligerents 
en  masse; — and  these  efforts  were  only  crowned  with 
partial  success  at  the  best.  The  appliances  of  the  gov 
ernment,  on  this  occasion,  consisted  of  a  liberal  distri 
bution  of  presents, — particularly  of  clothing.  But  the 
eagle  eyes  of  the  British  officers  in  Canada  were  upon 
every  movement  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  such  was  the 
lingering  attachment  of  the  Senecas  for  their  ancient 
allies,  or  such  their  actual  and  continued  attachment  to 
them,  that  no  council  could  be  held  upon  that  frontier 
without  the  presence  of  one  or  more  representatives  of 
the  crown.  Indeed,  his  Britannic  Majesty's  officers  were 
determined  that  no  peace  should  be  concluded,  unless 
they  might  be  the  principal  agents  in  effecting  it.  At 
about  the  time  now  under  consideration,  the  celebrated 
Colonel  John  Butler,  of  Wyoming  memory,  declared 
that  the  only  way  to  make  peace  with  the  Indians  was 
to  apply  to  Lord  Dorchester,*  Governor  General  of  the 
Canadas,  and  Commander-in-chief  at  Quebec,  for  the 
appointment  of  a  commission  of  British  officers  to  desig 
nate  the  boundary  between  the  United  States  and  the 
Indians,  and  assist  in  the  negotiation  of  a  treaty,  to  be 
guaranteed  to  the  Indians  by  Great  Britain.t  Propo 
sitions  so  arrogant  on  the  one  side,  and  an  acquiescence 
in  which  would  have  been  so  degrading  on  the  other, 
were  of  course  spurned  with  indignation.  Still,  the  af 
fairs  of  the  war  were  discussed  at  the  council ;  but  Joseph 


*  The  Sir  Guy  Carleton  of  the  revolutionary  war. 
t  Massachusetts  Historical  Collections,  vol.  i.  p.  287. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

Brant  was  the  principal  Indian  speaker,  while  Red- 
Jacket  enacted  only  a  subordinate  and  unimportant  part. 
He  came  more  prominently  before  the  public  in  the 
following  autumn,  at  the  great  and  memorable  coun 
cil  held  with  the  Six  Nations  at  Canandaigua.  General 
Wayne  had  not  closed  the  war  in  the  north-west 
when  the  preparations  for  this  council  were  com 
menced  ;  but  aside  from  the  sympathies  of  the  Six 
Nations  in  behalf  of  their  belligerent  brethren,  another 
difficulty  had  arisen,  nearer  home,  causing  for  a  season 
great  anxiety.  A  movement  by  Pennsylvania,  having 
in  view  an  immediate  extension  of  her  settlements  to 
Presque  Isle,  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie,  was  a  measure 
that  greatly  exasperated  the  Six  Nations,  who  claimed 
that  territory  as  exclusively  their  own,  and  immediate 
hostilities  had  well  nigh  been  the  consequence.  The 
governor  of  Pennsylvania  claimed  the  disputed  territory 
by  virtue  of  an  alleged  purchase  from  the  Cornplanter ; 
but  the  Six  Nations  disavowed  the  transaction,  and  pre 
pared  to  defend  their  soil  with  the  rifle  and  tomahawk. 
The  military  arrangements  were  matured  under  the 
direction  of  Brant,  or  Thayendanegea,  who  was  in  readi 
ness  once  more  to  lead  his  braves  to  the  onslaught.  But 
the  timely  interposition  of  President  Washington  de 
terred  Pennsylvania  from  any  farther  prosecution  of  her 
designs  in  that  quarter,  at  that  time.*  Still,  it  was 


*  Life  of  Brant,  vol.  ii.  pp.  377-381.  A  council  of  the  Six  Nations  was  holden 
at  Buffalo  Creek,  in  June  of  1794,  upon  this  subject,  on  which  occasion  Corn- 
planter  delivered  a  speech,  to  be  forwarded  to  General  Washington,  for  which, 
see  Appendix  B. 


112  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

deemed  proper,  on  the  part  of  the  President,  to  endeavor 
to  tranquillize  the  Indians  who  had  been  thus  disturbed, 
by  pacific  measures,  and  a  council  was  appointed,  which, 
as  already  mentioned,  sat  at  Canandaigua,  in  October 
and  November,  1794.  Colonel  Pickering  was  again  de 
tailed  as  the  commissioner  on  the  part  of  the  United 
States,  with  instructions  to  hold  a  free  conference  with 
the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  upon  all  the  causes  of 
discontent  then  existing  between  the  two  peoples.  The 
good  "  Friends"  of  Pennsylvania  and  New- Jersey,  under 
the  conviction  that  the  interposition  of  their  pacific 
offices  was  a  religious  duty,  appointed  a  deputation  of 
great  respectability  to  attend  the  council,  and  if  possible, 
by  indirection  at  least,  exercise  some  beneficial  influence 
in  its  proceedings.* 

This  was  the  last  general  council  held  by  the  United 
States  with  the  Iroquois  confederacy, — and  a  vast  amount 
of  important  business  was  transacted  thereat.  Several 
perplexing  questions  of  contested  boundaries  were  settled, 
and  the  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the 
confederacy  were  adjusted  upon  a  basis  that  has  not 
since  been  disturbed.  The  results  were  of  great  im 
portance,  not  only  to  the  federal  government,  but  also 
in  respect  to  the  influence  which  the  adjustment  of  those 
questions  had  upon  the  settlement  of  western  New- York 
by  the  white  people.  But  a  proper  history  of  that  coun 
cil  is  yet  a  desideratum,  which  there  are  no  documents 

*  The  delegates  were  David  Bacon,  John  Parish,  William  Savary,  and  James 
Emlen. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  ,113 

even  in  the  archives  of  the  government  adequate  to 
supply, — the  naked  treaty  itself,  which  is  not  of  great 
length,  being  all  that  seems  to  have  been  preserved. 

The  council  was  opened  on  the  llth  of  October,  in  the 
camp  of  the  Oneidas,  they  only  having  yet  arrived.     But 
as  there  were  many  minor  difficulties  presented  for  ar 
rangement  by  the  arbitrament  of  the  commission, — diffi 
culties  arising  among  several  of  the  tribes  themselves, 
and  between  the  Indians  and  grasping  white  men,  which 
were  not  of  national  concernment, — it  was  not  important 
that  all  the  nations  should  be  present  at  the  first  moment 
of  business.     Colonel  Pickering  opened  the  council  by 
a  conciliatory  speech,  in  which  he  stated  that  he  had 
heard  of  difficulties  among  them  which  he  would  gladly 
assist  in  healing.     He  was  addressed  in  reply  by  Cap 
tain  John,  and  Good  Peter,  at  great  length.     The  first 
grievance  presented  related  to  a  lease  of  about  one  third 
of  the  Oneida  reservation  to  Peter  Smith,  embracing  a 
territory  four  miles  in  breadth,  by  twenty-four  in  length, 
and   containing  sixty-one   thousand  four  hundred  and 
forty  acres  of  land.     This  tract,  it  was  alleged,  had 
been  leased  to  Mr.  Smith  for  twenty-one  years,  by  the 
sachems,  or  civil  magistrates,  in  opposition  to  the  voice 
of  the  warriors ;  and  the  attempts  to  survey  the  land 
had  brought  the  two  parties  in  array  against  each  other, 
and  almost  into  actual  conflict.     Great  complaints  were 
made  against  the  whites  in  general,  for  the  artifices 
practised  to  deceive  them  and  obtain  their  lands.     Cap 
tain  John  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  sachems,  and  Good 
Peter,  the  head  warrior,  for  the  braves.     Colonel  Pick- 

15 


114  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ering  replied  to  them  on  the  following  day,  and  proposed 
a  course  of  conciliation  and  compromise, — promising  to 
visit  the  Oneida  castle  on  his  return,  and  assist  in  the 
final  adjustment  of  the  difficulty. 

The  Indians,  as  usual,  gathered  around  the  council 
fire  slowly.  By  the  14th  the  Onondagas  and  Cayugas 
had  arrived ;  and  on  the  same  day  the  approach  of 
Farmer' s-Brother  was  announced,  at  the  head  of  a  large 
party  of  Senecas.  He  had  halted  at  the  distance  of  four 
miles  from  the  village,  to  paint  and  dress,  preparatory 
to  a  public  entrance  into  the  grand  camp.  At  three 
o'clock  in  the  afternoon  he  arrived  with  his  train,  the 
Oneidas,  Onondagas  and  Cayugas  being  drawn  up  in 
order,  armed,  painted  and  plumed,  to  receive  them. 
Marching  up  in  front  of  the  Oneidas  and  their  neigh 
bors,  the  Senecas  fired  a  salute  of  three  rounds  of  mus 
ketry,  which  was  returned  by  the  others,  making  the 
woods  ring  long  and  loud  by  the  reverberations.  The 
Indian  leaders  then  directed  their  dusky  legions  to  form 
a  circle  around  Colonel  Pickering  and  General  Chapin, 
the  government  agents,  with  their  assistants  and  atten 
dants, — whereupon  the  commissioner  was  addressed  by 
Farmer' s-Brother,  who  on  closing  returned  the  belt  by 
which  hef  had  been  summoned  to  the  council.  Two 
days  afterward  the  Cornplanter  arrived  at  the  head  of 
four  hundred,  being  the  Alleghany  clan  of  the  Senecas. 
The  same  ceremonies  of  reception  and  presentation  were 
observed  as  on  the  former  day, — the  Indians  being 
dressed  and  painted  with  all  the  brilliancy  and  beauty 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

of  their  wild  and  fantastic  tastes.     The  number  of  In 
dians  then  present  was  sixteen  hundred. 

On  the  morning  of  the  18th  Red- Jacket  made  his 
appearance,  and  first  visited  the  deputation  from  the 
Friends,  in  company  with  Cornplanter,  Farmer's-Bro- 
ther,  Little  Beard,  and  several  other  Seneca  chiefs,  upon 
private  business.*  In  the  afternoon  the  commissioner 
and  the  Friends  were  summoned  by  a  son  of  Corn- 
planter  to  attend  the  formal  opening  of  the  grand  coun 
cil.  The  officers  and  their  interpreters  were  surrounded 
by  a  dark  assemblage,  the  chiefs  appearing  subdued  and 
thoughtful,  and  the  entire  coup  d'ceil  presenting  a  striking 
aspect.  The  first  business  was  an  address  of  condolence 
to  the  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Tuscaroras,  and  Delawares,  (a 
deputation  of  the  latter  being  present,)  by  Captain  John, 
of  the  Oneidas,  on  account  of  the  loss  of  many  chiefs  of 
the  Six  Nations  since  they  had  last  met  in  general  coun 
cil.  The  Oneidas,  in  behalf  of  themselves  and  the 
Onondagas,  wished,  in  their  figurative  language,  to  wipe 
the  tears  from  their  brethren's  eyes,  brighten  their  coun 
tenances  and  clear  their  throats,  that  they  might  speak 
freely  at  the  council  fire.  Red-Jacket  returned  a  bro 
therly  salutation,  handing  the  eastern  nations  of  the  con- 


*  It  appears  that  the  Senecas  had  invited  a  private  conference  with  the  Fiiends, 
respecting  the  descendants  of  some  Indians  who  had  formerly  resided  at  or  near 
Hopewell,  in  Virginia.  The  Indians  claimed  that  the  people  of  whom  the 
Friends  had  purchased  the  lands  at  Hopewell  had  not  paid  for  them,  and  there 
fore  had  sold  what  was  not  their  own.  The  Friends  desired  that  the  heirs  of  the 
Indians  who  had  been  dispossessed  at  Hopewell  should  be  sought  out,  that  a 
just  compensation  might  be  made  to  them.  Cornplanter  now  informed  them  that 
two  of  those  heirs  had  been  found,  residing  at  Conestoga. 


116  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

federacy  belts  and  strings  of  wampum,  to  unite  each  to 
the  other,  and  thus  to  open  the  council  as  with  the  heart 
of  one  man.  They  then  informed  Colonel  Pickering  that 
the  Six  Nations  were  duly  opened  as  a  council  for  the 
transaction  of  business.  The  Colonel  made  a  congratu 
latory  address  in  reply,  and  informed  them  that,  as  it 
was  then  Saturday,  on  Monday  afternoon  he  would  hold 
a  council  of  condolence,  to  wipe  away  the  tears  from 
the  eyes  of  the  Delawares,  who  had  lost  a  young 
brother,  murdered  by  a  white  man  at  Venango,  a  few 
months  before.  He  would  then  take  the  hatchet  out  of 
the  head  of  the  deceased,  and  bury  it  in  the  earth,  pre 
paratory  to  the  treaty. 

Accordingly  on  the  20th,  a  very  large  council  was 
held,  at  which  the  Colonel  performed  the  promised 
ceremony  of  condolernent  with  the  Delawares.  By 
speech  and  gesture  he  went  through  the  process  of  bury 
ing  the  dead,  and  covered  the  grave  with  leaves,  so 
that  they  could  see  it  no  more  in  passing.  The  hatchet 
which  he  had  taken  out  of  the  head  of  the  victim  was 
buried  beneath  a  pine  tree,  which,  in  words,  was  torn  up 
for  that  purpose.  Having  placed  the  hatchet  in  a  deep 
hole,  and  covered  it  with  stones,  the  tree  was  replanted 
upon  the  top,  so  that  the  instrument  of  death  should 
never  more  be  discovered.  The  Colonel  then  wiped 
the  blood  from  their  heads,  and  the  tears  from  their  eyes, 
and  opened  the  path  of  peace,  which  the  Indians  were 
invited  to  keep  clear  at  one  end,  and  the  United  States 
at  the  other,  as  long  as  the  sun  shone.  These  and 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

other  ceremonies  having  been  performed,  the  council 
was  adjourned,  and  the  fire  covered  up  for  the  night. 

On  the  next  day,  the  celebrated  Jemima  Wilkinson, 
who,  with  her  followers,  resided  upon  the  western  mar 
gin  of  the  Seneca  lake,  being  at  Canandaigua,  with  seve 
ral  of  her  disciples,  was  invited  by  Colonel  Pickering  to 
dine  with  him,  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Thomas  Morris. 
The  invitation  was  accepted  by  Jemima,  and  she  was 
treated  with  great  attention  by  the  Colonel,  glad  of  the 
opportunity  to  gratify  his  curiosity  respecting  this  re 
markable  woman,  whom  he  had  never  seen  before. 
The  seat  of  honor  was  appropriated  to  her,  and  she 
participated  freely  in  the  conversation. 

At  an  early  hour  of  the  afternoon  the  commissioner 
was  summoned  to  the  council,  to  which  place  he  re 
paired  with  his  friends,- — Jemima  and  her  retinue  follow 
ing  in  the  train,  and  taking  seats  with  the  commissioner 
and  interpreters  in  the  centre  of  the  circle.  The  ad 
dress  of  Colonel  Pickering,  of  the  preceding  day,  was 
answered  by  the  Fish-Carrier, — who  took  occasion  to 
glance  retrospectively  at  the  relations  that  had  existed 
between  the  Six  Nations  and  the  white  men,  since  the 
landing  of  the  latter  "  on  this  island."  When  the  white 
people  first  came,  the  Indians  saw  that  they  were  men, 
and  must  have  something  to  subsist  upon.  They,  there 
fore,  pitied  them,  and  gave  them  some  land  ;  and  when 
they  complained  that  the  land  had  become  too  small  for 
them,  the  Indians  still  pitied  them,  and  from  time  to 
time  gave  them  more.  At  length  a  great  council-fire 
was  kindled  at  Albany,  where  a  silver  chain  was  made, 


118  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

which  was  kept  bright  for  many  years,  until  the  United 
States  and  the  great  King  over  the  water  differed.  Then 
their  brothers  in  Canada  talked  to  the  Indians,  and  they 
let  the  chain  fall  out  of  their  hands.  Yet  it  was  not 
their  fault,  but  the  white  people's.  The  Fish-Carrier 
then  recapitulated  the  history  of  the  negotiations  with  the 
white  people  after  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war, 
referring  to  the  treaties  of  Fort  Stanwix,  and  com 
plained  of  many  grievances  which  they  had  suffered, — 
particularly  in  the  curtailment  of  their  territory.  The 
Indians  felt  that  at  the  first  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix,  in 
1784,  the  commissioners  had  been  too  grasping, — a 
position  which  Colonel  Pickering,  in  his  reply,  labored 
rather  to  extenuate  than  to  deny.  Having  just  come 
out  victoriously  from  a  bloody  war  with  them,  the  Colo 
nel  told  them  that  great  allowances  were  to  be  made, 
even  if  the  commissioners  had  shown  themselves  proud, 
and  treated  them  somewhat  harshly.  But  notwith 
standing  their  many  causes  of  complaint,  Fish-Carrier, 
now  that  they  had  taken  hold  of  the  chain  with  the 
fifteen  fires,  pledged  the  Six  Nations  to  hold  on. 

In  the  course  of  the  sitting  Colonel  Pickering  formal 
ly  introduced  the  Quaker  deputation,  who  had  been  ap 
pointed  at  their  request,  and  with  the  approbation  of  the 
President.  The  deputies  thereupon  presented  the  ad 
dress  from  the  Friends  to  the  Indians,  which  was  read, 
and  interpreted  by  Jasper  Parish,  and  received  with 
lively  approbation  by  the  Indians.  The  reading  of  the 
address  having  been  completed,  Jemima  and  her  dis 
ciples  dropped  upon  their  knees,  and  the  mistress  of 


OF  RED-JACKET, 

the  order  uttered  something  in  the  form  of  a  prayer. 
The  lady  superior  afterward  desired  liberty  to  address 
the  assembly,  which  being  granted,  she  proceeded  to 
utter  a  rhapsody,  consisting  of  disjointed  texts  of  Scrip 
ture,  mingled  with  confused  and  unmeaning  sentences 
of  her  own,  forming  together  a  medley  without  co 
herence,  relevancy,  or  point.  The  proceedings  of  the 
day  were  closed  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  by  the  in 
terchange  of  belts,  the  design  of  which  was  to  perpetu 
ate  the  memories  and  virtues  of  their  departed  chiefs,  for 
whose  loss  they  had  been  performing  the  ceremonies  of 
condolence. 

The  council  was  re-opened  on  the  23d.  When  about 
to  proceed  to  business,  a  request  was  made  by  three 
Indian  women  to  be  admitted  to  deliver  their  senti 
ments.  The  request  was  granted,  and  the  women  were 
introduced  by  Red-Jacket,  who  appears  ever  to  have 
been  a  favorite  with  the  Indian  ladies.  Addressing 
himself  to  the  sachems  and  warriors,  he  asked  their 
favor  in  behalf  of  the  women,  and  also  that  of  the  com 
missioner,  craving  that  they  might  be  heard,  especially 
as  on  the  preceding  day  a  lady  of  the  pale  faces  had 
been  allowed  the  same  indulgence.  The  assent  of  the 
council  having  been  given,  Red-Jacket  was  designated 
as  the  orator  through  whom  they  desired  to  speak.  The 
substance  of  his  communication  in  their  behalf  was, 
that  they  felt  a  deep  interest  in  the  affairs  of  their  peo 
ple  ;  and  having  heard  the  opinions  of  their  sachems, 
they  fully  concurred  in  them,  that  the  white  people  had 
been  the  cause  of  all  the  Indians'  distresses:  The 


120  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

white  people,  they  said,  had  pressed  and  squeezed 
them  together,  until  it  gave  them  great  pain  at  their 
hearts,  and  they  thought  the  white  people  ought  to  give 
back  all  the  lands  they  had  taken  from  them.  One  of 
the  white  women,  (Jemima,  meaning,)  had  yesterday 
told  the  Indians  to  repent ;  and  they  in  turn  now  called 
on  the  white  people  to  repent, — they  having  as  much 
need  of  repentance  as  the  Indians.  They  therefore 
hoped  the  pale  faces  would  repent  and  wrong  the  In 
dians  no  more. 

The  commissioner  thanked  them  for  their  speech,  ob 
serving  that  it  was  far  from  his  nature  to  think  meanly 
of  women,  and  he  should  always  be  happy  to  hear  from 
them  when  they  had  any  thing  to  say.  But  in  regard 
to  the  conduct  of  the  white  woman,  on  the  preceding 
day,  which  they  had  cited  as  a  precedent,  he  remarked 
that  she  had  forced  herself  into  the  council,  and  had 
spoken  without  his  approbation.* 

*  Jemima  Wilkinson  was  extensively  known,  by  reputation,  as  a  religious  im 
postor,  in  the  western  part  of  New-York,  thirty  or  forty  years  ago.  She  was 
born  in  Rhode  Island,  in  1753,  and  was  educated  a  Quaker.  She  was  artful,  bold, 
and  zealous.  About  1773,  on  recovering  from  a  fit  of  sickness,  during  which 
she  had  fallen  into  a  syncope,  so  that  she  was  apparently  dead,  she  announced 
that  she  had  been  raised  from  the  dead,  and  had  received  a  divine  commission 
as  a  religious  teacher.  Having  made  a  few  proselytes,  she  removed  with 
them  into  the  western  part  of  New- York,  and  settled  between  the  Seneca 
and  Crooked  Lakes,  at  the  distance  of  about  eighteen  miles  from  Geneva, 
calling  her  village  New  Jerusalem.  In  consequence  of  the  weakness 
and  credulity  of  her  followers,  she  was  enabled  to  live  in  very  elegant  style, 
having  half  a  dozen  beautiful  damsels  in  attendance  upon  her  person.  She  in 
culcated  poverty,  but  was  careful  to  be  the  owner  of  lands  purchased  in  the  name 
of  her  companion,  Rachel  Miller.  When  she  preached,  she  stood  in  the  door  of 
her  bed  chamber,  wearing  a  waistcoat,  a  stock,  and  a  white  silk  cravat.  She  died 
in  1819.  Joseph  Brant  once  very  adroitly  discomfited  her. — As  she  professed 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

An  unpleasant  incident  occurred  on  the  morning  of 
the  25th,  which  came  near  breaking  up  the  council  in  a 
tempest.  It  was  the  appearance  in  the  assembly  of  a 
man  named  Johnson,  who  came  from  Fort  Erie  as  a 
messenger  from  Brant.  He  had  indeed  arrived  two 
days  before,  and  on  the  day  previous  he  held  secret  con 
ference  with  several  of  the  chiefs,  and  delivered  the 
message  with  which  he  had  been  charged  by  the  Mo 
hawk.  Assuming  the  character  of  an  interpreter,  he 
was  now  mingling  in  the  council,  and  appeared  rather 
too  intimate  with  the  Indians  to  please  Colonel  Picker 
ing,  who  objected  to  his  presence,  and  denounced  him 
as  a  British  spy.  The  Indians  either  were,  or  affected 
to  be,  greatly  surprised  at  the  attitude  assumed  by 
Colonel  Pickering,  in  regard  to  this  intrusion.  Corn- 
planter  rose  to  vindicate  Johnson  and  express  his  sur 
prise  that,  notwithstanding  the  conclusion  of  peace  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  the  Great  King  over  the 
water,  such  an  antipathy  existed  between  them  that 
neither  party  could  bear  to  sit  by  the  side  of  the  other 
in  treaties  held  with  the  Indians.  The  messenger,  John 
son,  he  said,  had  merely  come  on  a  friendly  errand  from 
Captain  Brant.  The  Indians,  he  said,  had  the  year  be 
fore  resolved  upon  convening  a  grand  council  of  all  their 
nations  at  Sandusky,  in  the  (now)  following  spring,  and 
Brant  had  sent  them  a  message  to  remind  them  of  the 

to  be  Christ  in  his  second  appearing,  Brant  tested  her  by  speaking  in  different 
Indian  languages,  none  of  which  she  understood.  He  then  disclosed  her  im 
posture,  simply  by  declaring  that  Jesus  Christ  must  of  course  understand  all 
languages, — one  as  well  as  another. 

16 


122  L!FE  AND  TIMES 

appointment.  But  unluckily  for  the  excuse  he  was  ma 
king,  Cornplanter  disclosed  too  much.  "  Captain  Brant," 
said  he,  "  sends  his  compliments  to  the  chiefs  at  Canan- 
daigua,  and  says,  l  you  remember  what  we  agreed  upon 
last  year,  and  the  line  we  marked  out :  If  this  line  is 
complied  with,  peace  will  take  place  ;'  and  he  desires  us 
to  mention  this  at  Canandaigua."  The  message  also 
contained  an  invitation  for  the  chiefs  to  meet  Brant  at 
Buffalo  Creek,  at  an  early  day. 

Colonel  Pickering  replied  with  great  indignation, — to 
account  for  which,  two  or  three  points  must  here  be 
borne  in  mind.  In  the  first  place,  such  was  the  tardi 
ness  of  communication  through  the  deep  wildernesses  of 
the  west,  that  neither  the  Colonel  nor  the  Indians  had 
yet  heard  of  the  entire  overthrow  of  the  Miamies  and 
their  confederates  in  August,  by  General  Wayne.  In 
the  second  place,  the  Indians  at  the  present  council 
were  striving  to  re-open,  for  fresh  negotiation,  the  entire 
question  of  boundaries  between  the  Six  Nations  and  the 
United  States,  and  not  only  that,  but  they  were  now 
claiming  westwardly,  between  Lake  Erie  and  the  Ohio, 
as  far  as  the  Muskingum — embracing,  of  course,'  a  large 
tract  of  territory  for  which  the  Miamies  and  their  con 
federates  were  fighting.  Thirdly,  although  Brant  had 
been  endeavoring  to  effect  a  peace,  he  had  always  fa 
vored  the  Indian  claim  that  the  Ohio  should  be  recog 
nized  as  the  boundary  between  the  white  men  and  the 
red.  The  Senecas,  also,  had  ever  avowed  the  same 
opinion ;  and  lest  they  might  be  induced  to  swerve  from 
that  position,  Brant  had  now  taken  occasion,  in  the 


OF  RED-JACKET.  123 

midst  of  a  treaty,  to  throw  them  a  signal  of  remembrance. 
Hence  the  exasperation  of  Colonel  Pickering  at  the  pre 
sence  of  Johnson.  Accordingly,  in  reply  to  the  excuses 
of  Cornplanter,  he  used  language  of  great  severity.  He 
said  he  considered  the  intrusion  of  Johnson  as  an  act 
betraying  great  impudence,  and  as  affording  fresh  proof 
of  British  insolence.  Then  reviewing  the  whole  system 
of  British  interference  in  the  Indian  relations  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  and  the  ill  treatment,  in  this  respect,  which 
his  government  had  received  from  England,  for  several 
years  past,  the  Colonel  concluded  a  long  speech  by  the 
declaration  that  either  the  messenger  must  be  sent  back, 
or  he  would  himself  cover  up  the  council  fire  and  depart. 
His  instructions  from  General  Washington,  he  said,  were 
explicit,  that  he  should  suffer  no  British  agents  to  be  pre 
sent  at  the  treaty. 

The  Indians  were  amazed  at  the  vehemence  of  the 
Colonel's  manner,  remarking,  as  he  resumed  his  seat — 
"  the  council-fire  grows  warm  :  the  sparks  fly  about  very 
thick."  Johnson  himself  appeared  alarmed,  and  shrunk 
stealthily  away.  The  Indians  then  requested  Colonel 
Pickering  and  his  party  to  withdraw  for  a  short  time,  as 
they  wished  to  have  a  brief  conference  among  them 
selves.  In  about  half  an  hour  the  doors  of  the  council 
house  were  re-opened,  and  Cornplanter  again  rose  in 
vindication  of  Johnson,  avowing,  distinctly,  that  he  came 
at  their  own  solicitation,  and  was  consequently  not  to 
blame.  If  there  were  fault  in  the  case,  it  belonged  ta 
the  white  people,  who  had  deceived  the  Indians  when 
they  were  told  at  Fort  Stanwix  that  the  treaty  of  peace 


124  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

between  England  and  the  United  States  had  been  agreed 
upon  in  the  presence  of  the  Great  Spirit : — 

"  We  now  discover,"  said  he,  "  that  the  commissioners  there 
told  us  what  was  a  lie,  when  they  said  they  had  made  the  chain 
of  friendship  bright :  but  I  now  find  there  has  been  an  anti 
pathy  to  each  other  ever  since.  Now  our  sachems  and  war 
riors  say,  what  shall  we  do  ]  We  will  shove  Johnson  off. 
Yet  this  is  not  agreeable  to  my  mind,  for  if  I  had  kindled  a 
council-fire,  I  would  suffer  a  very  bad  man  to  sit  in  it,  that  he 
might  be  made  better.  But  if  the  peace  you  made  had  been 
a  good  peace,  all  animosities  would  have  been  done  away,  and 
you  could  have  sat  side  by  side  in  council.  I  have  one  re 
quest  to  make,  which  is,  that  you  would  furnish  Johnson  pro 
visions  to  carry  him  home." 

There  was  altogether  too  much  of  refinement  in  the 
diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  white  and  civilized 
nations,  for  the  understandings  of  the  unsophisticated 
barbarians.  A  quasi  war  between  people  professing  the 
most  amicable  relations  with  each  other,  was  a  state  of 
things  quite  beyond  their  comprehension.  With  them, 
their  relations  must  be  either  one  thing  or  the  other, — 
peace  or  war, — and  in  either  attitude  there  would  be 
nothing  equivocal. 

After  a  sitting  of  five  hours  the  storm  passed  away, 
and  the  council  adjourned.*  In  the  evening  fifteen  of 

*  The  proceedings  against  the  supposed  spy,  Johnson,  were  harsh.  By  a 
MS.  letter  of  Gen.  Chapin's,  in  the  author's  possession,  it  appears  that  the 
General  had  invited  Joseph  Brant  to  attend  the  council.  But  it  not  being  con 
venient  for  him  to  do  so,  at  the  request  of  the  Indians,  Johnson  had  been  sent  to 
the  council  by  Brant.  On  the  4th  of  November  Gen.  Chapin  wrote  to  Brant, 
attempting  to  soften  down  the  apparent  harshness  of  the  measure  toward  John- 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

the  principal  chiefs,  among  whom  were  Red-Jacket, 
Cornplanter,  Farmer' s-Brother,  Little-Beard,  Big-Sky 
and  the  Fish-Carrier,  dined  with  Colonel  Pickering. 
Much  good  humor  prevailed  on  this  occasion.  The  In 
dians  laid  aside  their  stoicism,  indulged  in  many  repar 
tees,  and  manifested  the  keenest  relish  for  wit  and  hu 
mor.  Red-Jacket,  in  particular,  was  conspicuous  for 
the  readiness  and  brilliance  of  his  sallies.  But  •  there 
were  clouds  lowering  in  the  sky  on  the  following  day. 
At  the  opening  of  the  council,  the  first  business  was  the 
presentation  of  a  letter  which  they  had  prepared,  to  be 
transmitted  to  Brant  by  the  hand  of  Johnson.  In  this 
letter  the  chiefs  expressed  their  sorrow  that  his  messen 
ger  had  not  been  permitted  to  remain  with  them  in  the 
council ;  and  for  the  reasons  of  his  dismissal,  the  Mohawk 
captain  was  referred  to  Johnson's  own  relation.  They 
farther  assured  Brant  that  they  were  determined  to  ad 
here  to  the  boundary  lines  as  they  had  been  agreed  upon 
among  the  Indians  the  year  before.  In  conclusion  they 
expressed  to  their  old  war-chief  a  feeling  sense  of  their 
present  feeble  condition.  "  They  were,"  they  said,  "  a 
poor,  despised,  though  still  an  independent  people, 
brought  into  suffering  between  two  white  nations  striving 
which  should  be  the  greatest."  Nothing  could  have 
been  more  true  than  this  last  remark. 

son.  In  this  letter  Chapin  said: — "After  Mr.  Johnson  arrived,  some  difficulties 
existed  which  made  it  inconvenient  for  him  to  attend  the  treaty,  not  for  any  unfa 
vorable  regard  to  the  gentleman,  but  for  certain  reasons  of  which  he  will  inform 
you."  Colonel  Pickering  also  wrote  to  Brant  upon  the  same  subject.  Brant 
replied  to  Gen.  Chapin  on  the  4th  of  December,  and  to  Colonel  Pickering  on  the 
30th,  in  both  of  which  letters  he  avows  that  Johnson  went  at  his  request.  [The 
MSS.  of  these  letters  are  in  the  author's  possession.] 


126  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

This  communication  gave  high  displeasure  to  Colonel 
Pickering,  and  there  were  again  symptoms  of  an  unto 
ward  breaking  up  of  the  council.  The  Senecas  were 
displeased  that  the  treaty  had  not  been  holden  at  their  old 
council  fire  at  Buffalo  Creek ;  words  ran  high,  and  their 
eyes  at  times  flashed  with  vengeful  fire.  It  must  have 
been  at  this  juncture  that  Red-Jacket  made  the  celebra 
ted  unreported  speech,  a  glowing  account  of  which  is 
contained  in  several  modern  Indian  works* — that  is,  if 
the  speech  was  ever  delivered,  a  fact  which  there  is 
some  reason  to  doubt, — at  least  in  the  manner  and  form 
described.  According  to  the  writer  referred  to,  the 
treaty  was  held  on  a  beautiful  acclivity  that  overlooks 
Canandaigua  Lake : — 

"  The  witnesses  of  the  scene  will  never  forget  the  powers  of 
native  oratory.  Two  days  had  passed  away  in  negotiation 
with  the  Indians  for  a  cession  of  their  lands.  The  contract 
was  supposed  to  be  nearly  completed  when  Red-Jacket  arose. 
With  the  grace  and  dignity  of  a  Roman  senator  he  drew  his 
blanket  around  him,  and  with  a  piercing  eye  surveyed  the  mul 
titude.  All  was  hushed.  Nothing  was  interposed  to  break 

*  Copied  into  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians,  and  also  Thatcher's  Indian  Biog 
raphy,  from  a  correspondent  of  the  New-York  American,  who  wrote  some  fifteen 
or  twenty  years  ago.  The  writer  averred  that  he  was  present;  but  he  speaks  of 
<(  the  gentle  rustling  of  the  tree  tops,  under  whose  shade  they  were  gathered," 
whereas  it  was  now  the  closing  week  of  October,  and  according  to  Mr.  Savary's 
journal,  whence  the  materials  for  the  present  history  of  the  treaty  are  chiefly 
drawn,  the  ground  was  covered  with  snow  to  the  depth  of  several  inches.  The 
trees  were  then  affording  no  shade,  and  the  weather  was  that  of  winter.  Mr. 
Thomas  Morris,  moreover,  who  was  then  a  resident  of  Canandaigua,  and  in  at 
tendance  upon  the  council,  recollects  no  such  speech  as  that  here  imputed  to 
Red-Jacket, — nor  does  Mr.  Savary  refer  to  it.  The  account,  therefore,  is  either 
an  exaggeration,  or  apocryphal. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  127 

the  silence,  save  the  gentle  rustling  of  the  tree-tops  under 
whose  shade  they  were  gathered.  After  a  long  and  solemn, 
but  not  unmeaning  pause,  he  commenced  his  speech,  in  a  low 
voice  and  sententious  style.  Rising  gradually  with  his  subject, 
he  delineated  the  primitive  simplicity  and  happiness  of  his 
people,  and  the  wrongs  they  had  sustained  from  the  usurpa 
tions  of  white  men,  with  such  a  bold,  but  faithful  pencil,  that 
every  auditor  was  soon  raised  to  vengeance,  or  melted  into 
tears.  The  effect  was  inexpressible.  But  ere  the  emotions 
of  admiration  and  sympathy  had  subsided,  the  white  men  be 
came  alarmed.  They  were  in  the  heart  of  the  Indian  coun 
try, — surrounded  by  more  than  ten  times  their  number,  who 
were  inflamed  by  the  remembrance  of  their  injuries,  and  exci 
ted  to  indignation  by  the  eloquence  of  a  favorite  chief.  Ap ai 
led  and  terrified,  the  white  men  cast  a  cheerless  gaze  upon  the 
horde  around  them.  A  nod  from  the  chiefs  might  be  the 
onset  of  destruction.  At  this  portentous  moment  Farmer's- 
Brother  interposed.  He  replied  not  to  his  brother  chief,  but, 
with  a  sagacity  truly  aboriginal,  he  caused  a  cessation  of  the 
council,  introduced  good  cheer,  commended  the  eloquence  of 
Red-Jacket,  and  before  the  meeting  had  re-assembled,  with 
the  aid  of  other  prudent  chiefs,  he  had  moderated  the  fury  of 
his  nation  to  a  more  salutary  review  of  the  question  before 
them." 

If  the  incident,  as  thus  related,  occurred  at  all,  it 
must  have  been  at  this  stage  of  the  proceedings,  since 
there  was  no  other  moment  of  excitement,  during  the  sit 
tings  of  this  protracted  council,  that  could  have  awakened 
such  a  temper.  But  the  aspect  of  tbe  negotiation  was 
changed  on  the  following  day,  by  the  arrival  of  a  Tus- 
carora  runner,  despatched  from  Niagara  by  Colonel 
Butler,  with  tidings  of  the  signal  defeat  of  Little  Turtle 
and  the  Miamies,  with  their  confederates,  by  General 


128  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Wayne,  or  Su-kach-gook,*  as  he  was  called  by  the  sa 
vages.  The  news  of  this  event  had  an  immediate  and 
striking  effect  upon  the  deportment  of  the  Indians.  The 
successive  defeats  of  Harmar  and  St.  Clair,  by  the  In 
dians,  in  the  earlier  part  of  that  desultory  yet  bloody 
war,  had  inspired  the  whole  race  with  the  hope  that 
their  fortunes  were  about  taking  a  more  favorable  turn, 
and  that  they  might  still  be  able  to  make  a  stand  against 
the  farther  advance  of  the  whites,  if  indeed,  by  a  grand 
combination  of  the  whole  race  of  red  men,  they  might 
not  one  day  succeed  in  driving  them  back  across  the 
great  water.  In  these  hopes  and  aspirations  the  Six 
Nations  strongly  sympathized ;  and  while  the  contest 
at  the  West  was  undecided,  since  the  arms  of  their 
brethren  had  been  twice  crowned  with  success,  the  Six 
Nations  carried  themselves  with  a  considerable  de 
gree  of  arrogance.  They  were  rude  and  saucy  to  the 
white  settlers,  would  impudently  enter  their  houses, 
take  the  prepared  food  from  the  tables  without  leave, 
and  commit  other  offences.t  Their  deportment  was 
rather  haughty  at  the  council  until  the  advices  of 
Wayne's  complete  success  were  received.  Indeed  there 
is  reason  to  believe  that  had  "  The  Black  Snake"  been 
defeated,  neither  persuasions  nor  treaties  would  have 
kept  the  whole  Seneca  nation  from  rushing  into  the  con 
test.  But  the  complete  overthrow  of  Little  Turtle  and 
his  forces  at  the  Miamies  awoke  them  from  their  dream, 

*  The  Black  Snake. 

t  MS.  letter  to  the  author  from  George  Hosmer,  Esq.,  of  Avon,  N.  Y., — a  resi 
dent  of  the  Genesee  valley  at  the  period  referred  to.  The  valley  was  then  thinly 
peopled  by  the  Senecas. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

and  their  demeanor  was  at  once  subdued  into  compara 
tive  docility.* 

But  farther  embarrassments  arose  on  the  next  day,  in 
consequence  of  the  jealousies  that  had  been  infused  into 
the  minds  of  the  Indians,  against  the  Cornplanter.  His 
frequent  interviews  with  Colonel  Pickering  had  been 
marked,  and  were  followed  by  feelings  of  distrust.  Little 
Billy  took  it  upon  himself  to  rebuke  the  warrior  sharply, 
telling  him  that  he  was  taking  too  much  upon  himself— 
that  he  seemed  to  forget  that  he  was  but  a  war-chief, 
and  was  transcending  the  bounds  of  his  proper  depart 
ment,  by  partaking  so  largely  in  the  conduct  of  civil 
affairs.  Cornplanter  replied  that  he  had  exerted  himself 
many  years  for  the  good  of  the  nation,  but  that  if  they 
were  displeased  with  him,  or  had  no  farther  need  of  his 
services,  he  would  return  home.  And  such  was  his  in 
tention.  He  did  not  appear  in  council  on  that  day ;  but 
after  it  was  opened,  Colonel  Pickering  interposed  in  his 
behalf,  and  in  regard  to  the  private  interviews  between 
the  Cornplanter  and  himself,  assumed  all  the  blame: 
Cornplanter  had  not  visited  him,  except  when  specially 
sent  for.  This  explanation  pacified  the  murmurers  for 
the  moment,  but  their  suspicions  were  re-awakened 
within  a  few  days  thereafter; — parties  were  formed 
against  the  warrior ;  and  in  a  council  of  the  chiefs  pri 
vately  by  themselves,  which  was  continued  until  near  mid 
night,  his  position  became  exceedingly  critical.  It  is 
necessary  to  note  the  difficulties  by  which  the  Corn- 

*  Letter  from  George  Hosmer,  Esq.     Also  conversations  of  the  author  with 
Thomas  Morris. 

17 


130  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

planter  was  here  environed,  because  of  their  connexion 
with  an  event  occurring  at  a  subsequent  period  in  the  life 
of  Red-Jacket. 

The  council  having  already  been  continued  many 
days,  while  yet  the  main  business  of  the  commissioner 
had  scarcely  been  touched,  Colonel  Pickering  determined, 
on  the  28th  of  October,  to  bring  the  whole  subject-matter 
with  which  he  was  charged,  directly  before  the  chiefs, 
and  to  an  issue.  The  council  numbered  more  chiefs  and 
warriors,  on  that  day,  than  had  met  the  commissioner  on 
any  former  occasion.  In  the  opening  of  a  very  long 
speech,  the  Colonel  reminded  them  that,  notwithstanding 
they  had  been  there  so  many  days,  the  chiefs  had  only 
called  his  attention  to  two  rusty  spots  in  the  chain  of 
friendship.  One  of  these  he  had  already  brightened ; 
but  the  rust  of  the  other  was  thought  by  their  chief  war 
rior  to  be  so  very  deep  that  it  could  not  be  rubbed  off. 
This  related  to  the  great  and  always  vexatious  question 
of  boundaries.  Upon  this  subject  the  commissioner  took 
an  extended  review  of  all  the  negotiations  that  had  taken 
place  between  the  whites  and  themselves,  during  the  ad 
ministration  of  their  affairs  by  Sir  William  Johnson,  and 
since  that  period,  proving  to  them  by  successive  treaties, 
and  by  maps,  the  justice  of  the  claims  of  the  United 
States,  and  the  unreasonableness  of  their  own  complaints ; 
insisting  upon  all  the  cessions  of  territory  that  had  been 
made, — and  recapitulating  the  provisions  of  the  treaty  of 
Fort  Stanwix,  which  had  been  confirmed  by  the  Six  Na 
tions  themselves  at  the  treaty  of  Muskingum.  Neverthe 
less  the  commissioner  now  offered  to  stipulate  that  the 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

Indians  should  still  enjoy  the  privilege  of  hunting  upon 
all  the  lands  they  had  ceded,  and  that  their  settlements 
thereon  should  remain  undisturbed.  He  added  also  that 
their  annuity  from  the  United  States  should  be  increased 
from  fifteen  hundred  to  four  thousand  five  hundred  dol 
lars, — to  say  nothing  of  ten  thousand,  dollars  worth  of 
presents  he  had  with  him  for  distribution,  on  a  favorable 
issue  of  the  council.  In  consequence  of  these  liberal 
propositions,  the  commissioner  hoped  the  Indians  would 
cheerfully  comply,  and  join  him  in  digging  a  deep  pit 
wherein  to  bury  all  former  differences,  and  take  hold  of 
the  chain  of  friendship  so  fast  that  nothing  should  ever 
again  force  it  out  of  their  hands. 

The  Indians  agreed  to  consider  the  proposals,  and 
several  successive  days  were  spent  by  them  in  private 
deliberations.  Red- Jacket  had  previously  informed  the 
Quaker  deputation  why  the  Indians  had  invited  them  to 
attend  upon  this  council.  Believing  the  Quakers  to  be 
an  honest  people,  and  friends  to  them,  they  desired  their 
presence  that  they  might  see  that  the  Indians  were  not 
deceived  or  imposed  upon.  On  the  31st  of  October, 
while  yet  deliberating  upon  the  propositions  of  Colonel 
Pickering  in  private,  a  deputation  of  the  chiefs,  consisting 
of  Red-Jacket,  Clear-Sky,  Sagareesa,*  and  a  chief  of 
the  Cayugas,  waited  upon  the  Quaker  deputies,  for  the 
purpose  of  holding  a  confidential  conversation.  The 
white  people,  and  others  having  no  business  there, 
having  been  excluded,  Red-Jacket  spoke  nearly  as 
follows : — 

*  A  venerable  Christian  chief  of  the  Tuscaroras,  yet  living,  in  1841. 


132  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  BROTHERS  : — You  see  here  four  of  us  of  the  Six  Nations, 
who  are  assembled  at  this  place,  in  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit, 
to  transact  the  business  of  the  treaty.  You  have  been  waiting 
here  a  long  time,  and  often  visited  by  our  chiefs,  and  as  yet 
no  marks  of  respect  have  been  shown  to  you. 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  are  deputed  by  the  council  of  chiefs  as 
sembled,  to  come  and  see  you.  We  understand  that  you  told 
Sagareesa  that  you  should  not  have  come  but  at  our  request, 
and  that  you  stood  ready  to  afford  us  any  assistance  within 
your  power. 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  hope  you  will  make  your  minds  easy. 
We  who  are  now  here  are  but  children ;  the  ancients  being 
deceased.  We  know  that  your  fathers  and  ours  transacted 
business  together,  and  that  you  look  up  to  the  Great  Spirit  for 
his  direction  and  assistance,  and  take  no  part  in  war.  We 
suppose  you  were  all  born  on  this  island,  and  consider  you  as 
brethren.  Your  ancestors  came  over  the  great  water,  and 
ours  were  born  here.  This  ought  to  be  no  impediment  to  our 
considering  each  other  as  brethren. 

"  BROTHERS  : — You  all  know  the  proposals  that  have  been 
made  by  Con-neh-sauty,*  as  well  as  the  offers  made  by  us  to 
him.  We  are  all  now  in  the  presence  of  the  Great  Spirit,  and 
we  place  more  confidence  in  you  than  in  any  other  people. 
As  you  expressed  your  desire  for  peace,  we  now  desire  your 
help  and  assistance.  We  hope  you  will  not  deceive  us,  for  if 
you  should  do  so,  we  shall  no  more  place  any  confidence  in 
mankind. 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  wish  if  you  know  the  will  of  Congress, 
or  the  extent  of  the  commissioner's  powers,  that  you  would 
candidly  inform  us. 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  desire  that  what  we  are  now  about  com 
municating  may  be  kept  secret.  We  are  willing  to  give  up 
the  four  mile  path  from  Johnson's  landing  place  to  the  Cayuga 
Creek,  agreeably  to  our  compact  with  Sir  William  Johnson 

*  Colonel  Pickering. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  133 

long  ago.  The  other  part  proposed  by  Con-neh-sauty  to  be  re 
linquished  by  us,  that  is  from  Cayuga  to  Buffalo  Creek,  we 
wish  to  reserve  on  account  of  the  fisheries,  that  our  women 
and  children  may  have  the  use  of  them.  We  desire  to  know 
if  you  can  inform  us  why  the  triangle  on  Lake  Erie  cannot  be 
given  up. 

"  BROTHERS  : — Cornplanter  and  Captain  Brant,  who  were 
only  war  chiefs,  were  the  persons  who  attended  the  treaty  at 
Fort  Stanwix,*  and  they  were  to  have  sent  forward  the  propo 
sals  for  our  more  general  consideration.  At  that  time  Old 
Smoke  was  alive,  who  was  a  man  of  great  understanding. 
But  they  were  threatened  into  a  compliance,  in  consequence  of 
which  Captain  Brant  went  off  to  Canada,  desiring  Cornplanter 
to  do  the  best  he  could." 

The  Quaker  deputies  replied  to  the  committee  of  the 
chiefs  on  the  next  day,  but  the  purport  of  their  answer 
was  not  preserved  in  William  Savary's  journal,  although 
he  delivered  their  opinion.  Red-Jacket  thanked  them 
for  their  advice,  which  he  said  "  would  afford  them  con 
siderable  strength."  The  chiefs  having  determined 
upon  their  answer,  the  commissioner  met  them  in  grand 
council  on  Sunday,  the  2d  of  November.  The  business 
was  opened  by  Clear-Sky,  who  apologized  for  the  delay, 
which  he  said  had  been  required  by  the  importance  of 
the  subject  they  had  been  considering,  and  the  necessity 
of  preserving  unanimity  among  themselves.  Red- Jacket, 
being  the  principal  speaker,  then  rose  and  said,  first  ad 
dressing  the  chiefs : — 

*  Red-Jacket  must  have  referred  in  this  passage  to  the  second  treaty  of  Fort 
Stanwix,  viz. :  that  of  Gov.  George  Clinton,  held  in  1789.  Brant  was  not  at  the 
treaty  of  1784,  held  at  that  place,  and  Red-Jacket  himself  was.  Brant  attended 
the  treaty  of  1789. 


134  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  request  that  all  the  nations  present  will 
attend  to  what  we  are  about  to  deliver.  We  are  now  convened 
on  one  of  the  days  of  the  Great  Spirit." 

Then  addressing   Colonel  Pickering,  he  proceeded : — 

"  BROTHER  : — You  now%represent  the  President  of  the  Uni 
ted  States,  and  when  you  spoke  to  us,  we  considered  it  as  the 
voice  of  the  fifteen  fires.  You  desired  that  we  would  take  the 
matter  under  our  deliberate  consideration,  and  consult  each 
other  well,  that  when  the  chain  was  rusty  it  might  be  bright 
ened.  We  took  General  Washington  by  the  hand,  and  desired 
this  council-fire,  that  all  the  lines  of  dispute  might  be  settled. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  told  you  before  of  the  two  rusty  places 
on  the  chain,  which  were  also  pointed  out  by  the  sachems. 
Instead  of  complying  with  our  request  respecting  the  places 
where  we  told  you  the  chain  was  rusty,  you  offered  to  relin 
quish  the  land  on  Lake  Erie,  eastward  of  the  triangular  piece 
sold  by  Congress  to  Pennsylvania,  and  to  retain  the  four  mile 
path  between  Cayuga  and  Buffalo  Creek,  by  which  you  expect 
to  brighten  the  chain. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  thought  you  had  a  sharp  file  to  take  off 
the  rust,  but  we  believe  it  must  have  been  dull,  or  else  you  let 
it  slip  out  of  your  hands.  With  respect  to  the  four  mile  path, 
we  are  in  want  of  it  on  account  of  the  fisheries.  Although  we 
are  but  children,  we  are  sharp-sighted,  and  we  see  that  you 
want  that  strip  of  land  for  a  road,  that  when  you  have  vessels 
on  the  lakes  you  may  have  harbors.  But  we  wish  that  in  re 
spect  to  that  land,  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  may  not  be  bro 
ken.  You  white  people  have  increased  very  fast  on  this  island, 
which  was  given  to  us  Indians  by  the  Great  Spirit.  We  are 
now  become  a  small  people.  You  are  cutting  off  our  lands 
piece  after  piece.  You  are  a  kind-hearted  people, — seeking 
your  own  advantages. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  are  tender-hearted,  and  desirous  of  peace. 
You  told  us  what  you  would  give  for  our  land,  to  brighten 


OF  RED-JACKET. 


135 


your  end  of  the  chain.  If  you  will  relinquish  the  piece  of 
land  we  have  mentioned,  our  friendship  will  be  strong.  You 
say  you  are  not  proud.  Neither  are  we.  Congress  expects 
we  are  now  settling  the  business  with  regularity.  We  wish 
that  both  parties  may  have  something  to  say  in  settling  peace. 
At  the  time  we  requested  a  conference,  we  also  requested  that 
our  friends,  the  Quakers,  should  come  forward,  as  they  are 
promoters  of  peace,  and  we  wanted  them  to  be  witnesses  of 
what  took  place.  We  wish  to  do  nothing  private.  We  have 
told  you  of  the  rusty  part,  which  the  file  passed  over  without 
brightening,  and  we  wish  you  to  take  up  the  file  again,  and  rub 
it  very  hard.  You  told  us  that  if  it  would  not  do  without,  you 
would  apply  oil. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  the  sachems,  warriors  and  others,  all  de 
pend  upon  you.  Whatever  is  done  we  regard  as  final  and 
permanent.  We  wish  you  to  take  it  into  consideration,  and 
give  us  an  answer." 

There  was  more  of  conciliation  and  concession  mani 
fested  in  this  speech  than  had  been  anticipated.  Colo 
nel  Pickering  replied  in  a  like  amicable  tone,  urging  the 
reasons  why  the  United  States  must  persist  in  obtaining 
the  pathway  along  the  lake  shore,  and  between  the 
lakes.  As  an  equivalent  for  a  concession  of  this  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians,  the  large  increase  of  their  annuity 
had  been  proposed ;  and  he  cheerfully  offered  to  cede 
back  to  them  all  the  lands  in  their  former  grants,  upon 
which  their  villages  stood,  although  he  said  that  when 
he  came  from  Philadelphia  it  was  not  expected  he  would 
relinquish  a  single  hand-breadth.  In  conclusion,  Colonel 
Pickering  said  he  was  becoming  impatient,  and  he  de 
sired  a  speedy  answer. 

The  proceedings  of  the  day  were  closed  by  another 


136  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

funeral  ceremony.  Red- Jacket  stated  that  it  was  a  cus 
tom  among  the  Indians,  after  the  decease  of  one  of  their 
brethren,  to  return  to  the  donor  any  present  which  he 
had  received  in  his  life  time  as  a  mark  of  respect.  In 
conformity  with  this  usage,  he  now  returned  to  the  com 
missioner  a  silver  gorget,  belonging  to  one  of  their  chiefs 
recently  dead,  which  had  been  presented  to  him  by  the 
United  States.  Farmer's-Brother  made  a  speech  of 
condolence  on  the  occasion,  and  presented  the  customary 
strings  of  black  wampum  to  the  family  of  the  deceased. 
On  the  4th  the  council-fire  was  re-opened,  and  the 
Friends,  not  being  present,  were  sent  for,  the  Indians  re 
fusing  to  proceed  unless  they  were  in  the  assembly. 
Red-Jacket  then  addressed  the  commissioner  : — 

"BROTHER  : — We  the  sachems  of  the  Six  Nations  will  now 
tell  you  our  minds.  The  business  of  the  treaty  is  to  brighten 
the  chain  of  friendship  between  us  and  the  fifteen  fires.  We 
told  you  the  other  day  it  was  but  a  very  small  piece  that  occa 
sioned  the  rust  on  the  chain. 

"  BROTHER  : — Now  we  are  conversing  together  to  make  the 
chain  bright.  When  we  told  you  what  would  give  us  satis 
faction,  you  proposed  reserving  the  piece  of  land  between 
Cayuga  and  Buffalo  Creek,  for  building  houses,*  &c. ;  but  we 
apprehend  you  would  not  only  build  houses  but  towns.  You 
told  us  these  houses  would  be  for  the  accommodation  of  tra 
vellers  in  the  winter,  as  they  cannot  go  by  water  in  that  season, 
and  that  travellers  would  want  a  staff  to  help  them  along  on 
the  road.  We  have  taken  these  matters  into  serious  con 
sideration. 

*  Colonel  Pickering  had  told  them  in  his  speech  respecting  the  land  for  a  road — 
four  miles  wide — that  the  United  States  also  wanted  land  to  build  taverns  upon, 
where  the  weary  traveller  might  stop  to  rest. 


OF  RED-JACKET, 

"  BROTHER  : — We  conclude  that  we  do  not  understand  this 
as  the  white  people  do.  If  we  consent  to  your  proposals,  we 
know  it  will  injure  us.  If  these  houses  should  be  built,  they 
will  tend  to  scatter  us,  and  make  us  fall  in  the  street,  by  drink 
ing  to  excess,  instead  of  benefitting  us.  You  want  land  to 
raise  provisions,  hay,  &c. ;  but  as  soon  as  the  white  people 
settle  there,  they  would  think  the  land  their's, — for  this  is  the 
way  of  the  white  people.  You  mentioned  that  when  you  got 
possession  of  the  garrisons,*  you  would  want  landing-places, 
and  fields  to  plant  on.  But  we  wish  to  be  the  sole  owners  of 
these  lands  ourselves  ;  and  when  you  settle  with  the  British, 
the  Great  Spirit  has  made  a  road  for  you.  You  can  pass  and 
repass  by  water.  What  you  want  to  reserve  is  entirely  in 
your  own  power. 

"  BROTHER  : — You  told  us,  when  you  left  Philadelphia,  it 
was  not  expected  by  the  President  that  you  would  relinqish  a 
foot  of  land.  We  thank  him  for  having  left  you  at  liberty  to 
give  up  what  you  please.  You  have  waited  with  patience  at 
this  council  fire,  kindled  by  General  Washington.  It  is  but  a 
very  small  thing  that  keeps  the  chain  from  being  brightened. 
If  you  will  consent  to  give  us  this  small  piece,  and  have  no 
houses  on  it,  the  chain  will  be  bright.  As  to  harbors,  the  wa 
ters  are  between  you  and  the  British.  You  must  talk  to 
them.  You  are  of  the  same  color.  I  see  there  are  many  of 
your  people  now  here,  watching  with  their  mouth  open,  to 
take  up  this  land.  If  you  are  a  friend  to  us,  then  disappoint 
them.  Our  patience  is  spent.  Comply  with  our  request. 
Dismiss,  and  we  will  go  home." 

Colonel  Pickering  rejoined,  and  there  was  consider 
able  farther  discussion  between  the  parties.  The  Colo 
nel  abated  somewhat  more  of  his  demands,  consenting, 
on  the  subject  of  roads,  to  reduce  his  proposition  to  the 

*  The  p&sts  of  Oswego,  Niagara,  and  Detroit,  then  yet  held  by  England,  con 
trary  to  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  of  peace  of  1783. 

18 


138  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

liberty  of  constructing  a  road  from  Fort  Schlosser  to 
Buffalo  Creek.  After  a  consultation  among  the  sachems, 
Red-Jacket  said : — 

"  We  have  a  right  understanding  of  your  request,  and  have 
agreed  to  grant  you  a  road  from  Fort  Schlosser  to  Buffalo 
Creek,  but  not  from  Buffalo  Creek  down  this  way  at  all." 

The  difficulties  having  thus,  as  it  was  supposed,  all 
been  surmounted  by  reason  of  mutual  concessions,  in  a 
very  liberal  spirit  of  compromise  on  the  part  of  Colonel 
Pickering,  nothing  farther  remained  but  to  adjust  the 
points,  and  prepare  duplicates  of  the  treaty  for  signature. 
The  whole  day  of  the  5th  was  occupied  by  Colonel 
Pickering  and  a  few  of  the  leading  chiefs  upon  this 
business.  It  was  intended  that  the  documents  should 
be  executed  on  the  6th;  but  on  their  presentation 
to  the  council,  fresh  difficulties  broke  out  in  regard  to 
Presque  Isle.  Great  dissatisfaction  was  manifested  by 
several  of  the  leading  chiefs  at  the  relinquishment  of 
that  point  of  territory.  Having  ascertained  that  the 
Cornplanter  and  Little  Billy  had  received  two  thousand 
dollars  worth  of  goods  at  Muskingum,  and  two  thousand 
more  at  Philadelphia,  as  the  price  of  Presque  Isle,  the 
council  was  greatly  disturbed,  and  broke  up  in  confusion. 
No  business  was  transacted  on  the  7th,  the  incensed  In 
dians  not  yet  having  had  time  to  cool.  On  the  8th 
Colonel  Pickering  canvassed  the  several  articles  of  the 
treaty  with  some  of  the  leading  chiefs,  and  it  was  ar 
ranged  that  it  should  be  signed  on  the  following  day,  for 
which  purpose  the  council  assembled.  But  here,  again, 


OF  RED  JACKET.  139 

most  unexpectedly,  a  new  obstacle  was  interposed  from 
the  hitherto  fast  friend  of  the  United  States,  the  Corn- 
planter.  The  moodiness  of  many  of  the  Indians  had 
been  observed  when  the  parchments  were  unrolled. 
They  held  down  their  heads  and  manifested  their  dis 
satisfaction  by  silence  for  half  an  hour.  At  length  Corn- 
planter  rose  and  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHERS  : — I  request  your  attention,  whilst  I  inform  you 
of  my  own  mind  as  an  individual.  I  consider  the  conduct  of  the 
United  States,  since  the  war,  to  have  been  very  bad.  I  con 
ceive  they  do  not  do  justice.  I  will  mention  what  took  place 
at  New- York,  at  one  particular  time.*  After  the  treaty  of 
Fort  Stanwix  I  went  to  New- York  under  an  apprehension 
that  the  commissioners  had  not  done  right;  and  I  laid  before 
Congress  our  grievances  on  account  of  the  loss  of  our  lands  at 
that  treaty.  But  the  thirteen  fires  approved  of  what  the  com 
missioners  had  done,  and  in  confirmation  of  it,  they  held  up  the 
paper  with  a  piece  of  silver  hanging  to  it.f  Now,  Colonel  Picker 
ing,  you  have  told  us  at  this  treaty  that  what  was  given  up  by  the 
British  was  only  the  land  around  the  forts.  I  am  very  much 
dissatisfied  that  this  was  not  communicated  to  us  before. 
There  has  already  been  too  much  blood  spilt.  If  this  had  been 
known  at  the  close  of  the  war  it  would  have  prevented  any 
blood  being  shed.  I  have  therefore  told  our  warriors  not  to 
sign  this  treaty.  The  fifteen  fires  have  deceived  us ;  but  we 
are  under  the  sachems,  and  will  listen  to  what  they  do. 
Though  we  will  not  sign  it,  yet  we  will  abide  by  what  they 
do  as  long  as  they  do  right.  The  United  States  and  the  Six 
Nations  are  now  making  a  firm  peace,  and  we  wish  the  fifteen 
fires  may  never  deceive  them,  as  they  have  deceived,  us  war 
riors.  If  they  once  deceive  the  sachems  it  will  be  bad." 

*  At  the  time  referred  to  New- York  was  the  seat  of  government, 
t  The  treaty  with  England. 


140  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

He  then  took  his  seat,  and  after  a  short  pause  said: — 

"  I  will  put  a  patch  upon  what  I  have  spoken.  I  hope  you 
will  have  no  uneasiness  at  hearing  the  voice  of  the  warriors. 
You  know  it  is  very  hard  to  be  once  deceived ;  so  you  must 
not  make  your  minds  uneasy." 

The  Eel,  an  Onondaga  chief,  thereupon  rose  and  made 
a  warm  speech  in  reply  to  the  Cornplanter,  exhorting 
the  sachems  to  abide  by  the  decision  to  which  they  had 
arrived.  Colonel  Pickering  followed  in  an  energetic 
address,  insisting  that  the  treaty  would  be  of  little  effect 
in  securing  future  tranquillity  if  signed  only  by  the  sa 
chems.  The  warriors,  he  contended,  must  sign  it  also, 
or  he  would  have  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Two  or  three 
days  were  spent  in  endeavoring  to  soothe  the  warriors 
and  bring  them  to  terms.  These  efforts  were  ultimately 
successful,  and  the  treaty  was  finally  executed  by  both 
sachems  and  warriors  on  the  llth  of  November,  1794. 
By  the  terms  of  the  treaty,  the  United  States  acknow 
ledged  the  reservations  to  the  Oneidas,  Onondagas  and 
Cayugas,  in  their  treaties  with  New- York ; — the  bounda 
ries  of  the  Senecas  were  established,  and  their  title  to 
all  the  lands  within  the  same  acknowledged  by  the  Uni 
ted  States.  The  Six  Nations  engaged  never  to  claim 
any  other  lands  of  the  United  States ;  the  road  was  al 
lowed  from  Schlosser  to  Buffalo  Creek ;  a  passage  was 
granted  to  the  United  States  through  their  country,  to 
gether  with  the  use  of  all  their  harbors  and  rivers.  Other 
minor  particulars  need  not  be  noted.* 

*  For  a  letter  from  Colonel  Pickering  to  Captain  Brant,  respecting  this  treaty, 
and  a  sensible  letter  from  Brant  in  reply,  see  Appendix  C. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

It  has  been  judged  advisable  to  give  an  extended  ac 
count  of  this  council,  for  several  reasons.  As  has  al 
ready  been  said,  it  was  one  of  the  most  important  nego 
tiations  with  the  Six  Nations  ever  effected  by  the  United 
States,  both  as  to  the  magnitude  of  the  council,  and  the 
results ;  and  yet  less  has  been  known  of  its  history  than 
of  almost  any  other.  The  entire  proceedings  are  more 
over  deemed  to  be  interesting,  as  affording  farther  illus 
trations  of  the  character  of  the  people  once  forming  that 
extended  and  daring  confederacy,  the  terror  of  almost 
half  the  continent,  but  which  has  now  dissolved  into  a 
few  scattered  fragments,  each  melting  rapidly  away. 
There  is  one  feature  in  the  civil  polity  of  that  confederacy, 
which  is  believed  on  no  other  occasion  to  have  been  so  fully 
disclosed,  or  so  thoroughly  illustrated,  as  at  this  treaty, — 
the  jealousy  of  the  Indians  of  the  military  power,  and  the  sub 
ordination  in  which  it  was  held  to  the  civil.  It  has  been 
seen  that  on  several  occasions  the  war-chiefs  were  re 
minded,  with  great  emphasis,  of  the  superiority  in  all 
civil  affairs  of  the  sachems,  or  civil  magistrates.  This 
single  fact  shows  that  the  untutored  Aquanuschioni  had 
made  no  inconsiderable  advances  in  the  science  of  free 
government. 

Notwithstanding  the  untoward  incidents  which  occa 
sionally  "  disturbed  the  minds"  of  the  Indians,  the  coun 
cil  broke  up,  and  the  parties  separated,  with  the  utmost 
good  feeling.  The  good  men  forming  the  Quaker  depu 
tation  ingratiated  themselves  into  the  very  hearts  of  the 
Indians.  Their  mission  was  one  of  love,  nor  did  they 
confine  their  exertions  to  labors  for  the  temporal  benefit 


142  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

of  the  sons  of  the  forest  alone.  As  ministers  of  the 
Christian  faith,  they  lost  no  fitting  opportunity  of  impart 
ing  to  them  a  knowledge  of  the  "  Unknown  God"  whom 
they  "  ignorantly  worshipped."  Religious  meetings  were 
held  by  them  on  the  return  of  every  Sabbath,  and  the 
fierce  chieftains  were  sometimes  melted  into  tears  by 
their  discourses.  Nor  were  the  Indians  alone  the  grati 
fied  party.  The  deputies  studied  their  social  relations, 
and  were  often  pleased  with  what  they  saw  of  their 
manners,  their  wild  sports,  and  the  unrestrained  gambols 
of  their  children,  as  may  be  seen  by  reference  to  the 
valuable  journal  of  William  Savary,  already  referred 
to.*  The  different  tribes  or  nations  encamped  by  them 
selves,  and  the  Senecas,  by  far  the  most  numerous,  oc 
cupied  several  camps,  under  separate  leaders.  The 
following  account  of  Mr.  Savary 's  visit  to  one  of  them 
is  graphic  and  picturesque : — 

"  Fifth  Day,  Oct.  30.  After  dinner,  John  Parish  and  my 
self  rode  to  view  the  Farmer's-Brother's  encampment,  which 
contained  about  five  hundred  Indians.  They  are  located  by 
the  side  of  a  brook,  in  the  woods  ;  having  built  about  seventy 
or  eighty  huts,  by  far  the  most  commodious  and  ingeniously 
made  of  any  that  I  have  seen.  The  principal  materials  are 
bark,  and  boughs  of  trees,  so  nicely  put  together  as  to  keep 
the  family  dry  and  warm.  The  women  as  well  as  the  men 
appeared  to  he  mostly  employed.  In  this  camp  there  are  a 
large  number  of  pretty  children,  who,  in  all  the  activity  and 
buoyancy  of  health,  were  diverting  themselves  according  to 
their  fancy.  The  vast  number  of  deer  they  have  killed,  since 
coming  here,  which  they  cut  up,  and  hang  round  their  huts 

*  See  Friends'  Library,  vol.  i.  pp.  332-370. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 


inside  and  out,  to  dry,  together  with  the  rations  of  beef  which 
they  draw  daily,  give  the  appearance  pf  plenty  to  supply  the 
few  wants  to  which  they  are  subjected.*  The  ease  and  cheer 
fulness  of  every  countenance,  and  the  delightfulness  of  the 
afternoon,  which  these  inhabitants  of  the  'woods  seemed  to  en 
joy  with  a  relish  far  superior  to  those  who  are  pent  up  in 
crowded  and  populous  cities,  all  combined  to  make  this  the 
most  pleasant  visit  I  have  yet  made  to  the  Indians  ;  and  in 
duced  me  to  believe  that  before  they  became  acquainted  with 
white  people,  and  were  infected  with  their  vices,  they  must 
have  been  as  happy  a  people  as  any  in  the  world.  In  return 
ing  to  our  quarters  we  passed  by  the  Indian  council,  where 
Red-Jacket  was  displaying  his  oratory  to  his  brother  chiefs, 
on  the  subject  of  Colonel  Pickering's  proposals."  On  another 
page  Mr.  Savary  says  of  the  orator  :  —  "  Red-Jacket  visited  us 
with  his  wife  and  five  children,  whom  he  had  brought  to  see 
us.  They  were  exceedingly  well  clad,  in  their  manner,  and 
the  best  behaved  and  prettiest  Indian  children  I  have  ever  met 
with." 

*  On  another  page  of  his  journal,  Mr.  Savary  says  they  sometimes  killed  more 
than  one  hundred  deers  in  a  day—  at  Canandaigua,  in  1794  ! 


CHAPTER  VI. 

IMMEDIATE  results  of  the  treaty — General  Indian  pacification — Death  of  Gene 
ral  Chapin — Red-Jacket's  speech  of  condolence — The  treaty  of  Big  Tree, 
held  between  the  Indians  and  Thomas  Morris,  for  Robert  Morris  and  the 
Holland  Land  Company — Conduct  of  Red-Jacket — The  women  and  war 
riors — Difficulties  with  regard  to  the  reservations — The  White  Woman — In 
dian  ignorance  of  finance,  and  of  numbers — Red-Jacket's  hypocrisy  and 
duplicity — Conclusion  of  the  treaty — Visit  of  Red-Jacket  to  Connecticut. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  difficulties  encountered  by  the 
commissioner  during  the  protracted  negotiation  at  Ca- 
nandaigua,  and  the  apparent  reluctance  of  the  Indians 
to  accede  to  the  terms  demanded,  the  arrangements 
stipulated  in  the  treaty  gave,  on  the  whole,  pretty  gene 
ral  satisfaction  to  both  parties, — not  less  to  the  Indians 
themselves  than  to  the  United  States.  "  This  settle 
ment,"  said  one  of  the  chiefs  to  Colonel  Pickering, 
"  appears  like  a  great  light  to  us."  "  And  to  me,"  said 
Colonel  Pickering,  in  a  letter  to  Thayendanegea,  "  it 
seems  like  a  new  era."*  The  complaints,  for  the  con 
sideration  of  which  the  council  was  called,  were  re 
moved  ;  and  so  many  of  the  individual  chiefs  expressed 
their  satisfaction  with  the  treaty,  in  strong  terms,  that, 
farther  heart-burnings  and  reproaches  for  past  trans 
actions  were  not  anticipated.  The  treaty  of  Green- 

*  Appendix  C. 


LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

ville,  concluded  by  General  Wayne  in  the  following 
year,  crowned  the  work  of  Indian  pacification.  Hence 
forward,  therefore,  fewer  occasions  arose  requiring  the 
national  action  of  the  Iroquois  confederacy,  of  whom 
Red:Jacket  had  now  become  the  leading  sachem,  as 
he  had  long  been  the  most  popular  orator.  But  although 
the  relations  of  the  Six  Nations  were  thus  disentangled 
from  those  of  the  United  States,  yet  their  own  peculiar 
government  remained  to  be  administered;  and  what 
with  the  direction  of  their  own  internal  concerns,  and 
the  holding  of  occasional  councils  or  treaties,  connected 
with  subsequent  sales  of  portions  of  their  remaining 
lands,  there  was  still  business  enough  to  keep  the  chiefs 
from  leading  lives  of  unusual  idleness.  Nevertheless 
the  name  of  Red-Jacket  appears  on  one  occasion  only, 
during  the  three  years  immediately  succeeding  the  treaty 
of  Canandaigua. 

General  Israel  Chapin,  long  the  Superintendent  of 
Indian  Affairs  for  the  northern  department,  died  early 
in  the  spring  of  1795.  He  had  acquired  the  entire  con 
fidence  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  shared  largely  of  their 
affection.  In  consequence  of  his  decease,  a  council  was 
held  at  Canandaigua,  in  honor  of  his  memory,  on  the 
28th  of  April  of  that  year.  Among  the  chiefs  in  attend 
ance  were  the  Farmer' s-Brother,  Red-Jacket,  Clear- 
Sky,  and  others,  representing  the  several  nations,  excep 
ting  the  Mohawks.  The  following  speech  of  condolence 
was  delivered  by  Red-Jacket  to  the  son  of  the  deceased, 
Israel  Chapin,  Jr.,  who  had  served  in  the  capacity  of 
deputy  to  his  father  for  several  years : — 

19 


146  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  BROTHER  :  I  wish  you  to  pay  attention  to  what  I  have  to 
say.  You  will  recollect  you  forwarded  a  manuscript  to  us, 
informing  us  of  the  loss  of  our  good  friend.  The  loss  is  great 
to  us  as  well  as  to  you.  Yet  you  will  hear  what  we  have  to 
say,  and  I  wish  you  to  pay  attention. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  consider  that  we  have  met  with  a  great 
loss, — we  of  the  Six  Nations,  as  well  as  the  United  States, — 
a  person  to  whom  we  looked  as  a  father,  and  a  person  ap 
pointed  to  stand  between  the  Six  Nations  and  the  United 
States.  It  gives  our  minds  a  great  deal  of  uneasiness  to  think 
we  have  lost  so  valuable  a  friend,  who  has  taken  so  much  pains 
to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  between  the  Six  Nations 
and  the  United  States.  We  fear  that  agreeable  friendship 
will  be  broken  up.  Let  us  prevent  its  failing  if  we  can. 

BROTHER  :  In  conformity  to  the  good  old  ancient  customs  of 
our  forefathers,  we  now  level  the  grave  of  our  friend.  We 
gather  leaves  and  weeds,  and  strew  them  over  the  grave,  and 
endeavor  to  banish  grief  from  our  minds  as  much  as  we  can. 
[Fourteen  strings  of  black  and  white  wampiim.] 

"BROTHERS  :  You  of  the  Fifteen  Fires:  Listen  again  to  the 
voice  of  the  Six  Nations  :  The  man  whom  you  appointed  for 
us  to  communicate  our  minds  to  has  left  us,  and  gone  to  an 
other  world.  We  are  now  at  a  loss  whom  to  open  our  minds 
to,  should  there  be  any  thing  to  communicate  from  one  to  an 
other.  We  used  to  reveal  it  to  him. 

"  BROTHERS  :  You  of  the  Fifteen  Fires  :  We  think  that 
you  feel  this  great  loss  as  well  as  we.  While  he  had  the  con 
ducting  of  business,  it  appeared  as  though  the  United  States 
sat  close  by  our  sides.  If  we  had  any  thing  to  communicate, 
he  took  it  with  care  to  the  Great  Council  Fire.  Now  as  we 
have  lost  our  guide,  it  troubles  our  minds  to  find  out  how  to 
keep  up  the  friendship  that  we  have  had  heretofore. 

"  BROTHERS  of  the  Fifteen  Fires :  You  will  allow  us  to 
speak  our  sentiments.  When  you  have  before  appointed  a 
person  to  guide  us  in  our  business,  you  have  chosen  one  to 
give  satisfaction  to  us,  as  we  believe  he  did  to  you.  Some- 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

times  there  was  more  than  he  could  attend  to.  He  then  sent 
forward  his  son  to  act  in  his  behalf.  "We  are  well  acquainted 
with  this  young  man,  as  we  have  frequently  transacted  busi 
ness  with  him,  and  we  find  his  mind  to  be  good. 

BROTHERS  :  He  being  well  acquainted  with  our  business, 
and  all  the  papers  and  belts  of  wampum  being  in  his  hands, 
we  cannot  conceive  of  any  other  person  so  suitable  to  fill  his 
father's  seat.  His  appointment  would  give  us  satisfaction, 
We  ask  you  to  grant  us  the  privilege  of  this  our  request. 

"  BROTHERS  :  This  is  the  second  petition  of  the  kind  that 
we  have  made.  But  our  petition  before  was  not  taken  into 
consideration.  We  hope  now  you  will  notice  it.  We  think 
the  son  will  walk  in  the  steps  of  his  father." 

This  speech  having  been  transmitted  to  the  seat  of 
government,  General  Washington,  who  was  yet  Presi 
dent,  immediately  complied  with  the  request,  and  Cap 
tain  Israel  Chapin  was  appointed  to  the  agency  made 
vacant  by  the  death  of  his  father.* 

The  next  transaction  which  brought  Red-Jacket  con 
spicuously  before  the  public,  was  the  treaty  of  "  Big 
Tree,"t  held  in  the  year  1797.  The  purchase  from 
Massachusetts  of  the  pre-emptive  right  to  the  territory 
of  New- York  lying  beyond  the  Genesee  river,  by  Robert 
Morris,  of  Philadelphia,  has  been  incidentally  men 
tioned  in  a  preceding  chapter.  Massachusetts  had 
contracted  to  sell  tbis  said  right  of  pre-emption  to 
Samuel  Ogden,  his  heirs  and  assigns,  by  an  agreement 


To  John  Gregg,  Esq.,  of  Canandaigua,  who  married  the  daughter  of  the 
younger  Chapin,  I  have  been  indebted  for  several  parcels  of  letters  and  manu 
scripts  which  have  been  of  important  service  in  the  present  work, 
t  The  site  of  the  present  beautiful  town  of  Geneseo. 


148  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

bearing  date  March  12,  1791,  and  on  the  llth  of  May 
following,  Ogden  assigned  his  interest  in  that  agreement 
to  Morris.  The  title  to  Morris  was  confirmed  on  the 
same  day  by  the  commonwealth.  The  tract  embraced 
in  the  purchase  contained  about  four  millions  of  acres  of 
land,  and  the  consideration  paid  by  Morris  was  one  hun 
dred  thousand  pounds  Massachusetts  currency.  In  the 
year  1792  Robert  Morris  sold  the  greater  part  of  this 
purchase  to  a  company  of  gentlemen  in  Holland,  since 
known  as  the  Holland  Land  Company. 

By  the  terms  of  his  sale  Mr.  Morris  had  stipulated 
to  extinguish  the  Indian  title,  and  survey  the  whole  tract 
at  his  own  expense, — the  company  retaining  thirty-seven 
thousand  four  hundred  pounds  sterling  until  the  fulfil 
ment  of  this  part  of  the  contract.  It  was  therefore  an 
object  for  Mr.  Morris  to  procure  an  extinguishment  of 
the  Indian  title  without  unnecessary  delay.  But  it  was 
not  until  the  summer  of  1797  that  the  Senecas,  to  whom 
the  territory  belonged,  could  be  persuaded  to  negotiate 
upon  the  subject.  The  council  was  appointed  for  the 
25th  of  August,  about  the  middle  of  which  month  the 
Indians  began  to  assemble  in  great  numbers, — not  the 
Senecas  exclusively,  but  numerous  groups  from  the 
other  tribes  came  in  to  be  fed  from  the  stores  of  the  com 
missioners.*  The  agents  of  Mr.  Morris  were  the  late 
Colonel  Williamson,  (agent  of  the  estate  of  Sir  William 
Pultney,)  and  his  son,  Thomas  Morris.  The  avocations 

*  So  greatly  hungered  were  the  Indians  when  they  came  in,  that  they  were 
ravenous  for  food.  Several  of  the  oxen  first  killed  for  them  were  devoured  raw, 
reeking  in  the  blood. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  149 

of  Colonel  Williamson  not  permitting  him  to  attend  the 
council,  the  entire  duty  devolved  upon  Mr.  Thomas 
Morris.  This  was  not  a  negotiation  to  which  the  United 
States  were  directly  a  party ;  but  the  humane  policy  of 
the  government  has  always  prompted  it  to  appoint  com 
missioners  to  attend  all  councils  of  the  Six  Nations  held 
for  the  sale  of  their  lands,  subsequent  to  the  great  treaty 
of  Canandaigua,  of  1794.  Massachusetts,  likewise,  had 
reserved  the  right  of  sending  an  agent  to  such  councils, 
to  watch  over  the  interests  of  the  Indians.  Accordingly, 
at  the  treaty  of  Big  Tree,  Colonel  Jeremiah  Wadsworth, 
of  Connecticut,  appeared  as  the  commissioner  on  the 
part  of  the  United  States,  and  General  Shepherd  in  be 
half  of  the  Commonwealth  of  Massachusetts.  The  agent 
on  the  part  of  the  Holland  Company  was  the  late  Wil 
liam  Bayard,  of  New- York. 

The  council  having  been  duly  opened,  the  commis 
sioners  from  the  United  States  and  Massachusetts  pre 
sented  their  credentials,  and  addressed  the  assembly, 
declaring  the  object  of  their  appointment,  and  assuring 
the  Indians  of  their  desire  to  guard  their  interests,  and 
see  that  no  injustice  was  done  them.  Mr.  Morris  then 
formally  opened  the  business  for  the  consideration  of 
which  the  council  had  been  convened,  explaining  to 
them  the  desire  of  his  father  to  purchase  their  lands,  or 
such  a  portion  of  them  as  they  might  be  willing  to  sell. 
He  endeavored  to  persuade  them  that  an  annual  income, 
derived  from  the  avails  of  such  portions  of  their  territory 
as  were  not  required  for  their  actual  occupation,  would 
be  better  for  them  than  the  retaining  of  a  large  tract  of 


150  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

country  from  which  they  could  derive  no  benefit,  save 
from  their  use  as  hunting-grounds ;  and  as  such  he  as 
sured  them  that  they  would  be  as  open  to  them  after  the 
sale,  should  they  make  it,  as  before.  In  conclusion,  he 
offered  them  the  sum  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars 
for  the  entire  tract,  allowing  them  to  retain  such  reser 
vations  as  might  be  required  for  their  actual  occupation. 
But  should  they  insist  upon  reservations  of  unnecessary 
size,  some  deduction  from  the  amount  of  purchase- 
money  offered  must  be  made.  The  proposition  having 
been  submitted,  the  open  council  was  adjourned,  and  the 
Indians  occupied  several  days  in  private  deliberation. 
When  at  length  they  were  ready  to  make  answer,  the 
commissioners  were  notified  and  the  council  re-assem 
bled.  To  Farmers-Brother,  a  chief  justly  enjoying 
their  confidence  for  his  integrity,  was  confided  the  duty 
of  replying  to  the  propositions.  His  speech  was  not 
characteristic  of  the  man,  for  it  was  not  decided  in  its 
tone.  He  started  various  objections  to  selling  their 
lands,  and  yet  not  absolutely  declining  to  do  so.  To 
these  objections  Mr.  Morris  replied  at  considerable 
length  ;  whereupon  there  was  a  farther  adjournment,  that 
the  Indians  might  have  yet  another  opportunity  for  pri 
vate  consultation. 

On  the  re-opening  of  the  council,  Red-Jacket  rose  as 
the  organ  to  make  known  the  determination  of  his  peo 
ple.  He  said  they  were  not  yet  convinced  that  it  was 
their  duty  to  dispose  of  their  lands  at  any  price.  Mr. 
Morris  had  said,  when  speaking  of  the  little  value  of 
their  lands  while  remaining  in  a  wild  and  unproductive 


OF  RED-JACKET. 


state,  that  the  only  value  they  had  to  them  while  in  that 
condition,  arose  from  the  consciousness  they  felt  that 
they  owned  them.  The  truth  of  this  remark  was  ad 
mitted  by  Red-  Jacket,  but,  said  he,  — 

"  That  knowledge  is  every  thing  to  us.  It  raises  us  in  our 
own  estimation.  It  creates  in  our  bosoms  a  proud  feeling 
which  elevates  us  as  a  nation.  Observe  the  difference  between 
the  estimation  in  which  a  Seneca  and  an  Oneida  are  held. 
We  are  courted,  while  the  Oneidas  are  considered  a  degraded' 
people,  fit  only  to  make  brooms  and  baskets.  Why  this  dif- 
forence  ?  It  is  because  the  Senecas  are  known  as  the  proprie 
tors  of  a  broad  domain,  while  the  Oneidas  are  cooped  up  in  a 
narrow  space." 

In  his  rejoinder  Mr.  Morris  attempted  to  take  the  con- 
.  ceit  out  of  the  Seneca  orator,  by  assuring  him  that  the 
consequence  of  his  nation  was  much  less  than  he  sup 
posed  ;  —  in  proof  of  which  assertion  he  reminded  him  of 
the  little  consideration  awarded  to  a  deputation  of  their 
chiefs,  during  their  pacific  mission  to  the  hostile  Indians 
at  the  Miamis  a  few  years  before.  Notwithstanding  the 
extent  of  their  territory,  they  were  treated  with  so  much 
neglect  and  indifference  that  the  chiefs  returned  from 
the  mission  deeply  mortified.  Red-Jacket  replied  that 
the  statement  of  Mr.  Morris  was  true  ;  but,  he  continued, 
the  reason  why  they  had  been  thus  treated  was  to  be 
found  in  the  fact  that  they  were  in  bad  company  !  They 
had  made  that  journey  to  the  west  with  the  commis 
sioners  of  the  United  States.  Had  they  gone  alone, 
their  chiefs  would  have  been  treated  as  Senecas  should 
be  treated  throughout  the  world.* 

*  The  reference  here  is  to  the  mission  of  Colonel  Pickering-,  Beverly  Randolph 


152  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

A  fortnight  having  been  spent  in  this  way,  and  little 
progress  made,  the  commissioners  and  Mr.  Bayard  be 
came  impatient, — urging  Mr.  Morris  to  assume  a  more 
peremptory  manner,  and  bring  the  Indians  to  an  imme 
diate  decision,  one  way  or  the  other.  It  was  in  vain 
that  Mr.  Morris,  who  understood  the  Indian  character 
far  better  than  they,  assured  them  that  the  course  they 
were  proposing  would  of  all  others  be  most  likely  to  de 
feat  their  object.  The  commissioners  insisted  upon  de 
cisive  steps,  and  Mr.  Morris  most  reluctantly  consented. 
In  answer,  therefore,  to  a  proposition  from  the  Indians 
that  was  totally  inadmissible,  Mr.  Morris  told  them  that 
such  a  proposal  required  no  time  for  consideration.  He 
refused  it  at  once, — adding,  that  unless  the  Indians  were 
prepared  to  make  some  more  reasonable  offer,  it  was  of 
no  use  to  keep  the  council-fire  burning  any  longer. 
They  might  better  rake  it  up,  and  terminate  all  farther 
discussion.  Upon  this  remark  Red- Jacket  sprang  upon 
his  feet  and  exclaimed  : — 

"  You  have  now  arrived  at  the  point  to  which  I  wished  to 
bring  you.  You  told  us  in  your  first  address  that  even  in  the 
event  of  our  not  agreeing  to  sell  our  lands,  we  would  part 
friends.  Here,  then,  is  my  hand.  I  now  cover  up  the  coun 
cil-fire." 

This  decision  of  the  chiefs  was  received  with  great 
apparent  satisfaction  by  their  people.  They  indulged  in 

and  General  Lincoln,  to  the  hostile  Indians  at  the  west,  in  1793.  These  com 
missioners  were  accompanied  by  a  deputation  of  Seneca  chiefs,  but  as  Red-Jacket 
was  not  of  their  number,  an  account  of  that  mission  has  not  been  given  in  the 
text.  Its  full  history  may  be  found  in  the  second  volume  of  the  Life  of  Brant. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

violent  abuse  of  the  commissioners,  and  of  Mr.  Morris  in 
particular,  and  made  the  surrounding  forests  ring  with 
their  savage  yells.  Indeed,  a  person  unaccustomed  to 
their  character  and  manners  would  have  trembled  for 
his  scalp.  Deep  was  the  mortification  of  the  commis 
sioners,  of  Mr.  Bayard  especially,  at  this  unexpected 
issue  of  the  experiment.  He  had  been  the  most  impor 
tunate  in  urging  the  trial  upon  Mr.  Morris,  and  his  princi 
pals,  the  Holland  Land  Company,  were  the  most  deeply 
interested  in  the  result.  From  the  prompt  and  decided 
manner  in  which  the  negotiation  had  been  broken  off, 
moreover,  he  had  little  expectation  that  any  thing  more 
favorable  was  at  that  time  to  be  anticipated.  Yet  he 
urged  Mr.  Morris  very  strenuously  to  make  another 
effort,  and  if  possible  to  rekindle  the  fire.  To  these  so 
licitations  that  gentleman  assented,  upon  condition  that  he 
should  be  allowed  to  take  his  own  course  with  the  In 
dians,  without  interference  on  the  part  either  of  the  agent 
or  commissioners. 

On  the  succeeding  day  Farmer' s-Brother  called  upon 
Mr.  Morris,  and  expressed  the  hope  that  the  failure  of 
the  treaty  might  not  cool  his  friendship  for  them.  Cer 
tainly  not,  replied  Mr.  Morris,  adding  that  they  had  a 
perfect  right  to  refuse  selling  their  lands.  Still,  he  con 
tinued,  he  was  dissatisfied  with  the  manner  in  which  the 
council  had  been  broken  up,  and  with  the  treatment  he  had 
received  at  the  hands  of  their  warriors  immediately  after 
the  fire  had  been  raked  up.  Such  treatment  he  had  not 
deserved  at  their  hands.  He  had  been  kind  to  them 
ever  since  their  acquaintance  had  begun.  His  house 

20 


154  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

had  always  been  open  when  they  came  to  visit  him, 
and  had  been  well  supplied  with  food  and  liquor,  of 
which  they  had  partaken  whenever  they  came ;  and  at 
the  present  treaty  all  their  wants  had  been  supplied. 
All  this  Farmer' s-Brother  admitted  to  be  true.  He  re 
gretted  that  the  feelings  of  Mr.  Morris  had  been  wounded 
by  the  violent  and  indecorous  speeches  of  a  few  of  their 
drunken  young  men,  and  lamented  that  the  council-fire 
had  been  so  suddenly  put  out,  inasmuch  as  it  prevented 
another  meeting  of  the  council,  in  which  their  difficulties 
might  have  been  explained  and  smoothed  over.  Mr. 
Morris  in  his  reply  farther  remarked  that  the  declaration 
of  Red-Jacket,  extinguishing  the  fire,  was  another  act 
of  injustice  toward  him,  though  perhaps  not  so  intended. 
By  that  procedure  Red- Jacket  had  usurped  a  power  which 
he  did  not  possess,  and  had  departed  from  an  established 
custom  of  the  Indians,  by  which  he  who  lighted  a  coun 
cil-fire  alone  had  a  right  to  put  it  out.  This  council- 
fire  had  been  lit  up  by  him,  and  he  only  could  put  it  out. 
As  he  had  not  done  so,  the  fire  was  yet  burning.  To  all 
this  Farmer' s-Brother  assented,  assuring  Mr.  Morris  that 
he  was  glad  it  was  so,  as  they  could  meet  yet  in  coun 
cil  and  smooth  the  difficulties  over.  It  need  not  be  ad 
ded  that  Mr.  Morris  assented  to  this  suggestion. 

Several  days  intervened  before  this  meeting  could  be 
convened.  Meantime  Mr.  Morris  caused  all  the  chief 
women  of  the  nation  to  be  assembled,  whom  he  ad 
dressed  upon  the  subject  of  his  mission.  He  stated  to 
them  the  offer  he  had  made  to  the  sachems,  and  dis 
coursed  eloquently  of  the  advantages  which  would  ac- 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

crue  to  themselves  and  their  families  by  the  annuity 
which  would  be  coming  to  them,  and  the  comforts  they 
would  be  able  to  procure  during  the  absence  of  their 
warriors, — who  often  flocked  to  the  white  settlements  to 
sell  their  skins,  where  they  were  comfortably  fed  while 
their  families  were  starving.  He  then  distributed 
among  the  women  a  liberal  present  of  beads,  silver- 
brooches,  clothes,  and  a  variety  of  other  fancy  articles,  for 
which  their  people  have  a  great  fondness,  and  which  were 
received  with  delight.  These  articles,  Mr.  Morris  in 
formed  them,  were  intended  for  distribution  only  after 
the  conclusion  of  a  successful  treaty.  Still,  as  the  wo 
men  had  had  no  agency  in  breaking  off  the  negotiation, 
he  thought  they  ought  not  to  suffer  for  the  misconduct  of 
their  sachems,  and  he  had  consequently  determined  that 
they  should  have  the  presents  he  had  intended  for  them. 
It  is  one  of  the  peculiar  features  of  Indian  polity  that 
their  lands  belong  to  the  warriors  who  defend,  and  the 
women  who  till  them,  and  who,  moreover,  are  the 
mothers  of  the  warriors.  And  although  the  sachems,  as 
civil  magistrates,  have  ordinarily  the  power  of  negotia 
ting  treaties,  yet  whenever  the  question  of  a  sale  of  land 
is  the  subject  of  a  negotiation,  if  both  the  warriors  and 
women  become  dissatisfied  with  the  course  the  sachems 
are  pursuing,  they  have  the  right  to  interpose  and  take 
the  subject  out  of  their  hands.  The  politic  course  adopted 
toward  the  women  by  Mr.  Morris  worked  like  a  charm. 
In  a  few  days  after  his  meeting  with  them,  as  just  stated, 
he  was  informed  that  as  the  council-fire  was  yet  burn 
ing,  the  negotiation  would  be  resumed,  not  by  the  sa- 


156  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

chems,  out  of  whose  hands  the  business  had  been  taken, 
but  by  the  women  and  warriors,  who  had  thrown  them 
selves  upon  their  "  reserved  rights,"  and  were  prepared 
to  "  nullify"  what  the  sachems  had  done. 

On  a  subsequent  day  the  council  was  re-opened,  and 
the  Cornplanter,  being  the  principal  war-chief,  opened 
the  proceedings.  He  said  the  women  and  warriors  had 
seen  with  regret  the  misconduct  of  their  sachems,  and 
he  also  censured  the  conduct  of  Mr.  Morris  as  having 
been  too  hasty.  Still,  he  proposed  that  the  negotiation 
should  be  renewed,  and  he  hoped  it  would  be  conducted 
with  better  temper  on  both  sides.  Mr.  Morris  made  a 
few  soothing  remarks,  taking  upon  himself  a  share  of 
the  blame,  and  Farmer's-Brother,  on  the  part  of  the 
sachems,  stated  that  these  proceedings  of  the  women 
and  warriors  were  in  perfect  accordance  with  their  cus 
toms.  The  negotiation  was  thereupon  resumed,  and 
was  prosecuted  to  a  successful  issue  without  farther 
procrastination.  The  terms  were  as  at  first  proposed, — 
one  hundred  thousand  dollars  for  the  tract,  with  such 
reservations  as  the  parties  might  be  able  to  agree  upon. 

From  the  moment  the  women  and  warriors  took  the 
negotiation  upon  themselves,  and  Cornplanter  became 
the  important  speaker,  Red-Jacket  withdrew, — no  longer 
attending  the  council,  but  remaining  drunk  until  the  pro 
ceedings  were  ended.  Yet  although  the  main  question 
of  this  treaty  had  been  decided,  difficulties  fresh  and 
formidable  arose  in  the  adjustment  of  the  reservations 
for  the  different  clans.  The  consequence  of  a  chief  de 
pends  much  upon  the  number  of  warriors  under  his  own 


OF  RED-JACKET.  157 

immediate  command.     Hence  the  different  clans,  with 
their  chiefs,  were  anxious  to  procure  as  large  reservations 
as  they  could  for  themselves,  and  at  the  same  time  were 
willing  to  see  the  territories  of  the  others  reduced  to 
comparatively  narrow  limits.      The   chief  having   the 
broadest  domains  would  naturally  have  the  largest  col 
lection  of  his  people  around  him.     His  own  importance 
would  be  consequently  increased,  while  the  heads  of  the 
weaker  communities  would  be  proportionately  dimin 
ished.      These  jealousies  of  aggrandizement  were  the 
source  of  so  much  difficulty  that  the  adjustment  of  the 
reservations  could  not  be  accomplished  in  full  council, 
and  in  the  end  was  only  effected  by  a  sub-council,  com 
posed  of  a  small  number  of  chiefs  selected  from  the 
several  clans.     Another  difficulty  was  encountered  in 
designating  the  boundaries  of  the  reservations.      The 
Indians  insisted  upon  natural  boundaries,  such  as  the 
rivers,  hills  and  the  courses  of  streams.     But  as  bounda 
ries  like  these,  with  which  they  were  familiar,  gave  them 
all  the  advantages,  Mr.  Morris  would  not  listen  to  the 
proposition, — insisting  upon  the  allotment  to  each  clan 
of  such  number  of  square  miles  as  might  be  agreed  upon, 
designating  the  same  upon  a  map  to  the  view  of  the 
chiefs.     In  only  one  instance  did  Mr.  Morris  depart 
from  this  determination,  and  the  result  taught  him  what 
might  have  been  his  fate  had  he  allowed  the  principle  in 
other  cases.     There  was  a  white  woman  named  Mary 
Jemison,  who  occupied  a  farm  upon  the  Genesee  river, 
at  a  place  about  twenty  miles  southwest  of  Big  Tree, 
for  whom  the  chiefs  were  desirous  of  making  special 


158  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

provision.  Mary  was  herself  present  at  the  council,  and 
pleaded  her  own  case.  She  was  truly  a  remarkable 
woman.  When  a  child,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the 
French  war  in  1754,  she  had  been  taken  prisoner  by  the 
Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Du  Quesne,  with 
her  parents,  two  brothers,  and  other  inmates  of  the 
family.  All  were  murdered  except  Mary.  Her  captors 
were  Senecas,  and  she  was  brought  into  the  Genesee 
country.  For  a  season  she  was  discontented  with  her 
new  situation,  and  devised  various  schemes  of  effecting 
her  escape.  These  being  frustrated,  she  resigned  her 
self  to  her  fate,  and  in  progress  of  time  became  as  tho 
roughly  an  Indian  in  all  her  habits  and  feelings  as  Red- 
Jacket  himself.  Although  she  had  been  religiously  in 
structed  in  her  childhood,  she  became  a  pagan,  and  in  a 
word  was  thoroughly  a  squaw  in  every  thing  but  her 
complexion.  Her  life  was  one  of  vicissitude  and  wild 
adventure.  Her  first  husband  was  a  Delaware  chief, 
with  whom  she  resided  for  years  in  the  Shawanese  coun 
try.  She  afterward  married  a  Seneca  chief,  with  whom 
she  lived  until  his  death  at  the  Gardow  flats, — the  place 
which  the  chiefs  now  prayed  might  be  reserved  for  her. 
Mr.  Morris  readily  assented  that  a  moderate  reservation 
should  be  made  for  her,  provided  the  number  of  acres 
•Were  defined.  But  to  this  she  objected,  stating  that  she 
had  various  improved  places,  one  of  which  was  a  patch 
of  corn,  another  of  potatoes,  another  of  beans,  &c.  She 
then  named  certain  boundaries,  to  which  Mr.  Morris,  in 
consequence  of  the  impatience  of  the  commissioners, 
hastily  assented,  under  the  impression  that  the  grant 


OF  RED-JACKET.  159 

would  not  exceed  one  hundred  and  fifty  acres.  When, 
afterward  the  survey  came  to  be  made,  Mary's  farm 
was  found  to  contain  thirty  thousand  acres  of  land,  of  an 
excellent  quality  !* 

There  were  yet  other  difficulties  to  be  removed  before 
the  negotiation  was  actually  completed.  Among  these 
was  the  arrival  at  the  council  of  Young  King,  a  descen 
dant  of  "  OLD  SMOKE,"  a  notable  chief  of  the  Senecas 
many  years  before.  Old  Smoke  was  the  most  powerful, 
as  he  was  deemed  the  wisest  sachem  of  his  time.  He 
was  the  principal  sachem,  or  civil  chief  of  the  nation,  and 
his  word  was  law.  When  he  thought  proper  to  convene 
a  council,  it  was  only  for  the  purpose  of  announcing  his 
intentions,  and  none  said  nay  to  his  behests.  His  in 
fallibility  was  never  questioned,  and  although  he  had 
been  dead  many  years,  his  memory  was  yet  held  in  great 
reverence.  Young  King,  though  literally  a  young  man, 
and  of  talents  far  inferior  to  Old  Smoke,  was  nevertheless, 
by  inheritance,  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Seneca  nation ; 
and  the  usual  deference  secured  to  him  by  virtue  of  his 
office,  was  greatly  augmented  by  reverence  for  his  de 
scent.  As  chief  sachem,  it  was  necessary  to  the  validity 

*  During  the  war  of  the  revolution,  "  The  White  Woman's"  house, — for  thus 
she  was  designated,  became  frequently  the  quarters  of  Brant  and  Colonel  John 
Butler  when  making  their  inroads  upon  the  frontiers  of  the  colonies.  She  at 
tended  the  treaty  of  the  German  Flatts,  held  by  General  Schuyler  in  1775.  She 
would  not  throw  aside  her  Indian  costume,  even  after  the  white  population  had 
surrounded  her  residence,  but  adhered  to  her  Indian  habits  and  customs  to  the 
last.  She  became  rich  in  herds  and  flocks,  as  well  as  in  lands.  One  of  her 
grandsons  was  educated  as  a  physician.  He  obtained  a  commission  as  surgeon 
in  the  navy  of  the  United  States,  and  died  a  few  years  ago  on  the  Mediterranean 
station.  Mary  died  about  the  year  1825,  at  a  very  advanced  age. 


160  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

of  the  treaty  that  it  should  receive  his  assent  and  signa 
ture.  He  was  for  a  time  utterly  opposed  to  the  sale  of 
their  lands;  and  both  the  Cornplanter  and  Farmer' s- 
Brother  assured  Mr.  Morris,  that  without  his  approbation 
the  work  was  all  at  an  end.  Still,  by  dint  of  great  per 
suasion,  he  was  ultimately  induced  to  sign  the  treaty.* 
Another  obstacle  was  presented  by  the  instructions  of 
the  President,  General  Washington,  to  Colonel  Wads- 
worth,  who  was  directed  to  withhold  his  assent  from  any 
treaty  that  did  not  provide  for  the  investment  of  the  pur 
chase-money  in  the  stock  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States,  in  the  name  of  the  President  and  his  successors 
in  office,  in  trust  for  the  Seneca  nation.  It  was  found 
exceedingly  difficult,  and  in  fact  impossible,  to  make  the 
Indians  understand  what  a  bank  was,  and  how  it  hap 
pened  that  their  annual  payments  should  not  always  be 
the  same.  They  had  no  conception  of  the  character  of 
bank  dividends,  or  how  they  were  accumulated.  Their 
idea  seemed  to  be  that  the  bank  was  an  extensive  place 
in  Philadelphia,  where  their  money  was  planted,  and 
that  in  some  years  the  crop  would  be  better  than  in 
others.  Frequently,  in  after  years,  would  they  inquire 
of  Mr.  Morris  what  kind  of  a  crop  they  were  likely  to 
have  in  a  season  like  that.  Connected  with  this  subject 
of  finance,  yet  another  difficulty  was  experienced  from 

*  Young  King  died  only  some  five  or  six  years  ago.  He  was  engaged  with 
his  warriors  in  alliance  with  the  forces  of  the  United  States,  during  the  war  with 
England  of  1812— -1815,  and  fought  bravely.  By  an  act  of  Congress  of  1816,  a 
pension  of  two  hundred  dollars  per  annum  was  given  him,  "  as  a  compensation 
for  his  brave  and  meritorious  services,  and  as  a  provision  for  the  wound  and  disa 
bility  which  he  received  in  the  performance  of  those  services." 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

their  inability  to  comprehend  the  amount  of  the  purchase- 
money.  Bat  few  of  them  could  count  one  hundred, 
while  it  was  necessary  to  make  them  comprehend  the 
amount  of  one  hundred  thousand  dollars.  The  process 
by  which  only  this  idea  could  be  imparted,  was  to  take 
a  cask,  and  show  them  how  many  dollars  it  would  re 
quire  to  fill  it,  and  then  show  them  how  many  casks  of 
the  same  description  it  would  require  to  contain  the 
whole  amount.  They  were  also  taught  the  number  of 
horses  it  would  require  to  draw  the  weight.* 

It  has  been  remarked  that  after  the  negotiation  had 
been  resumed  by  the  women  and  warriors,  and  Corn- 
planter  took  the  forum,  Red-Jacket  absented  himself 
from  the  council,  and  remained  in  a  state  of  intoxication. 
His  object  in  thus  standing  aloof  from  the  council  was  to 
have  the  entire  responsibility  of  the  treaty  thrown  upon 
Cornplanter.  In  his  conversations  with  the  other  chiefs 
he  uniformly  spoke  against  any  sale  of  their  lands,  and 
he  opposed  the  treaty  with  great  vehemence,  eloquence 
and  talent.  Yet  his  opposition  was  that  of  a  demagogue, 
and  he  spoke,  to  use  an  expressive  metaphor  of  his  own 
people,  with  "  a  forked  tongue."  In  other  words  his 
opposition  was  insincere  ;  for  the  fact  is  no  less  true  than 

*  The  Indians  of  every  tribe  are  rigidly  equitable  in  the  distribution  of  the 
avails  of  all  the  lands  they  sell.  Every  member  of  a  family,  even  the  smallest 
child,  is  entitled  to,  and  receives,  as  much  as  the  highest  chief.  When  the  di 
vision  is  made,  the  father  of  the  family  produces  as  many  sticks  as  there  are  per 
sons  in  his  household.  Blankets  are  spread  upon  the  ground,  and  pieces  of  coin 
are  laid  by  the  side  of  each  parcel  of  sticks,  corresponding  with  the  number,  un 
til  the  whole  amount  of  the  money  received  is  fairly  divided.  At  least  such  was 
the  practice  before  the  chiefs  of  the  Indians  learned  the  art  of  being  bribed  from 
the  pale-faces. 

21 


162  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

disgraceful,  that  after  the  negotiation  had  been  com 
pleted,  he  repaired  to  the  lodge  of  Mr.  Morris  by  night,  and 
told  him  that  he  had  in  reality  no  objection  to  the  sale  of 
their  lands,  but  yet  he  must  seem  to  oppose  the  measure,  or 
he  should  lose  his  popularity.  That  popularity  had  been 
acquired  by  opposing  every  land-sale  that  had  been 
made,  and  he  must  at  least  affect  to  continue  his  oppo 
sition  to  the  end.  It  has  been  seen  that  the  negotiation 
was  successful.  How  could  it  have  well  been  other 
wise,  under  the  circumstances,  when,  to  those  circum 
stances,  already  described,  is  superadded  the1  fact  that 
the  very  leader  of  the  opposition  was  a  traitor  to  the 
cause  he  pretended  to  defend  ?  But,  as  in  other  popular 
communities,  the  people  were  the  dupes.  The  arts  of 
the  demagogue  blinded  their  eyes  to  the  sturdy  honesty 
of  Farmer' s-Brother,  and  the  at  least  comparative  in 
tegrity  of  the  Cornplanter,  while  their  treacherous  flat 
terer  became  their  idol.  In  order  to  manifest  his  appa 
rent  opposition  to  the  treaty,  he  refused  in  council,  after 
the  decision  had  been  made,  to  sign  it ;  and  yet,  before 
any  signature  had  been  made  to  the  document,  he  ar 
ranged  with  Mr.  Morris  to  have  a  blank  left  for  the  in 
sertion  of  his  name  afterward, — desiring  that  the  space 
might  be  high  up,  among  the  first,  that  when  General 
Washington  saw  the  treaty  he  might  know  that  Sa-go- 
ye-wat-ha  was  yet  a  man  of  consequence  among  the 
chiefs  of  his  people.*  It  has  been  related  of  this  extra 
ordinary  dissembler,  that  at  the  treaty  of  Canandaigua, 

*  I  have  derived  the  facts  of  this  entire  history  of  the  treaty  of  Big  Tree,  from 
the  manuscripts  of  Thomas  Morris,  and  from  conversations  with  him. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  163 

daring  one  of  his  speeches,  he  observed  Colonel  Picker 
ing  to  be  writing,  as  though  taking  notes  of  what  he  was 
saying.  He  stopped,  and  drawing  himself  up,  ex 
claimed  with  energetic  dignity : — "  Look  up  from  the 
table,  brother,  and  fix  your  eyes  upon  my  eyes, — that 
you  may  see  that  what  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha  says  is  the  truth,  and 
no  lie!"*  Doubtless  he  would  have  enacted  the  part 
over  again  with  Thomas  Morris,  at  the  Big  Tree,  had 
there  been  occasion  for  such  a  theatrical  display. 

It  was  probably  about  the  time  of  this  year  that  Red- 
Jacket  made  his  visit  to  Hartford,  in  the  state  of  Con 
necticut,  at  the  head  of  a  small  deputation  of  the  chiefs 
of  his  nation.  In  the  several  land-compromises  between 
some  of  the  states,  Connecticut  had  acquired  the  pre 
emptive  title  to  the  section  of  the  present  state  of  Ohio, 
called  New-Connecticut.  This  territory  was  at  that 
time  in  the  hands  of  a  large  association  of  capitalists 
called  the  Connecticut  Land  Company,  and  various  ne 
gotiations  were  held  for  the  extinguishment  of  the  Indian 
title, — the  Six  Nations  claiming  the  territory  by  right  of 
conquest.  It  was  in  connection  with  this  matter  that 
Red-Jacket  and  his  associates  visited  Hartford,  where  a 
council  was  holden  in  the  state-house.  The  documents 
connected  with  this  council  seem  to  have  been  lost ;  but 
tradition  preserves  a  lively  remembrance  of  the  visit  of 
the  Indians,  and  of  a  great  speech  delivered  by  Red- 
Jacket.  An  eminent  member  of  the  Connecticut  bar, 
afterward  distinguished  in  the  national  councils  of  the 
United  States,t  himself  a  member  of  the  land  company, 

*  O'Reilly's  History  of  Rochester. 

\  Gideon  Granger,  Post  Master  General  during  the  administrations  of  Presidents 


164  LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

was  wont  in  after  years  to  speak  with  great  enthusiasm 
of  the  appearance  of  Red-Jacket  on  that  occasion,  and 
of  the  speech  which  he  delivered.  "  With  a  step  mea 
sured,  firm  and  dignified,"  as  he  was  used  to  relate, — 
"  a  countenance  erect,  bold  and  discursive,  he  entered 
the  vast  assemblage  without  manifesting  surprise,  fear 
or  curiosity."  Of  the  speech  he  then  delivered,  the  fol 
lowing  passage  was  preserved  in  the  memory  of  Mr. 
Granger : — 

"  We  stand  a  small  island  in  the  bosom  of  the  great  waters. 
We  are  encircled, — we  are  encompassed.  The  evil  spirit 
rides  upon  the  blast,  and  the  waters  are  disturbed.  They  rise, 
they  press  upon  us,  and  the  waves  once  settled  over  us,  we 
disappear  forever.  Who  then  lives  to  mourn  us  1  None. 
What  marks  our  extermination  ?  Nothing.  We  are  mingled 
with  the  common  elements."* 

The  history  of  this  mission  of  the  orator  is  necessarily 
very  imperfect.  Brant,  who  took  an  active  interest  in 
the  negotiations  respecting  the  Sandusky  country,  was 
highly  displeased  with  the  course  of  Red-Jacket  at 
Hartford,  and  spoke  of  it  with  bitterness  in  a  letter  to 
the  Duke  of  Northumberland.  Among  other  things  he 
states  that  Red- Jacket  vowed  fidelity  to  the  United 
States,  and  sealed  his  promise  by  kissing  the  likeness  of 
General  Washington. 

Jefferson  and  Madison,  and  afterward  in  the  senate  of  New-York.  He  died  at 
Canandaigua  in  1822,  aged  55  years. 

*  MS.  collections  of  J.  W.  Moulton.  [The  author  has  inquired  diligently  at 
Hartford  for  the  records  of  this  council,  but  without  success.] 


CHAPTER  VII. 

CONSPIRACY  of  Cornplanter  against  Red-Jacket — Witchcraft — Coraplanter  de 
feated  by  Red-Jacket's  eloquence — Farther  outrages  upon  the  Indians — Mis 
sion  of  Red-Jacket  and  others  to  the  seat  of  Government — Speech  of  Red- 
Jacket  to  the  Secretary  of  War — Murder  of  a  white  man  by  an  Indian — Meet 
ing  in  consequence  at  Canandaigua — Speech  of  Red-Jacket — His  conspiracy 
against  Brant — Deposition  of  the  latter — His  ultimate  triumph  and  restoration. 

A  MORE  interesting  incident,  and  of  yet  higher  impor 
tance  as  connected  with  the  life,  conduct,  and  subse 
quent  destiny  of  Red-Jacket,  is  now  approached  in  chro 
nological  order.  The  unpopularity  of  the  brave  old 
Cornplanter,  for  the  part  he  had  taken  at  several  treaties 
for  the  preservation  of  peace  with  the  United  States, 
even  at  the  expense  of  parting  with  large  districts  of  the 
Indian  territory,  has  repeatedly  been  spoken  of  in  the 
progress  of  the  present  memoir.  That  unpopularity  was 
increased  by  each  successive  sale,  until  the  chief  dis 
covered  the  unwelcome  truth  that  he  had  lost  almost  the 
entire  confidence  of  his  people.  Nor  is  it  unlikely  that 
the  crafty  orator  of  the  "  forked  tongue"  was  actively 
concerned  in  fomenting  the  jealousies  which  lost  him  the 
popular  favor.  Indeed  such  is  believed  to  have  been 
the  fact,  which  Cornplanter  himself  was  too  sagacious 
not  to  understand.  At  all  events,  in  order,  as  is  sup 
posed,  to  recover  his  former  influence,  the  warrior, 


166  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

knowing  the  credulity  of  his  people,  availed  himself  of 
that  characteristic,  and  concerted  a  plot  by  which  he  de 
signed  to  compass  the  destruction  of  his  enemies,  Red- 
Jacket  in  particular.     It  was  by  playing  upon  the  popular 
credulity  that  Red-Jacket  had  arrived  at  the  dignity  of 
a  sachem ;  and  the  war-chief  may  possibly  have  rea 
soned  that  as  a  victim  of  intrigue,  injustice  and  ingrati 
tude,  he  had  a  right  to  avail  himself  of  the  same  means, 
for  his  own  restoration  to  public  favor,  if  not  to  compass 
the  overthrow  of  his  rival.     Having  determined  upon 
his  course,  "  he  persuaded  his  brother  to  announce  him 
self  as  a  prophet,  or  messenger  from  heaven,  sent  to  re 
deem  the  fallen  fortunes  of  his  race.     The  superstition 
of  the  savages  cherished  the  impostor ;  and  he  acquired 
such  an  ascendancy  as  to  prevail  upon  the  Onondagas, 
formerly  the  most  drunken  and  profligate  of  the  Six  Na 
tions,  to  abstain  entirely  from  spirituous  liquors,  and  to 
observe  the  laws  of  morality  in  other  respects.     He  ob 
tained  the  same  ascendancy  among  the  confederates, 
that  another  impostor,  the  brother  of  the  celebrated  Te- 
cumseh,  subsequently  acquired  among  the  Shawanese 
and  other  western  Indians ;  and,  like  him,  he  also  em 
ployed  his  influence  for  evil  as  well  as  for  good  purpo 
ses.      The  Indians  universally  believe  in  witchcraft; 
Cornplanter's  brother,  in  his  character  of  prophet,  incul 
cated  this  superstition,  and  proceeded,  through  the  in 
strumentality  of  conjurors  selected  by  himself,  to  desig 
nate  the  offending  familiars  of  Satan,  who  were  accord 
ingly  sentenced  to  death.     And  the  unhappy  objects 
would  have  been  actually  executed,  if  the  magistrates  of 


OF  RED-JACKET.  1(37 

Oneida,  and  the  officers  of  the  garrison  of  Niagara,  had 
not  interfered.  The  prosecutions  of  Cornplanter  had 
proceeded  so  far  that  it  began  to  be  considered  an  art 
ful  expedient  to  render  his  enemies  the  objects  of  general 
abhorrence,  if  not  the  victims  of  an  ignominious  death. 
Emboldened  by  his  success,  the  prophet  proceeded 
finally  to  execute  the  views  of  his  brother,  and  Red- 
Jacket  was  publicly  denounced  at  a  great  council  held 
at  Buffalo  Creek,  and  was  put  upon  his  trial.  At  this 
crisis  he  well  knew  that  the  future  course  of  his  life  de 
pended  upon  the  powers  of  his  mind.  He  spoke  in  his 
defence  nearly  three  hours.  The  iron  brow  of  supersti 
tion  relented  under  the  magic  of  his  eloquence  ;  he  de 
clared  the  prophet  an  impostor  and  a  cheat ;  he  pre 
vailed  ;  the  Indians  divided,  and  a  small  majority  ap 
peared  in  his  favor."  "  Perhaps,"  it  is  added  by  the 
distinguished  writer  who  has  furnished  the  account  of 
this  great  and  singular  trial,*  "  Perhaps  the  annals  of 
history  cannot  furnish  a  more  conspicuous  instance  of 
the  triumph  and  power  of  oratory  in  a  barbarous  nation 
devoted  to  superstition,  and  looking  up  to  the  accuser  as 
a  delegated  minister  of  the  Almighty."  And  yet  it  will 
appear  in  the  sequel  that  the  same  orator  who  triumphed 
thus  over  the  believers  in  witchcraft,  was  a  believer 
himself,  or  an  affected  believer,  in  the  same  superstition, 
and  caused  the  execution  of  at  least  one  victim,  as  a 
sacrifice  to  the  delusion. 

Red- Jacket's   success  in  this  case  inflicted   a  blow 
upon  the  influence  of  Cornplanter,  from  the  effects  of 

Clinton's  Discourse  before  the  New-York  Historical  Society. 


168  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

which  he  never  entirely  recovered*,  although  he  lived 
for  more  than  a  third  of  a  century  afterward.  These 
latter  years  of  his  extended  life  were  chiefly  passed  at 
his  own  village,  on  the  margin  of  the  Alleghany  river,  a 
short  distance  without  the  confines  of  the  state  of  New- 
York,  and  within  those  of  Pennsylvania.  He  retained 
his  friendship  for  the  people  of  the  United  States  with 
unswerving  fidelity ;  and  espousing  the  Christian  religion, 
he  labored  zealously  thenceforward  to  bring  the  Alle 
ghany  clan  of  the  Senecas,  among  whom  he  resided,  into 
a  state  of  civilization.*  He  visited  Washington  in  the 
winter  of  1801, — 1802,  for  the  purpose  of  conferring  with 
President  Jefferson  upon  this  and  other  subjects  connec 
ted  with  the  improvement  of  his  people,  and  was  in  cor 
respondence  with  Mr.  Jefferson  in  relation  to  it,  during 
the  year  following.  His  efforts  were  particularly  di 
rected  against  the  use  of  ardent  spirits,  the  thirst  for 
which  has  ever  been  the  bane  of  the  Indians,  and  a 
beautiful  autograph  letter  from  Mr.  Jefferson  to  the  chief 
is  yet  extant.t  Pennsylvania  had  given  him  a  reservation 
of  nine  hundred  acres  of  choice  land,  upon  which  he  be- 

*  The  name  of  Cornplanter's  brother,  the  Prophet,  was  Ga-nio-di-euh.  He 
began  his  labors  in  the  cause  of  temperance  in  the  Alleghany  canton.  He  re 
moved  thence  to  the  Tonnewanda  i-eservation,  and  thence  to  Onondaga.  After 
Red-Jacket  became  thoroughly  pagan  in  his  policy,  Ga-nio-di-euh,  who  was  never 
a  Christian,  attached  himself  to  the  party  of  the  orator  against  his  brother.  Corn- 
planter,  at  one  time,  became  a  religious  zealot,  and  was  in  a  state  of  excitement 
bordering  upon  hallucination.  During  that  season  he  too  was  favored  with 
visions  and  revelations. — Statement  of  a  chief  of  the  Alleghany  clan,  to  the 
Author. 

t  In  the  author's  possession,  vide  sketch  of  Cornplanter,  toward  the  close  of 
the  volume. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

came  an  agriculturist  to  a  considerable  extent,  and  re 
sided  thereon  till  the  day  of  his  death.* 

A  succession  of  outrages  upon  the  Indians  residing 
along  the  Pennsylvania  border,  resulting  at  different 
times  in  the  murder  of  several  of  their  people,  induced 
the  Senecas  and  Tuscaroras  in  February,  1801,  to  send  a 
deputation  of  chiefs  to  the  seat  of  the  federal  government, 
which  since  the  last  Seneca  embassage  had  been  trans 
ferred  from  Philadelphia  to  the  city  of  Washington. 
Red-Jacket  was  at  the  head  of  this  deputation,  which 
was  received  formally,  with  an  appropriate  speech,  by 
the  acting  Secretary  at  War,  Samuel  Dexter,  on  the  10th 
of  February.  On  the  llth  Red- Jacket  replied,  setting 
forth  the  business  of  his  mission  in  the  following  speech : — 

"  BROTHER  : — We  yesterday  received  your  speech,  which 
removed  all  uneasiness  from  our  minds.  We  then  told  you 
that  should  it  please  the  Great  Spirit  to  permit  us  to  rise  in 
health  this  day,  you  should  hear  what  we  have  come  to  say. 

"  BROTHER  : — The  business  on  which  we  are  now  come,  is 
to  restore  the  friendship  that  has  existed  between  the  United 
States  and  the  Six  Nations,  agreeably  to  the  direction  of  the 
commissioner  from  the  fifteen  fires  of  the  United  States.  He 
assured  us  that  whensoever,  by  any  grievances,  the  chain  of 
friendship  should  become  rusty,  we  might  have  it  brightened 
by  calling  on  you.  We  dispense  with  the  usual  formality  of 
having  your  speech  again  read,  as  we  fully  comprehended  it 
yesterday,  and  it  would  therefore  be  useless  to  waste  time  in 
a  repetition  of  it. 

"  BROTHER  : — Yesterday  you  wiped  the  tears  from  our  eyes, 
that  we  might  see  clearly ;  you  unstopped  our  ears  that  we 

*  The  Indian  name  of  Cornplanter  was  Gy-an-twa-ha,  or  "  Handsome  Lake" 
He  died  on  the  7th  of  March,  1836,  aged  upward  of  one  hundred  years. 

22 


170  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

might  hear;  and  removed  the  obstructions  from  our  throats 
that  we  might  speak  distinctly.  You  offered  to  join  with  us 
in  tearing  up  the  largest  pine  tree  in  our  forests,  and  under  it 
to  bury  the  tomahawk.  We  gladly  join  with  you,  brother,  in 
this  work,  and  let  us  heap  rocks  and  stones  on  the  root  of  this 
tree,  that  the  tomahawk  may  never  again  be  found. 

"  BROTHER  : — Your  apology  for  not  having  wampum  is  suffi 
cient,  and  we  agree  to  accept  of  your  speeches  on  paper,  to 
evince  our  sincerity  in  wishing  the  tomahawk  forever  buried. 
We  accompany  a  repetition  of  our  assurances  with  these  strings. 
[Strings  of  wampum.] 

"  BROTHER  : — We  always  desire,  on  similar  melancholy 
occasions,  to  go  through  our  customary  forms  of  condolence, 
and  have  been  happy  to  find  the  officers  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States  willing  in  this  manner  to  make  our  minds 
easy. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  observe  that  the  men  now  in  office  are 
new  men,  and,  we  fear,  not  fully  informed  of  all  that  has  be 
fallen  us.  In  1791  a  treaty  was  held  by  the  commissioners  of 
Congress  with  us  at  Tioga  Point,  on  a  similar  occasion.  We 
have  lost  seven  of  our  warriors,  murdered  in  cold  blood  by 
white  men,  since  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  We  are  tired  of 
this  mighty  grievance,  and  wish  some  general  arrangement  to 
prevent  it  in  future.  The  first  of  these  was  murdered  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ohio,  near  Fort  Pitt.  Shortly  after,  two  men,  be 
longing  to  our  first  families,  were  murdered  at  Pine  Creek ; 
then  one  at  Fort  Franklin  ;  another  at  Tioga  Point ;  and  now 
the  two  that  occasion  this  visit,  on  the  Big  Beaver.  These 
last  two  had  families.  The  one  was  a  Seneca ;  the  other  a 
Tuscarora.  Their  families  are  now  destitute  of  support ;  and 
we  think  that  the  United  States  should  do  something  toward 
their  support,  as  it  is  to  the  United  States  they  owe  the  loss  of 
their  heads. 

"  BROTHER  : — These  offences  are  always  committed  in  one 
place  on  the  frontier  of  Pennsylvania.  In  the  Genesee  country 
we  live  happy,  and  no  one  molests  us.  I  must  therefore  beg 
that  the  President  will  exert  all  his  influence  with  all  officers, 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

civil  and  military,  in  that  quarter,  to  remedy  this  grievance, 
and  trust  that  he  will  thus  prevent  a  repetition  of  it,  and  save 
our  blood  from  being  spilled  in  future.  [A  Belt.] 

"  BROTHER  : — Let  me  call  to  mind  the  treaty  between  the 
United  States  and  the  Six  Nations,  concluded  at  Canandaigua. 
At  that  treaty  Col.  Pickering,  who  was  commissioner  on  be 
half  of  the  United  States,  agreed  that  the  United  States  should 
pay  to  the  Six  Nations  four  thousand  five  hundred  dollars  per 
annum,  and  that  this  should  pass  through  the  hands  of  the  su 
perintendent  of  the  United  States,  to  be  appointed  for  that 
purpose.  This  treaty  was  made  in  the  name  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States,  who  was  then  General  Washington ;  and 
as  he  is  now  no  more,  perhaps  the  present  President  would 
wish  to  renew  the  treaty.  But  if  he  should  think  the  old  one 
valid,  and  is  willing  to  let  it  remain  in  force,  we  are  also  wil 
ling.  The  sum  above  mentioned  we  wish  to  have  part  of 
in  money,  to  expend  in  more  agricultural  tools,  and  in  pur 
chasing  a  team,  as  we  have  some  horses  that  will  do  for  the 
purpose.  We  also  wish  to  build  a  saw  mill  on  the  Buffalo 
Creek.  If  the  President,  however,  thinks  proper  to  have  it 
continue  as  heretofore,  we  shall  not  be  very  uneasy.  What 
ever  he  may  do  we  agree  to ;  we  only  suggest  this  for  his  con 
sideration.  [A  Self.] 

"  BROTHER  : — I  hand  you  the  above  mentioned  treaty,  made 
by  Col.  Pickering  in  the  name  of  Gren.  Washington,  and  the 
belt  that  accompanied  it ;  as  he  is  now  dead,  we  know  not  if 
it  is  still  valid.  If  not,  we  wish  it  renewed — if  it  is,  we  wish 
it  copied  on  clean  parchment.  Our  money  got  loose  in  our 
trunk  and  tore  it.  We  also  show  you  the  belt  which  is  the 
path  of  peace  between  our  Six  Nations  and  the  United  States. 
[  Treaty  and  two  Belts.} 

"  BROTHER  : — A  request  was  forwarded  by  us  from  the  Onon- 
daga  nation  to  the  governor  of  New- York,  that  he  should 
appoint  a  commissioner  to  hold  a  treaty  with  them.  They 
have  a  reservation  surrounded  by  white  men  which  they  wish 
to  sell.  The  Cayugas,  also,  have  a  reservation  so  surrounded 


172  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

that  they  have  been  forced  to  leave  it,  and  they  hope  that  the 
President's  commissioner,  whom  they  expect  he  will  not  hesi 
tate  to  appoint,  will  be  instructed  to  attend  to  this  business. 
We  also  have  some  business  with  New- York,  which  we  would 
wish  him  to  attend  to. 

"  BROTHER  : — The  business  that  has  caused  this  our  long 
journey  was  occasioned  by  some  of  your  bad  men :  the  ex 
pense  of  it  has  been  heavy  on  us.  We  beg  that  as  so  great  a 
breach  has  been  made  on  your  part,  the  President  will  judge 
it  proper  that  the  United  States  should  bear  our  expenses  to 
and  from  home,  and  whilst  here. 

"  BROTHER  : — Three  horses  belonging  to  the  Tuscarora  na 
tion  were  killed  by  some  men  under  the  command  of  Major 
Kivardi,  on  the  plains  of  Niagara.  They  have  made  appli 
cation  to  the  superintendent  and  to  Major  R.,  but  get  no  re 
dress.  You  make  us  pay  for  our  breaches  of  the  peace,  why 
should  you  not  pay  also  ]  A  white  man  has  told  us  the  horses 
were  killed  by  Major  R.'s  orders,  who  said  they  should  not  be 
permitted  to  come  there,  although  it  was  an  open  common  on 
which  they  were  killed.  Mr.  Chapin  has  the  papers  respecting 
these  horses,  which  we  request  you  to  take  into  consideration." 

Mr.  Dexter  answered  the  deputation  on  tbe  16th,  and 
in  the  name  of  the  President,  (the  elder  Adams,)  pro 
mised  a  thorough  investigation  into  the  circumstances  of 
the  murders  complained  of,  a  compliance  with  their 
wishes  touching  an  exchange  of  certain  lands,  and  pay 
ment  for  the  horses  killed  at  Niagara.  The  expenses  of 
their  mission  were  also  directed  to  be  paid. 

In  the  year  following,  a  white  man  named  John 
Hewitt  was  murdered  at  Buffalo  Creek  by  a  drunken  In 
dian,  and  his  surrender  demanded  by  the  civil  authorities 
of  the  state.  This  demand  was  resisted  by  the  Indians, 
and  no  small  degree  of  excitement  among  them  was  the 


OF  RED-JACKET,  173 

consequence.  In  their  own  rude  jurisprudence,  the  fact 
of  drunkenness  on  the  part  of  the  offender,  when  the 
deed  was  perpetrated,  could  be  pleaded  in  extenuation 
of  the  crime ;  whereas  by  the  laws  of  the  white  men, 
such  a  plea  would  be  held  only  as  an  aggravation  of  the 
offence.  The  Indians,  moreover,  insisted  that  they  were 
an  independent  nation,  and  as  such  had  a  right  to  the 
entire  jurisdiction  of  the  case.  Or  if  not,  as  they  did  not 
exactly  understand  the  divided  and  nicely  balanced 
relations  existing  between  the  United  States  and  the 
state  governments  respectively,  they  supposed  they 
could  appeal  to  their  Great  Father  the  President.  Buf 
falo  was  at  that  period  within  the  county  of  Ontario, 
Canandaigua  being  the  seat  of  justice.  At  length,  after 
several  meetings  between  the  Indians  and  the  citizens, 
in  which  the  latter  had  vainly  attempted  to  persuade  the 
former  to  surrender  the  culprit,  a  council  of  the  principal 
chiefs  of  the  Senecas,  Cayugas  and  Onondagas,  was 
convened  at  Canandaigua,  to  give  the  question  a  more 
solemn  consideration.  A  conference  having  been  ar 
ranged  betwen  the  council  and  the  principal  inhabitants, 
Red-Jacket,  arguing  against  the  surrender  upon  the 
principles  already  indicated,  delivered  the  following 
speech,  addressed  particularly  to  the  white  portion  of 
his  audience : — * 

"  BROTHERS  : — Open  your  ears,  and  give  your  attention. 
This  day  is  appointed  hy  the  Great  Spirit  to  meet  our  friends 

*  For  a.  copy  of  this  speech  the  author  is  indebted  to  James  D.  Bemis,  Esq., 
(for  thirty  years  the  editor  of  a  newspaper  in  Canandaigua,)  by  whom  it  was  first 
published. 


174  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

at  this  place.  During  the  many  years  that  we  have  lived  to 
gether  in  this  country,  good  will  and  harmony  have  subsisted 
among  us. 

"BROTHERS  : — We  have  now  come  forward  on  an  unhappy 
occasion.  We  cannot  find  words  to  express  our  feelings  upon 
it.  One  of  our  people  has  murdered  one  of  your  people.  So 
it  has  been  ordered  by  the  Great  Spirit,  who  controls  all 
events.  This  has  been  done :  we  cannot  now  help  it.  At 
first  view  it  would  seem  to  have  the  effect  of  putting  an  end  to 
our  friendship ;  but  let  us  reflect,  and  put  our  minds  together. 
Can't  we  point  out  measures  whereby  our  peace  and  harmony 
may  still  be  preserved  ?  We  have  come  forward  to  this  place, 
where  we  have  always  had  a  superintendent  and  friend  to  re 
ceive  us,  and  to  make  known  to  him  such  grievances  as  lay 
upon  our  minds  ;  but  now  we  have  none  ;  and  we  have  no  guar 
dian, — no  protector, — no  one  is  now  authorized  to  receive  us. 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  therefore  now  call  upon  you  to  take  our 
speech  in  writing,  and  forward  our  ideas  to  the  President  of 
the  United  States. 

"  BROTHERS  : — Let  us  look  back  to  our  former  situation. 
While  you  were  under  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  Sir 
WTlliam  Johnson  was  our  superintendent,  appointed  by  the 
king.  He  had  power  to  settle  offences  of  this  kind  among  all 
the  Indian  nations,  without  adverting  to  the  laws.  But  under 
the  British  government  you  were  uneasy, — you  wanted  to 
change  it  for  a  better.  General  Washington  went  forward  as 
your  leader.  From  his  exertions  you  gained  your  indepen 
dence.  Immediately  afterward  a  treaty  was  made  between 
the  United  States  and  the  Six  Nations,  whereby  a  method  was 
pointed  out  of  redressing  such  an  accident  as  the  present. 
Several  such  accidents  did  happen,  where  we  were  the  suf 
ferers.  We  now  crave  the  same  privilege  in  making  restitu 
tion  to  you,  that  you  adopted  toward  us  in  a  similar  situation. 

"  BROTHERS  : — At  the  close  of  our  treaty  at  Philadelphia, 
General  Washington  told  us  that  we  had  formed  a  chain  of 
friendship  which  was  bright :  he  hoped  it  would  continue  so 


OF  RED-JACKET.  175 

on  our  part :  that  the  United  States  would  be  equally  willing 
to  brighten  it,  if  rusted  by  any  means.  A  number  of  murders 
have  been  committed  on  our  people — we  shall  only  mention 
the  last  of  them.  About  two  years  ago,  a  few  of  our  warriors 
were  amusing  themselves  in  the  woods,  to  the  westward  of 
Fort  Pitt ;  two  white  men  coolly  and  deliberately  took  their 
rifles,  travelled  nearly  three  miles  to  our  encampment,  fired 
upon  the  Indians,  killed  two  men  and  wounded  two  children. 
"We  then  were  the  party  injured.  What  did  we  do  ?  We  flew 
to  the  treaty,  and  thereby  obtained  redress,  perfectly  satis 
factory  to  us,  and  we  hope  agreeable  to  you.  This  was  done 
a  short  time  before  President  Adams  went  out  of  office  :  com 
plete  peace  and  harmony  was  restored.  We  now  want  the 
same  method  of  redress  to  be  pursued. 

"  BROTHERS  : — How  did  the  present  accident  take  place  1 
Did  our  warriors  go  from  home  cool  and  sober,  and  commit 
murder  on  you  ?  No.  Our  brother  was  in  liquor,  and  a  quar 
rel  ensued,  in  which  the  unhappy  accident  happened.  We 
would  not  excuse  him  on  account  of  his  being  in  liquor ;  but 
such  a  thing  was  far  from  his  intention  in  his  sober  moments. 
We  are  ail  extremely  grieved  fat  it,  and  are  willing  to  come 
forward  and  have  it  settled,  as  crimes  of  the  same  nature  have 
heretofore  been. 

"  BROTHERS  : — Since  this  accident  has  taken  place,  we  have 
been  informed  that  by  the  laws  of  this  state,  if  a  murder  is 
committed  within  it,  the  murderer  must  be  tried  by  the  laws 
of  the  state,  and  punished  with  death. 

"  BROTHERS  : — When  were  such  laws  explained  to  us  ?  Did 
we  ever  make  a  treaty  with  the  state  of  New- York,  and  agree 
to  conform  to  its  laws  1  No.  We  are  independent  of  the  state 
of  New- York.  It  was  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  to  create  us 
different  in  color :  we  have  different  laws,  habits  and  customs, 
from  the  white  people.  We  shall  never  consent  that  the 
government  of  this  state  shall  try  our  brother.  We  appeal  to 
the  government  of  the  United  States. 

"  BROTHERS  : — Under  the  customs  and  habits  of  our  fore- 


176  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

fathers  we  were  a  happy  people ;  we  had  laws  of  our  own ; 
they  were  dear  to  us.  The  whites  came  among  us  and  intro 
duced  their  customs  ;  they  introduced  liquor  among  us,  which 
our  forefathers  always  told  us  would  prove  our  ruin. 

"  BROTHERS  : — In  consequence  of  the  introduction  of  liquor 
among  us,  numbers  of  our  people  were  killed.  A  council  was 
held  to  consider  of  a  remedy,  at  which  it  was  agreed  by  us 
that  no  private  revenge  should  take  place  for  any  such  mur 
der — that  it  was  decreed  by  the  Great  Spirit,  and  that  a  coun 
cil  should  be  called  to  consider  of  redress  to  the  friends  of  the 
deceased. 

"  BROTHERS  : — The  President  of  the  United  States  is  called 
a  great  man,  possessing  great  power.  He  may  do  what  he 
pleases, — he  may  turn  men  out  of  office, — men  who  held  their 
offices  long  before  he  held  his.  If  he  can  do  these  things,  can 
he  not  even  control  the  laws  of  this  state  ]  Can  he  not  appoint 
a  commissioner  to  come  forward  to  our  country  and  settle  the 
present  difference,  as  we,  on  our  part,  have  heretofore  often 
done  to  him,  upon  a  similar  occasion  ? 

"  We  now  call  upon  you,  BROTHERS,  to  represent  these 
things  to  the  President,  and  we  trust  that  he  will  not  refuse 
our  request  of  sending  a  commissioner  to  us,  with  powers  to 
settle  the  present  difference.  The  consequence  of  a  refusal 
may  be  serious.  We  are  determined  that  our  brother  shall 
not  be  tried  by  the  laws  of  the  state  of  New- York.  Their 
laws  make  no  difference  between  a  crime  committed  in  liquor, 
and  one  committed  coolly  and  deliberately.  Our  laws  are  dif 
ferent,  as  we  have  before  stated.  If  tried  here,  our  brother 
must  be  hanged.  We  cannot  submit  to  that ; — has  a  murder 
been  committed  upon  our  people,  when  was  it  punished  with 
death  ? 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  have  now  finished  what  we  had  to  say 
on  the  subject  of  the  murder.  We  wish  to  address  you  upon 
another,  and  to  have  our  ideas  communicated  to  the  President 
upon  it  also. 

"  BROTHERS  : — It  was  understood  at  the  treaty  concluded 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

by  Col.  Pickering,  that  our  superintendent  should  reside  in  the 
town  of  Canandaigua,  and  for  very  good  reasons  :  that  situation 
is  the  most  central  to  the  Six  Nations ;  and  by  subsequent 
treaties  between  the  state  of  New- York  and  the  Indians, 
there  are  still  stronger  reasons  why  he  should  reside  here, 
principally  on  account  of  the  annuities  being  stipulated  to  be 
paid  to  our  superintendent  at  this  place.  These  treaties  are 
sacred.  If  their  superintendent  resides  elsewhere,  the  state 
may  object  to  sending  their  money  to  him  at  a  greater  distance. 
We  would  therefore  wish  our  superintendent  to  reside  here  at 
all  events. 

"  BROTHERS  : — With  regard  to  the  appointment  of  our  pre 
sent  superintendent,  we  look  upon  ourselves  as  much  neglected 
and  injured.  When  General  Chapin  and  Captain  Chapin 
were  appointed,  our  wishes  were  consulted  upon  the  occasion, 
and  we  most  cordially  agreed  to  the  appointments.  Captain 
Chapin  has  been  turned  out,  however,  within  these  few  days. 
We  do  not  understand  that  any  neglect  of  duty  has  been  al 
leged  against  him.  We  are  told  it  is  because  he  differs  from 
the  President  in  his  sentiments  on  government  matters.  He 
has  also  been  perfectly  satisfactory  to  us  ;  and  had  we  known 
of  the  intention,  we  should  most  cordially  have  united  in  a  pe 
tition  to  the  President  to  continue  him  in  office.  We  feel  our 
selves  injured, — we  have  nobody  to  look  to, — nobody  to  listen 
to  our  complaints, — none  to  reconcile  any  differences  among 
us.  We  are  like  a  young  family  without  a  father.* 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  understand  that  the  President  has  ap 
pointed  a  superintendent  who  is  altogether  unknown  to  us,  and 
who  is  unacquainted  with  Indian  affairs.  We  know  him  not 
in  our  country.  Had  we  been  consulted  upon  the  subject,  we 
might  have  named  some  one  residing  in  this  country,  who  was 
well  known  to  us.  Perhaps  we  might  have  agreed  upon  Mr. 

*  Captain  Chapin  was  removed  by  President  Jefferson,  as  here  stated.  Shortly 
afterward  he  wrote  to  his  friend  Brant,  the  Mohawk  chief,  announcing  the  fact, 
and  received  a  reply  from  the  latter,  which,  for  the  intelligence  it  evinces,  and  its 
philosophy,  deserves  preservation.  See  Appendix,  D. 

23 


178  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Oliver  Phelps,  whose  politics,  coinciding  with  those  of  the 
President,  might  have  recommended  him  to  the  office. 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  cannot  conclude  without  again  urging 
you  to  make  known  all  these  our  sentiments  to  the  President. 

But  the  eloquent  pleadings  of  the  Indians  were  una 
vailing.  They  were  compelled  to  surrender  the  offender 
to  the  inexorable  law  of  the  white  man,  though  it  was 
done  with  great  reluctance.  His  name  was  Stiff-armed- 
George.  He  was  tried  and  convicted  at  the  Oyer  and 
Terminer  of  Ontario  county,  on  the  23d  of  February, 
1803, — Brockholst  Livingston,  one  of  the  justices  of 
the  Supreme  Court,  presiding ;  but  as  the  murder  was 
without  pre-existing  malice,  and  was  moreover  attended 
by  various  mitigating  circumstances,  the  court,  the  at 
torney-general,  the  grand  jury  that  indicted  him,  to 
gether  with  many  of  the  people  of  Canandaigua,  united 
in  a  petition  to  the  Governor,  George  Clinton,  for  his 
pardon.  Judge  Livingston,  in  a  letter  to  the  Governor 
upon  the  subject,  after  stating  the  case,  and  referring  to 
the  interpositions  of  the  people  in  his  behalf,  observed : — 

"It  is  not  for  me  to  urge  considerations  of  policy  in  favor 
of  a  pardon ;  if  any  exist  they  will  occur,  and  be  properly  ap 
preciated  by  those  with  whom  this  prerogative  resides.  It 
may  not,  however,  be  impertinent  to  mention  that  the  convict 
is  well  connected  ;  is  much  beloved  by  his  countrymen,  and 
that  his  situation  has  excited  an  uncommon  interest  and  solici 
tude  in  the  sachems  and  warriors  of  his  nation ;  several  of 
them  attended  the  trial,  and  behaved  with  great  decorum. 
Red-Jacket,  one  of  their  sachems,  addressed  the  jury  at  some 
length ;  he  dwelt  on  the  hardship  of  making  an  unlettered 
savage  amenable  to  laws,  of  which,  from  his  habits  and  want 


OF  RED-JACKET.  379 

of  education,  he  must  ever  remain  ignorant.  He  complained 
of  the  impunity  with  which  white  men  had,  in  various  instan 
ces,  committed  murders  on  the  Indians,  and  particularly  of  the 
outrages  to  which  those  in  the  neighborhood  of  Buffalo  Creek 
were  constantly  exposed.  He  also  insisted  that  in  this  affray 
our  citizens  were  the  aggressors.  It  is  proper  to  add  that 
Judge  Hosmer,  Judge  Atwater,  and  the  AttorneyGeneral, 
concur  with  me  in  recommending  the  Indian  as  a  fit  object  of 
mercy."* 

The  subject  was  presented  to  the  consideration  of  the 
legislature  by  a  special  message  from  the  Governor,  and 
StifT-armed-George  was  not  executed. 

The  next  act  in  the  public  life  of  Red-Jacket  presents 
him  in  the  character  of  a  conspirator.  Flushed  with  his 
victory  over  Cornplanter,  the  principal  war  chief  of  his 
own  nation,  the  orator  meditated  an  insidious  blow  at 
a  higher  object,  and  sought  to  gratify  his  hate  by  crush 
ing  the  military  chieftain  of  the  whole  confederacy, — the 
renowned  Thayendanegea  himself.  Between  Brant  and 
Red-Jacket  no  friendship  had  existed  since  the  exhibi 
tions  of  cowardice  and  treachery  by  the  latter,  during 
Sullivan's  invasion  of  the  Indian  country,  in  1779,'  as 
heretofore  related.  They  had  frequently  met  in  councils, 
for  the  transaction  of  the  business  appertaining  to  their 
government,  and  the  internal  relations  of  their  own  peo 
ple,  as  also  in  their  negotiations  with  the  United  States. 
But  the  lion-hearted  Mohawk  despised  him  in  his  heart, 
and  could  never  meet  him  with  cordiality,  taking  no 
pains  to  conceal  his  feelings.! 

*  See  Journals  of  the  New-York  Legislature  for  1803. 

t  The  application  to  Red-Jacket,  by  Brant,  of  the  insulting  soubriquet  "  THE 


180  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Brant,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  was  a  resident  in 
Canada,  whither  he  had  led  his  Mohawks  after  the  disas 
trous  termination  of  the  war  of  the  revolution.  But  the 
fact  of  his  residence,  and  that  of  his  own  particular  na 
tion,  within  the  jurisdiction  of  another  government,  did 
not  dissolve  the  confederacy,  or  change  its  unwritten  con 
stitution.  Brant  had  indeed  offered  to  receive  the  whole 
Six  Nations  in  his  newly  acquired  territory  upon  Grand 
River,  and  many  from  each  of  the  nations  joined  him 
there.  Still,  a  large  majority  of  all  the  Nations,  excepting 
the  Mohawks,  preferred  remaining  in  their  "  old  seats," 
in  their  own  beautiful  country  of  western  New- York. 
But  the  league  was  not  affected,  and  Thayendanegea 
remained  the  war  captain  of  the  whole. 

At  the  time  now  under  consideration,  Brant  was  in 
volved  in  harassing  perplexities  with  the  officers  of  the 
British  Colonial  Government.  The  Grand  River  territory 
had  been  granted  to  him  as  a  place  of  retreat  for  the 
Mohawks,  by  Sir  Frederick  Haldemand,  in  the  name 
and  under  the  authority  of  the  crown,  in  fee  simple. 
But  as  years  elapsed,  and  the  lands  in  that  region  were 
continually  rising  in  value,  by  reason  of  the  tide  of  emi 
gration  that  now  began  to  roll  against  and  around  them, 
the  colonial  authorities  chose  not  so  to  understand  the 

Cow-KiLLER,"  has  been  noted  in  the  second  chapter  of  the  present  work,  to 
gether  with  the  reason  therefor.  The  name,  moreover,  must  have  obtained  some 
currency.  Among  the  manuscripts  of  General  Chapin  are  the  proceedings  of  one 
of  the  Seneca  councils,  in  which  The  Cow-Killer  is  three  times  reported  as  ha 
ving  spoken  at  as  many  different  stages  of  the  proceedings.  But  in  each  of  these 
places  the  words  Cow-Killer  were  crossed  by  a  stroke  of  the  pen,  and  "  Red- 
Jacket"  inserted. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

grant.  They  held  that  Sir  Frederick  had  only  conveyed 
to  the  Indians  the  right  of  occupancy,  and  that  the  right 
of  pre-emption  was  still  vested  in  the  crown.  Brant  re 
sisted  this  construction  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,  and 
appeals  were  carried  up  to  the  parent  government  for 
justice.  The  ministers  uniformly  favored  the  con 
struction  claimed  by  the  Indians,  but  the  colonial  autho 
rities  as  uniformly  contrived  to  circumvent  their  inten 
tions  ;  so  that  to  this  day  the  Mohawks  have  been  ex 
cluded  from  the  full  enjoyment  of  their  undoubted  right 
to  the  soil  in  question.  These  disputes,  and  the  exertions 
of  Brant  in  behalf  of  his  people,  involved  him  in  a  series 
of  troubles  that  continued  until  his  death.  Having  at 
tempted  to  lease  portions  of  the  lands  to  white  settlers, 
the  colonial  authorities,  and  the  officers  of  the  British 
Indian  Department,  interposed,  and  caused  him  much 
difficulty.  Disaffection  was  also  stirred  up  against  him, 
even  among  the  Mohawks,  by  designing  white  men; 
and  a  plot  for  his  deposition  and  degradation  from 
office  was  matured,  and  attempted  to  be  carried  into 
execution.  In  order  to  this,  the  Senecas,  and  others  of 
the  Six  Nations,  were  induced  to  claim  a  right  to  interfere 
in  the  disposition  of  the  Grand  River  lands,  and  also  in 
the  domestic  relations  of  the  Mohawks, — a  right  with 
which  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  confederacy  did  not 
invest  them.  Brant  was  likewise  charged  with  pecu 
lation,  in  the  management  of  the  revenues  of  his  peo 
ple, — a  charge  which  he  triumphantly  repelled.  But  no 
matter:  It  served  the  purpose  of  Brant's  white  oppo 
nents  in  Canada,  who  were  eager  to  destroy  him,  and 


182  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

the  arch-demagogue  Red-Jacket  became  a  ready  instru 
ment  in  their  hands.  In  furtherance  of  this  design,  a 
council  was  privately  convened  at  Buffalo  Creek,  early 
in  the  year  1805,  under  the  direction  of  Red-Jacket  him 
self,  and  a  few  other  Seneca  chiefs  in  his  immediate  in 
terest,  or  subject  to  his  influence.  Neither  chiefs  nor 
sachems  of  the  Mohawks  had  knowledge  of  this  council, 
although  a  pretended  representation  of  that  nation  was 
present,  selected  merely  for  the  sake  of  form,  from  the 
discontents,  and  the  personal  enemies  of  Brant,  who 
were  the  lowest  of  the  people.  The  result  of  this  coun 
cil,  clandestinely  called  and  illegally  constituted,  was 
the  formal  deposition  of  Brant  from  office,  and  also  the 
removal  from  office  of  all  the  Mohawk  chiefs  and  sa 
chems  who  were  his  friends.  There  was  yet  another  mo 
tive  for  the  instigation  of  this  measure  of  proscriptive 
violence  by  the  Canadians,  who,  with  Red-Jacket,  were 
at  the  bottom  of  the  conspiracy.  The  celebrated  Norton, 
a  Mohawk  chief,  and  the  confidential  friend  of  Brant, 
was  then  in  England,  charged  by  the  latter  with  a  mis 
sion  to  the  parent  government,  connected  with  the  long 
pending  controversy  respecting  the  title  to  their  lands. 
Information  had  been  received  that  the  application  was 
likely  to  be  crowned  with  success  ;  and  those  who  were 
hostile  to  the  claim  of  the  Indians  sought  to  defeat  the 
measure  of  justice  by  prostrating  their  noblest  champion 
and  most  distinguished  friend.  With  this  view,  having 
effected  his  removal,  a  paper  was  drawn  up  for  trans 
mission  to  the  parent  government,  disavowing  the  mis 
sion  of  Norton,  and  all  the  claims  and  proceedings  of 


OF  RED-JACKET.  183 

Brant.  And  to  complete  the  plot,  the  proceedings  were 
signed  by  the  common  Indians  who  had  been  convened 
for  the  occasion,  in  the  character  of  chiefs, — each  of  them 
being  promised  a  commission  from  the  English  govern 
ment,  for  their  participation  in  the  fraud.* 

But  the  triumph  of  the  orator  over  the  proud  Mohawk 
was  of  short  duration.  Although  all  the  charges  that 
had  been  brought  against  the  latter  at  this  illegal  council 
had  been  fully  investigated  and  refuted  but  a  few  months 
before,  yet  the  veteran  chief  was  not  disposed  to  sit  in 
silence  under  the  renewal  of  them,  or  to  acquiesce  in 
his  own  ostracism*  Convening  a  full  council  of  the  Mo 
hawks,  including  his  enemies  who  had  taken  a  seat  in 
the  Buffalo  council  against  him,  he  made  a  defence  which 
overwhelmed  his  enemies.  Shortly  afterward  a  full 
council  of  the  confederacy  was  summoned,  at  which, 
after  mature  deliberation,  the  proceedings  of  the  spurious 
council  were  revoked,  and  the  chief  was  restored  to  his 
rank  by  acclamation. 

*  Letter  of  Brant  to  the  Duke  of  Northumberland.  Life  of  Brant,  vol.  ii.  p. 
419. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

PAGANISM  of  Red-Jacket — Failure  of  plans  for  Indian  civilization — Hostility  of 
Red-Jacket  to  Christianity — Mission  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Cram — Council  to  meet 
him — Speech  of  Mr.  Cram — Red-Jacket's  speech  in  reply— Rejection  of  the 
missionary — Errors  of  missionaries — Difficulty  of  making  themselves  under 
stood — Another  attempt  to  purchase  the  remaining  lands  of  the  Senecas — 
Speech  of  Red-Jacket  to  Mr.  Richardson— Causes  of  their  hostility  to  the 
missionaries — Another  speech  of  Red-Jacket — Drunkenness  among  the  In 
dians — Tradition  of  their  first  taste  of  the  fire-waters — Reflections. 

THE  life  and  conduct  of  Red- Jacket  are  now  to  be 
contemplated  in  a  different  aspect.  It  has  been  seen 
that  at  an  earlier  period  of  his  career  by  twelve  or  thir 
teen  years,  he  was  at  Philadelphia,  listening  with  appa 
rent  approbation  to  the  counsels  of  Washington  for  the 
civilization  of  his  people,  and  concerting  measures  with 
Colonel  Pickering  to  that  end.  It  may  indeed  be 
doubted  whether  he  was  altogether  sincere  at  that  time  ; 
for  such  was  the  habitual  deceitfulness  of  his  character, 
that  his  professions  were  at  all  times  but  an  uncertain 
index  to  the  resolves  of  his  mind.  But  it  is  of  little  im 
portance  whether  he  was  sincere  at  the  time  referred  to, 
or  not, — nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  if  he  was  not 
a  dissembler  then,  an  entire  revolution  must  have  been 
wrought  in  his  views  previous  to  the  year  1805,  at  which 
time,  even  if  it  had  ever  been  otherwise,  he  had  become 
thoroughly  pagan.  From  that  year  forward,  had  it  been 


OF  RED-JACKET.  185 

in  his  power,  he  would  have  entirely  cut  off  from  his 
people  all  knowledge  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  all 
communication  with  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  His  lan 
guage  now  was,  that  the  Great  Spirit  had  formed  the 
red  and  white  men  distinct, — that  there  was  no  more 
reason  why  the  two  races  should  profess  the  same  re 
ligious  creed,  than  that  they  should  be  of  the  same  color. 
The  Indians,  he  held,  could  not  be  civilized ;  and  he 
had  now  become  anxious  not  only  to  resist  all  farther 
innovations  upon  their  manners,  but  that  their  ancient 
customs  should  be  restored.* 

It  is  not  unlikely  that  the  ill  success  attending  the  ex 
periments  made  under  the  auspices  of  Washington  and 
Pickering,  aided  by  the  persevering  efforts  of  the  Quakers, 
might  have  induced  the  orator  to  abandon  the  project  of 
civilization  in  despair.t  And  not  without  show  of  reason, 
since  the  fact  is  equally  indisputable  and  lamentable, 
that  from  the  day  on  which  the  Pilgrims  landed  upon 
Plymouth  Rock  to  the  present,  the  intercourse  between 

*  MS.  Collections  of  Joseph  W.  Moulton,  Esq. 

t  The  care  with  which  the  Friends  watched  over  the  interests  of  the  Six  Nations 
on  various  occasions,  particularly  at  the  treaty  of  Canandaigua,  has  been  repeat 
edly  mentioned  in  the  foregoing  pages.  But  their  efforts  did  not  end  here.  In 
1796  several  families  of  Friends  were  located  upon  the  Oneida  reservation,  to 
teach  the  ^Indians  the  art  of  husbandry,  and  some  of  the  indispensable  mechanic 
arts.  Their  women,  also,  it  was  sought  to  teach  the  skill  of  household  duties, 
spinning,  sewing,  knitting,  &c.  In  1798,  the  Senecas,  who  had  observed  the 
improvement  of  the  Oneidas,  requested  the  Friends  to  aid  them  in  the  same 
way,  and  three  families  accordingly  planted  themselves  down  in  the  canton 
of  the  Alleghany.  Their  presence,  their  instruction,  and  their  example,  were 
of  great  benefit  to  that  canton,  although  the  progress  of  Indian  improvement 
has  been  slow.  The  late  Thomas  Eddy,  of  New-York,  devoted  himself  actively 
to  this  cause  for  several  years. 

24 


186  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

the  Indians  and  the  white  people  has  resulted  in  little 
more  than  the  acquisition  by  the  former  of  the  vices  of 
the  latter.  Red-Jacket  had  seen  this  result,  and  he 
doubtless  mourned  over  it.  He  had  seen  his  people 
melting  away  before  the  pale-faces,  with  a  rapidity 
foreboding  their  early  extinction.  He  had  learned  the 
failure  of  every  antecedent  effort  to  convert  them,  as  a 
people,  to  Christianity ;  and  he  had  seen  that  every  at 
tempt  thus  far  made  to  introduce  even  the  primary  arts 
and  customs  of  civilization  among  them,  had  been  equally 
abortive.  He  had  therefore  become  utterly  averse  to 
any  farther  intercourse  or  association  with  the  whites, — 
having  arrived  at  the  conclusion  that  the  only  means  of 
preserving  his  race,  even  for  a  few  brief  lustres,  would 
be  the  erection  of  a  wall  of  separation,  strong  and  high, 
between  them.  Thenceforward  he  ever  acted  rigidly 
upon  that  principle.  He  was  opposed  to  any  farther 
sales  of  their  lands.  He  was  opposed  to  blending  the 
races  by  intermarriage, — not  unfrequently  murmuring, 
that  whereas  before  the  approach  of  the  white  men  the 
eyes  of  their  children  were  all  black,  now  they  were  be 
coming  blue.  He  was  opposed  to  the  introduction  of 
the  arts  of  civilized  life.  He  was  opposed  to  the  acqui 
sition  by  his  people  of  the  English  language.  Above 
all,  he  was  opposed  to  the  introduction  among  them  of 
Christianity.  Nor  indeed,  speaking  after  the  manner  of 
men,  was  he  greatly  blameable  for  his  hostility  to  this 
new  religion,  judging,  as  both  he  and  his  people  in  their 
simplicity  naturally  would  do,  of  the  character  of  that 
religion  from  such  of  its  fruits  as  were  most  perceptible 


OF  RED-JACKET.  187 

to  them.  The  irregular  and  reckless  border-men,  pres 
sing  them  closely  upon  all  sides,  and  setting  every  bad 
example  possible  before  them,  called  themselves  Chris 
tians.  Those  who  were  continually  persuading  the  In 
dians  to  drunkenness,  in  order  to  cheat  or  plunder  them 
before  they  were  sober,  were  called  Christians.  And 
the  rapacious  land-jobbers,  who  were  seeking  every  op 
portunity  of  stripping  them  of  their  territory,  and  who 
were  held  in  special  abhorrence  by  Red- Jacket  and  the 
more  considerate  of  the  chiefs,  were  likewise  known  to 
the  Indians  as  Christians.  The  orator  had  pondered  all 
these  things ;  and  being  unable  to  discriminate  between 
the  nominal  and  the  real  Christian, — or  rather  not  under 
standing  enough  of  the  nature  of  Christianity  to  know 
that  it  was  a  religion  of  the  heart,  and  that,  no  matter 
by  what  names  they  were  called,  those  only  were  Chris 
tians  who  endeavored  to  live  up  to  its  principles, — he 
could  perceive  nothing  good  in  the  system.  So  far  as 
he  could  judge  from  such  lights,  and  such  examples,  he 
saw  nothing  better  in  Christianity  than  in  his  own  pagan 
ism.  Hence  the  tone  of  the  speech  now  to  be  intro 
duced,  which  has  been  regarded  as  the  ablest  and  most 
ingenious  of  his  rude  forensic  efforts. 

The  occasion  was  this:  In  the  summer  of  1805,  a 
young  missionary  named  CRAM  was  sent  into  the  coun 
try  of  the  Six  Nations  by  the  Evangelical  Missionary  So 
ciety  of  Massachusetts.  His  design  was  to  plant  a  mis 
sionary  station  among  the  Senecas,  and  a  council  of  their 
chiefs  was  convoked  at  Buffalo  Creek  to  hear  his  propo 
sitions.  The  agent  of  the  United  States  for  Indian  af- 


188  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

fairs  attended  the  council,  and  the  government  interpre 
ter  was  also  present.  The  proceedings  were  opened  by 
the  agent,  who  thus  introduced  the  missionary : — 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  Six  NATIONS  :  I  rejoice  to  meet  you 
at  this  time,  and  thank  the  Great  Spirit  that  he  has  preserved 
you  in  health,  and  given  me  another  opportunity  of  taking  you 
by  the  hand. 

"  BROTHERS  :  The  person  who  sit&  by  me  is  a  friend  who 
has  come  a  great  distance  to  hold  a  talk  with  you.  He  will 
inform  you  what  his  business  is,  and  it  is  my  request  that  you 
would  listen  with  attention  to  his  words." 

The  missionary  thereupon  opened  his  business  in  the 
following  terms  : — 

"  MY  FRIENDS  :  I  am  thankful  for  the  opportunity  afforded 
us  of  uniting  together  at  this  time.  I  had  a  great  desire  to 
see  you,  and  inquire  into  your  state  and  welfare.  For  this 
purpose  I  have  travelled  a  great  distance,  being  sent  by  your 
old  friends,  the  Boston  Missionary  Society.  You  will  recol 
lect  they  formerly  sent  missionaries  among  you,  to  instruct 
you  in  religion,  and  labor  for  your  good.  Although  they  have 
not  heard  from  you  for  a  long  time,  yet  they  have  not  forgot 
ten  their  brothers,  the  Six  Nations,  and  are  still  anxious  to  do 
you  good. 

"  BROTHERS  :  I  have  not  come  to  get  your  lands  or  your 
money,  but  to  enlighten  your  minds,  and  to  instruct  you  how 
to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  agreeably  to  his  mind  and  will, 
and  to  preach  to  you  the  gospel  of  his  son  Jesus  Christ. 
There  is  but  one  religion,  and  but  one  way  to  serve  God,  and 
if  you  do  not  embrace  the  right  way  you  cannot  be  happy 
"hereafter.  You  have  never  worshipped  the  Great  Spirit  in  a 
manner  acceptable  to  him ;  but  have  all  your  lives  been  in 
great  errors  and  darkness.  To  endeavor  to  remove  these 


OF  RED-JACKET.  189 

errors,  and  open  your  eyes,  so  that  you  might  see  clearly,  is 
my  business  with  you. 

"  BROTHERS  :  I  wish  to  talk  with  you  as  one  friend  talks  with 
another ;  and  if  you  have  any  objections  to  receive  the  religion 
which  I  preach,  I  wish  you  to  state  them ;  and  I  will  endeavor 
to  satisfy  your  minds  and  remove  the  objections. 

"  BROTHERS  :  I  want  you  to  speak  your  minds  freely  :  for  I 
wish  to  reason  with  you  on  the  subject,  and,  if  possible,  re 
move  all  doubts,  if  there  be  any  on  your  minds.  The  subject 
is  an  important  one,  and  it  is  of  consequence  that  you  give 
it  an  early  attention  while  the  offer  is  made  you.  Your  friends 
the  Boston  Missionary  Society  will  continue  to  send  you  good 
and  faithful  ministers,  to  instruct  and  strengthen  you  in  reli 
gion,  if,  on  your  part,  you  are  willing  to  receive  them. 

"  BROTHERS  :  Since  I  have  been  in  this  part  of  the  country, 
I  have  visited  some  of  your  small  villages,  and  talked  with 
your  people.  They  appear  willing  to  receive  instruction,  but 
as  they  look  up  to  you  as  their  older  brothers  in  council,  they 
want  first  to  know  your  opinion  on  the  subject.  You  have 
now  heard  what  I  have  to  propose  at  present.  I  hope  you 
will  take  it  into  consideration,  and  give  me  an  answer  before 
we  part." 

After  about  two  hours  consultation  among  themselves, 
Red- Jacket  rose  and  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"  FRIEND  AND  BROTHER  :  It  was  the  will  of  the  Great 
Spirit  that  we  should  meet  together  this  day.  HE  orders  all 
things,  and  has  given  us  a  fine  day  for  our  Council.  HE  has 
taken  his  garment  from  before  the  sun,  and  caused  it  to  shine 
with  brightness  upon  us.  Our  eyes  are  opened,  that  we  see 
clearly ;  our  ears  are  unstopped,  that  we  have  been  able  to 
hear  distinctly  the  words  you  have  spoken.  For  all  these 
favors  we  thank  the  Great  Spirit ;  and  HIM  only. 

"  BROTHER  :     This  council  fire  was  kindled  by  you.      It 


190  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

was  at  your  request  that  we  came  together  at  this  time. 
We  have  listened  with  attention  to  what  you  have  said.  You 
requested  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely.  This  gives  us  great 
joy ;  for  we  now  consider  that  we  stand  upright  before  you, 
and  can  speak  what  we  think.  All  have  heard  your  voice, 
and  all  speak  to  you  now  as  one  man.  Our  minds  are 
agreed. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  say  you  want  an  answer  to  your  talk  be 
fore  you  leave  this  place.  It  is  right  you  should  have  one, 
as  you  are  a  great  distance  from  home,  and  we  do  not  wish 
to  detain  you.  But  we  will  first  look  back  a  little,  and  tell 
you  what  our  fathers  have  told  us,  and  what  we  have  heard 
from  the  white  people. 

"  BROTHER  :  Listen  to  what  we  say.  There  was  a  time 
when  our  forefathers  owned  this  great  island.  Their  seats  ex 
tended  from  the  rising  to  the  setting  sun.  The  Great  Spirit 
had  made  it  for  the  use  of  Indians.  HE  had  created  the  buf 
falo,  the  deer,  and  other  animals  for  food.  HE  had  made  the 
bear  and  the  beaver.  Their  skins  served  us  for  clothing. 
HE  had  scattered  them  over  the  country,  and  taught  us  how 
to  take  them.  HE  had  caused  the  earth  to  produce  corn  for 
bread.  All  this  HE  had  done  for  his  red  children,  because 
HE  loved  them.  If  we  had  some  disputes  about  our  hunting 
ground,  they  were  generally  settled  without  the  shedding  of 
much  blood.  But  an  evil  day  came  upon  us.  Your  fore 
fathers  crossed  the  great  water  and  landed  on  this  island. 
Their  numbers  were  small.  They  found  friends  and  not 
enemies.  They  told  us  they  had  fled  from  their  own  country 
for  fear  of  wicked  men,  and  had  come  here  to  enjoy  their  re 
ligion.  They  asked  for  a  small  seat.  We  took  pity  on  them, 
granted  their  request ;  and  they  sat  down  amongst  us.  We 
gave  them  corn  and  meat ;  they  gave  us  poison*  in  return. 

"  The  white  people,  BROTHER,  had  now  found  our  country. 
Tidings  were  carried  back,  and  more  came  amongst  us.  Yet 


Rum. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

we  did  not  fear  them.  We  took  them  to  be  friends.  They 
called  us  brothers.  We  believed  them  and  gave  them  a 
larger  seat.  At  length  their  numbers  had  greatly  increased. 
They  wanted  more  land ;  they  wanted  our  country.  Our 
eyes  were  opened,  and  our  minds  became  uneasy.  Wars 
took  place.  Indians  were  hired  to  fight  against  Indians,  and 
many  of  our  people  were  destroyed.  They  also  brought 
strong  liquor  amongst  us.  It  was  strong  and  powerful,  and 
has  slain  thousands. 

"  BROTHER  :  Our  seats  were  once  large  and  yours  were 
small.  You  have  now  become  a  great  people,  and  we  have 
scarcely  a  place  left  to  spread  our  blankets.  You  have  got 
our  country,  but  are  not  satisfied ;  you  want  to  force  your  re 
ligion  upon  us. 

"  BROTHER  :  Continue  to  listen.  You  say  that  you  are  sent 
to  instruct  us  how  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  agreeably  to 
his  mind,  and,  if  we  do  not  take  hold  of  the  religion  which 
you  white  people  teach,  we  shall  be  unhappy  hereafter.  You 
say  that  you  are  right  and  we  are  lost.  How  do  we  know 
this  to  be  true  ]  We  understand  that  your  religion  is  writ 
ten  in  a  book.  If  it  was  intended  for  us  as  well  as  you,  why 
has  not  the  Great  Spirit  given  to  us,  and  not  only  to  us,  but 
why  did  he  not  give  to  our  forefathers,  the  knowledge  of  that 
book,  with  the  means  of  understanding  it  rightly  ]  We  only 
know  what  you  tell  us  about  it.  How  shall  we  know  when  to 
believe,  being  so  often  deceived  by  the  white  people  ? 

"  BROTHER  :  You  say  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship  and 
serve  the  Great  Spirit.  If  there  is  but  one  religion,  why  do 
you  white  people  differ  so  much  about  it  1  Why  not  all 
agreed,  as  you  can  all  read  the  book  1 

"  BROTHER  :  We  do  not  understand  these  things.  We  are 
told  that  your  religion  was  given  to  your  forefathers,  and  has 
been  handed  down  from  father  to  son.  We  also  have  a  reli 
gion,  which  was  given  to  our  forefathers,  and  has  been  handed 
down  to  us  their  children.  We  worship  in  that  way.  It 
teaches  us  to  be  thankful  for  all  the  favors  we  receive ;  to 


192  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

love  each  other,  and  to  be  united.     We  never  quarrel  about 
religion. 

"  BROTHER  :  The  Great  Spirit  has  made  us  all,  but  HE  has 
made  a  great  difference  between  his  white  and  red  children. 
HE  has  given  us  different  complexions  and  different  customs. 
To  you  HE  has  given  the  arts.  To  these  HE  has  not  opened 
our  eyes.  We  know  these  things  to  be  true.  Since  HE  has 
made  so  great  a  difference  between  us  in  other  things,  why 
may  we  not  conclude  that  he  has  given  us  a  different  religion 
according  to  our  understanding?  The  Great  Spirit  does 
right.  HE  knows  what  is  best  for  his  children  ;  we  are 
satisfied. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  do  not  wish  to  destroy  your  religion,  or 
take  it  from  you.  We  only  want  to  enjoy  our  own. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  say  you  have  not  come  to  get  our  land  or 
our  money,  but  to  enlighten  our  minds.  I  will  now  tell  you 
that  I  have  been  at  your  meetings,  and  saw  you  collect  money 
from  the  meeting.  I  cannot  tell  what  this  money  was  hir 
tended  for,  but  suppose  that  it  was  for  your  minister,  and  if 
we  should  conform  to  your  way  of  thinking,  perhaps  you  may 
want  some  from  us.* 

"  BROTHER  :  We  are  told  that  you  have  been  preaching  to 
the  white  people  in  this  place.  These  people  are  our  neigh 
bors.  We  are  acquainted  with  them.  We  will  wait  a  little 
while,  and  see  what  effect  your  preaching  has  upon  them.  If 
we  find  it  does  them  good,  makes  them  honest  and  less  dis 
posed  to  cheat  Indians,  we  will  then  consider  again  of  what 
you  have  said. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  have  now  heard  our  answer  to  your  talk, 
and  this  is  all  we  have  to  say  at  present.  As  we  are  going  to 
part,  we  will  come  and  take  you  by  the  hand,  and  hope  the 

*  This  paragraph  is  not  contained  in  the  first  edition  of  the  speech,  as  pub 
lished  by  James  D.  Bemis,  in  1811;  but  I  find  it  in  the  speech  as  given  by 
Drake,  in  his  Book  of  the  Indians,  and  also  in  Thatcher's  Indian  Biography. 
Still,  it  appears  to  me  to  be  an  interpolation. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

Great  Spirit  will  protect  you  on  your  journey,  and  return  you 
safe  to  your  friends." 

It  has  been  asserted  that,  when  preparing  for  this  inter 
view,  Red-Jacket  supposed  that  possibly  he  might  be 
drawn  into  a  regular  argumentative  discussion  with  the 
missionary.  Like  a  wary  gladiator,  therefore,  on  entering 
upon  the  arena  he  felt  disposed  to  measure  the  force  of 
his  antagonist,  and  by  a  searching  scrutiny  of  his  coun 
tenance,  ascertain  his  intellectual  calibre.  For  this  pur 
pose,  he  approached  very  near  the  person  of  the  mission 
ary,  and  by  a  rapid  but  penetrating  scrutiny,  soon  satis 
fied  himself  whether  it  was  a  great  man,  like  Con-neh- 
sau-ty,*  with  whom  he  was  to  draw  the  bow  of  Achilles, 
or  wield  the  shield  of  Ajax.  His  mind  was  quickly  at 
ease,  and  his  apprehensions,  if  he  had  entertained  any, 
were  dissipated  at  a  glance.  With  a  mingled  and  inde 
scribable  expression  of  countenance,  smiling  in  scornful 
composure,  he  turned  away,  and  joined  the  dusky  circle 
of  his  own  people.t  Be  this  as  it  may,  his  reply  is  in 
genious  and  able.  Some  of  its  figures  are  beautiful, — 
some  of  its  passages  eloquent.  It  was  received  by  the 
missionary,  probably,  with  disappointment,  and  with 
manifest  displeasure, — a  displeasure  which  a  wiser  man, 
even  if  he  had  felt  it,  would  have  concealed.  Agreeably 
to  the  suggestion  at  the  close  of  Red- Jacket's  speech,  as 
the  council  was  breaking  up  the  Indians  moved  toward 
the  missionary  for  the  purpose  of  extending  the  parting 

*  Colonel  Pickering. 

t  MS.  Collections  of  Joseph  W.  Moulton. 

25 


194  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

hand  of  friendship ;  but  Mr.  Cram  rose  hastily  from  his 
seat,  and  replied  that  he  could  not  take  them  by  the  hand, 
"there  being,"  he  added,  "no  fellowship  between  the 
religion  of  God  and  the  devil."     These  words  were  in 
terpreted  to  the  Indians,  but  they  nevertheless  smiled, 
and  retired  in  a  peaceable  manner.     Subsequently,  on 
being  advised  of  the  indiscretion  of  his  remark,  Mr.  Cram 
observed  in  explanation,  that  he  supposed  the  ceremony  of 
shaking  hands  would  have  been  received  by  the  Indians 
as  a  token  that  he  assented  to  what  had  been  said.     Be 
ing  more  correctly  informed,  he  expressed  his  regret  at 
what  had  so  unadvisedly  fallen  from  his  lips.     Still  it 
cannot  be  denied  that  the  Indians  exhibited  better  breed 
ing,  and  more  knowledge  of  human  nature,  than  the 
missionary.     Indeed  it  is  quite  probable  that  Mr.  Cram's 
ill  success  arose  in  part  from  his  own  repulsiveness  of 
manner,  and  the  want  of  tact,  or,  in  other  words,  the 
power  of  adaptation,  so  essential  in  the  composition  of  a 
successful  missionary.     It  must  be  stated  in  fairness  to 
the  Indians,  to  borrow  the  langugage  of  another,*  "  that 
the  missionaries  are  not  always  men  fitted   for  their 
work.     Many  of  them  have  been  destitute  of  the  talents" 
and  information  requisite  in  so  arduous  an  enterprize ; 
some  have  been  bigotted  and  over-zealous,  and  others 
have  wanted  temper  and  patience.     Ignorant  of  the  abo 
riginal  languages,  and  obliged  to  rely  upon  interpreters 
to  whom  religion  was  an  occult  science,  they  doubtless 
often  conveyed  very  different  impressions  from  those 
which  they  intended  ;"  and  the  worthy  and  well  mean- 

*  Rev.  John  Breckenridge,  D.  D. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 


ing  man  who  called  forth  the  preceding  pagan  speech  of 
Red-Jacket,  probably  deserved  to  be  classed  in  this 
category.  The  reader  will  have  observed,  from  an  inti 
mation  in  the  speech  itself,  that  the  orator  had  been  at 
several  of  the  missionary's  meetings,  and  it  has  been  as 
serted  of  Mr.  Cram  that  his  first,  or  at  least  an  early 
sermon  to  the  Indians,  was  exactly  such  as  a  wise 
man  would  never  have  preached  to  such  a  congrega 
tion.  Instead  of  being  a  simple  *  discourse,  brought 
down  to  the  level  of  their  ignorant,  and,  upon  such  a  sub 
ject,  child-like  minds,  presenting  to  them  the  elementary 
principles  of  Christianity  in  their  simplest  and  most 
winning  forms,  the  missionary,  according  to  tradition, 
gave  them  a  long  argumentative  sermon  upon  the  doctrine 
of  divine  decrees,  and  the  deep  mysteries  of  fore-know 
ledge  and  predestination.*  A  more  repulsive  therne, 
even  for  many  enlightened  congregations  reared  in  the 
bosom  of  the  church,  could  hardly  have  been  selected  ; 
but  that  it  was  chosen  as  the  ground-work  of  an  intro 
ductory  discourse  to  these  simple  children  of  the  forest, 
argues  a  want  of  common  sense  almost  too  great  for  hu 
man  credulity.  Possibly  there  may  be  error  in  the  re 
lation.  But  another  circumstance  was  added,  which 
favors  its  truth.  Red-Jacket  is  reported  to  have  been 
indignant  at  the  attempt  to  force  doctrines  upon  him 
which  were  entirely  beyond  his  comprehension  ;  and  in 
the  expression  of  that  indignation,  according  to  unwritten 
history,  he  perpetrated  the  only  pun  that  is  recorded  of 

*  The  author's  informant  is  a  distinguished  gentleman,  of  high  character  and 
intelligence,  then  o.  resident  of  the  Seneca  country. 


196  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

him.  "  Not  content,"  he  said,  "  with  the  wrongs  the 
white  men  had  done  to  his  people,  they  were  now  seek 
ing  to  Cram  their  doctrines  down  their  throats,"  &c. 
And  yet  the  remark  will  bear  repetition,  that  much  of 
the  difficulty  in  this,  and  other  similar  cases,  may  very 
naturally  have  arisen  from  the  ignorance  of  the  parties 
respectively  of  the  language  and  modes  of  thinking  of 
each  other.  In  regard  to  the  American  Indians,  in  par 
ticular,  the  greatest  difficulty  has  always  existed  in  con 
veying  any  new  ideas  to  their  minds,  from  the  barren 
ness  of  their  language ;  and  in  many  instances  it  has 
been  found  impossible  to  convey  to  them  the  sentiments 
attempted.*  "  What  have  you  said  to  them  ?"  inquired 
a  missionary  once,  of  the  interpreter  who  had  been  ex 
pounding  his  sermon.  "  I  told  them  you  have  a  mes 
sage  to  them  from  the  Great  Spirit,"  was  the  reply. 
"  I  said  no  such  thing,"  cried  the  missionary.  "  Tell 
them  I  have  come  to  speak  to  them  of  the  only  living  and 
true  God,  and  of  the  life  that  is  to  be  hereafter : — Well, 
what  have  you  said  ?"  "  That  you  will  tell  them  about 
Manito,  and  the  land  of  spirits."  "  Worse  and  worse," 
exclaimed  the  embarrassed  preacher ;  and  such  is  doubt 
less  the  history  of  many  sermons  that  have  been  de 
livered  to  the  bewildered  heathen.t  The  fact  is,  Red- 

*  General  Lincoln's  Observations  on  the  North  American  Indians,  in  o.  letter 
to  Dr.  Ramsay. 

t  M'Kenney's  Lives  and  Portraits  of  the  Indians.  "  The  Iroquois  have  few 
radical  words,  but  they  compound  them  without  end.  Sometimes  one  word 
among  them  includes  an  entire  definition  of  the  thing;  for  example,  they  call 
WINE,  Oneharadesehoengtseragherie,a&  much  as  to  say,  a  liquor  made  of  the 
juice  of  the  grape. "[Colden's  Six  Nations. — ]  "  The  Indian  language  requires 
many  more  words  to  express  the  meaning  of  the  speaker  than  ours,  as  they  are 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

Jacket  did  not  understand  the  system  of  the  Christian 
religion,  nor  did  he  wish  to  understand  it.  It  was  his  be 
lief,  and  it  is  that  of  the  Indians  generally,  that  they  form 
a  race  entirely  distinct  from  the  pale  faces.  They  repu 
diated  the  idea  of  a  common  origin  of  the  human  family ; 
and  as  to  the  mission  of  Christ,  and  his  crucifixion,  they 
cannot  perceive  that  they  are  interested  in  the  one,  or 
have  any  participation  in  the  guilt  of  the  other.  In  a 
conversation  with  a  distinguished  clergyman,  who  was 
endeavoring  to  instruct  him  upon  the  subject  of  the 
Christian  religion,  not  many  years  before  his  death,  Red- 
Jacket  said : — 

"  BROTHER  :  If  you  white  men  murdered  the  Son  of  the 
Great  Spirit,  we  Indians  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  and  it  is 
none  of  our  affair.  If  he  had  come  among  us,  we  would  not 
have  killed  him ;  we  would  have  treated  him  well ;  and  the 
white  people  who  killed  him  ought  to  be  damned  for  doing  it. 
You  must  make  amends  for  that  crime  yourselves.* 

obliged  to  describe  objects  which  a  single  English  word  suffices  to  explain.  This 
will  be  the  more  readily  understood  by  the  following  statement: — When  Red- 
Jacket,  Farmer's-Brother,  and  several  hundred  Indians  arrived  at  Tioga  Point  to 
attend  the  treaty  of  1790,  Farmer's-Brother,  after  thanking  the  Great  Spirit  for 
having  permitted  them  to  travel  there  in  safety,  narrated  all  the  particulars  at 
tending  their  journey.  Wishing  among  other  circumstances  to  describe  their 
having  made  a  halt  at  a  log  hut,  where  a  kind  of  tavern  was  kept,  the  tavern  was 
described  as  a  house  put  together  with  parts  of  trees  piled  on  each  other,  and 
to  which  a  pole  was  attached  to  which  a  board  was  tied,  on  which  was  written, 
"  Rum  is  sold  Here.11  This  difficulty  of  expressing  in  a  few  words  matters 
which  in  their  own  language  required  a  round-about  description,  demanded  a 
considerable  time  for  them,  in  their  public  discussions,  to  say  that  which  the  inter 
preter  would  render  into  a  few  words  of  English." — Letter  to  the  author  from 
Thomas  Morris. 

*  Conversations  between  Dr.  Breckenridge  and  the  author.     See,  also,  Drake, 
on  the  authority  of  W.  J.  Snelling. 


198  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

After  the  adjustment  of  the  great  controversy  between 
the  Indians  and  the  United  States,  at  Canandaigua,  in 
1794,  the  councils  of  the  Six  Nations  became  of  less 
public  importance.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  reser 
vations,  of  a  comparatively  limited  extent,  their  broad 
and  beautiful  domains  in  the  State  of  New-York  had 
fallen  within  the  greedy  and  remorseless  grasp  of  the 
white  men,  even  before  the  dawn  of  the  present  century. 
From  that  day  to  the  present,  the  efforts  of  those  who 
have  become  possessed  of  the  pre-emptive  title  to  those 
reservations  have  been  directed  to  the  acquisition  of  the 
fee  from  the  Indians;  and  so  strong  and  persevering 
have  been  the  appliances  to  that  end,  that  slice  after 
slice  has  been  taken  away,  until  but  a  comparatively 
few  thousand  acres  now  remain  to  the  Indians, — the 
scattered  and  disheartened  fragments  of  the  once  proud 
lords  of  the  continent.*  But  after  the  last  great  sale  to 
Robert  Morris,  in  1797,  and  after  the  deliberate  resolu 
tion  of  Red- Jacket,  as  already  stated,  to  repel  the  ad 
vances  of  the  whites,  and,  as  the  only  means  of  averting 
the  progressive  ruin  of  his  people,  to  re-envelope  them 
in  the  darkness  of  paganism,  and  restore  their  wildest 
barbarity,  he  continued  inflexible  in  his  purposes. 

*  These  reservations  are  as  follows  : — 

Tonnewanda  Reservation,  near  Niagara  River,  containing  about  .  13,000  acres. 

Buffalo  Reservation,  near  the  city  of  Buffalo,  "         "  .  53,000     " 

Cattaraugus  Reservation,  near  Cattaraugus  Creek,    "         (t  .  22,000     " 

Alleghany  Reservation,  near  the  Alleghany  River,     "         "  .  31,000     " 


119,000     " 

Much  of  this  land  is  among  the  most  fertile  and  valuable  in  the  State  of  New- 
York. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  ^99 

From  the  hour  of  arriving  at  that  determination  he 
never  in  the  slightest  degree  swerved  from  his  resolu 
tion,  to  drive  away,  and  keep  away,  every  innovation 
upon  the  character,  and  every  intrusion  upon  the  terri 
tory  then  remaining  to  his  nation.  In  the  Spring  of 
1811  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  New-York  Company 
holding  the  pre-emptive  title  to  the  reservations  within 
the  Morris,  or  Holland  Purchase,  to  divest  the  Indians 
of  their  rights  by  negotiation  and  purchase.  The  agent 
employed  by  the  Company  was  a  Mr.  Richardson. 
He  met  the  chiefs  in  council  at  Buffalo  Creek,  in  May, 
and  after  opening  his  business,  awaited  their  reply, 
which  was  made  by  Red-Jacket,  a  few  days  afterward, 
in  the  following  speech : — 

"  BROTHER  :  We  opened  our  ears  to  the  talk  you  lately  de 
livered  to  us,  at  our  Council  fire.  In  doing  important  business 
it  is  best  not  to  tell  long  stories,  but  to  come  to  it  in  a  few 
words.  We  therefore  shall  not  repeat  your  talk,  which  is 
fresh  in  our  minds.  We  have  well  considered  it,  and  the  ad 
vantages  and  disadvantages  of  your  offers.  We  request  your 
attention  to  our  answer,  which  is  not  from  the  speaker  alone, 
but  from  all  the  Sachems  and  Chiefs  now  around  our  Coun 
cil  fire. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  know  that  great  men  as  well  as  great  na 
tions,  having  different  interests  have  different  minds,  and  do 
not  see  the  same  subject  in  the  same  light, — but  we  hope  our 
answer  will  be  agreeable  to  you  and  to  your  employers. 

"  BROTHER  :  Your  application  for  the  purchase  of  our 
lands  is  to  our  minds  very  extraordinary.  It  has  been  made 
in  a  crooked  manner, — you  have  not  walked  in  the  straight 
path  pointed  out  by  the  great  Council  of  your  nation.  You 
have  no  writings  from  our  great  father  the  President. 


200  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  BROTHER  :  In  making  up  our  minds  we  have  looked 
back,  and  remembered  how  the  Yorkers  purchased  our  lands 
in  former  times.  They  bought  them  piece  after  piece  for  a 
little  money  paid  to  a  few  men  in  our  nation,  and  not  to  all 
our  brethren  ;  our  planting  and  hunting  grounds  have  become 
very  small,  and  if  we  sell  these  we  know  not  where  to  spread 
our  blankets. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  tell  us  your  employers  have  purchased 
of  the  Council  of  Yorkers  a  right  to  buy  our  lands, — we  do 
not  understand  how  this  can  be, — the  lands  do  not  belong  to 
the  Yorkers ;  they  are  ours,  and  were  given  to  us  by  the 
Great  Spirit. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  think  it  strange  that  you  should  jump 
over  the  lands  of  our  brethren  in  the  East,  to  come  to  our 
Council  fire  so  far  off,  to  get  our  lands.  When  we  sold  our 
lands  in  the  East  to  the  white  people,  we  determined  never 
to  sell  those  we  kept,  which  are  as  small  as  we  can  live  com 
fortably  on. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  want  us  to  travel  with  you,  and  look  for 
other  lands.  If  we  should  sell  our  lands  and  move  off  into  a 
distant  country,  towards  the  setting  sun,  we  should  be  looked 
upon  in  the  country  to  which  we  go  as  foreigners,  and  stran 
gers,  and  be  despised  by  the  red  as  well  as  the  white  men,  and 
we  should  soon  be  surrounded  by  the  white  men,  who  will 
there  also  kill  our  game,  come  upon  our  lands,  and  try  to  get 
them  from  us. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  are  determined  not  to  sell  our  lands,  but 
to  continue  on  them, — we  like  them, — they  are  fruitful  and 
produce  us  corn  in  abundance,  for  the  support  of  our  women 
and  children,  and  grass  and  herbs  for  our  cattle. 

"  BROTHER  :  At  the  treaties  held  for  the  purchase  of  our 
lands,  the  white  men  with  sweet  voices  and  smiling  faces  told 
us  they  loved  us,  and  that  they  would  not  cheat  us,  but  that 
the  king's  children  on  the  other  side  the  lake  would  cheat  us. 
When  we  go  on  the  other  side  the  lake  the  king's  children 
tell  us  your  people  will  cheat  us,  but  with  sweet  voices  and 


OF  RED-JACKET.  201 

smiling  faces  assure  us  of  their  love  and  that  they  will  not 
cheat  us.  These  things  puzzle  our  heads,  and  we  believe 
that  the  Indians  must  take  care  of  themselves,  and  not  trust 
either  in  your  people  or  in  the  king's  children. 

"  BROTHER  :  At  a  late  Council  we  requested  our  agents  to 
tell  you  that  we  would  not  sell  our  lands,  and  we  think  you 
have  not  spoken  to  our  agents,  or  they  would  have  informed 
you  so,  and  we  should  not  have  met  you  at  our  Council  fire  at 
this  time. 

"  BROTHER  :  The  white  people  buy  and  sell  false  rights  to 
our  lands ;  your  employers  have,  you  say,  paid  a  great  price 
for  their  right ;  they  must  have  plenty  of  money,  to  spend  it 
in  buying  false  rights  to  lands  belonging  to  Indians  ;  the  loss 
of  it  will  not  hurt  them,  but  our  lands  are  of  great  value  to 
us,  and  we  wish  you  to  go  back  with  your  talk  to  your  em 
ployers,  and  to  tell  them  and  the  Yorkers  that  they  have  no 
right  to  buy  and  sell  false  rights  to  our  lands. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  hope  you  clearly  understand  the  words 
we  have  spoken.  This  is  all  we  have  to  say." 

Thus,  as  in  the  great  majority  of  their  speeches,  the 
Indians  were  still  endeavoring  to  brace  themselves 
against  what  they  considered  to  be  the  inordinate  rapa 
city  of  the  whites,  in  the  acquisition  of  their  lands. 
This  disposition  of  the  white  man  to  grasp  at  all  their 
property,  with  a  view,  as  it  appeared,  of  driving  them 
from  the  face  of  the  earth,  was  then,  as  it  is  now,  and 
probably  ever  will  be  until  the  race  becomes  extinct, 
the  source  of  their  jealousy,  and  the  burden  of  their 
complaint.  Notwithstanding  the  rapid  diminution  of 
their  numbers,  and  their  increasingly  depressed  condi 
tion,  they  still  felt  that  they  were  independent  nations, 
and  they  were  tenacious  of  that  character.  They  be- 

26 


202  ^IFE  AND  TIMES 

lieved  that  they  had  been  placed  on  "  this  island"  by 
the  Great  Spirit,  and  that  he  had  created  it  for  their 
sole  benefit,  and  they  held  that  nobody  could  have  a 
right  to  dispossess  them.  Hence  nothing  could  have 
been  more  inopportune  than  an  effort  made  at  this 
very  council,  by  a  missionary  society  in  the  city  of 
New-York,  to  establish  a  Christian  mission  among 
them.*  The  former  attempts  had  left  no  favorable  im 
pression  upon  the  mind  of  Red-Jacket,  now  their  prin 
cipal  civil  chief.  On  the  contrary,  he  had  imbibed  a 
fixed  and  deep-rooted  hatred  to  the  system,  counte 
nancing,  as  he  supposed,  a  course  of  policy  on  the  part 
of  its  professors  that  would  eventually  sap  the  founda 
tions  of  the  happiness,  and  work  the  ruin  of  his  people.t 
Least  of  all  was  it  an  auspicious  moment  to  strive  far 
ther  to  persuade  them  to  change  their  religion,  at  the 
very  time  when  those  who  called  themselves  Chris- 
tains  were  renewing  their  efforts  to  dispossess  them 
of  their  few  remaining  roods  of  ground.  Hence  the 
following  reply,  by  Red- Jacket,  to  the  advances  of  the 
Rev.  Mr.  Alexander,  the  agent  of  the  Missionary  Socie 
ty  on  that  occasion  : — 

"  BROTHER  :  We  listened  to  the  talk  you  delivered  to  us 
from  the  Council  of  Black  Coatsf  in  New- York.  We  have 

*  "  In  discourse  they  spoke  about  preaching,  and  said,  '  they  wished  many 
times  to  hear  the  word  of  God ;  but  they  were  always  afraid  that  the  English 
would  take  that  opportunity  to  bring  them  into  bondage.'  " — Journal  of  Chris- 
tian  Frederick  Post,  to  the  Delawares  of  the  Ohio.  Proud's  Pennsylva 
nia,  vol.  ii. 

t  General  Lincoln. 

t  So  Red-Jacket  was  wont  to  call  the  clergy. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  203 

fully  considered  your  talk,  and  the  offers  you  have  made  us  : 
we  perfectly  understand  them,  and  we  return  an  answer 
which  we  wish  you  also  to  understand.  In  making  up  our 
minds  we  have  looked  back  and  remembered  what  has  been 
done  in  our  days,  and  what  our  fathers  have  told  us  was  done 
in  old  times. 

"BROTHER:  Great  numbers  of  black  coats  have  been 
amongst  the  Indians,  and  with  sweet  voices,  and  smiling  faces, 
have  offered  to  teach  them  the  religion  of  the  white  people. 
Our  brethren  in  the  East  listened  to  the  black  coats, — turned 
from  the  religion  of  their  fathers,  and  took  up  the  religion  of 
the  white  people.  What  good  has  it  done  them  ?  Are  they 
more  happy  and  more  friendly  one  to  another  than  we  are  ? 
No,  brother,  they  are  a  divided  people, — we  are  united ;  they 
quarrel  about  religion, — we  live  in  love  and  friendship ; 
they  drink  strong  water, — have  learnt  how  to  cheat, — and  to 
practice  all  the  vices  of  the  white  men,  which  disgrace  In 
dians,  without  imitating  the  virtues  of  the  white  men. 
Brother,  if  you  are  our  well  wisher,  keep  away  and  do  not 
disturb  us. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  do  not  worship  the  Great  Spirit  as  the 
white  men  do,  but  we  believe  that  forms  of  worship  are  in 
different  to  the  Great  Spirit, — it  is  the  offering  of  a  sincere 
heart  that  pleases  him,  and  we  worship  him  in  this  man 
ner.  According  to  your  religion  we  must  believe  in  a  Father 
and  a  Son,  or  we  shall  riot  be  happy  hereafter.  We  have  always 
believed  in  a  Father,  and  we  worship  him,  as  we  were  taught 
by  our  fathers.  Your  book  says  the  Son  was  sent  on  earth  by 
the  Father, — did  all  the  people  who  saw  the  Son  believe  in 
him]  No,  they  did  not,  and  the  consequences  must  be 
known  to  you,  if  you  have  read  the  book. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  wish  us  to  change  our  religion  for  yours, 
— we  like  our  religion  and  do  not  want  another.  Our  friends* 

*  Pointing  to  Mr.  Granger,  the  Agent  of  the  United  States  for  Indian  affairs, 
who  was  present— Mr.  Parish,  the  Indian  interpreter,  and  Mr.  Taylor,  the 


204  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

do  us  great  good, — they  counsel  us  in  our  troubles,  and  in 
struct  us  how  to  make  ourselves  comfortable.  Our  friends 
the  Quakers  do  more  than  this, — they  give  us  ploughs,  and 
show  us  how  to  use  them.  They  tell  us  we  are  accountable 
beings,  but  do  net  say  we  must  change  our  religion.  We  are 
satisfied  with  what  they  do. 

"  BROTHER  :  For  these  reasons  we  cannot  receive  your 
offers — we  have  other  things  to  do,  and  beg  you  to  make 
your  mind  easy,  and  not  trouble  us,  lest  our  heads  should  be 
too  much  loaded,  and  by  and  by  burst." 

It  is  a  fact  that  cannot  be  sufficiently  deplored,  that 
men  boasting  of  their  civilization,  and  calling  themselves 
Christians,  not  only  in  this  but  in  other  lands,  have  by 
their  own  vicious  examples  interposed  the  greatest  ob 
stacles  to  the  efforts  of  tbose  who  are  earnestly  laboring 
for  the  moral,  social  and  religious  improvement  of  the 
heathen.  The  missionaries  have  found  such  to  be  the 
fact  in  the  Sandwich  Islands.  And  so  upon  the  coasts 
of  Africa,  and  at  the  missionary  stations  in  tbe  China 
seas,  and  in  India,  the  counteracting  and  contaminating 
influences  of  the  seamen  and  others,  belonging  to  Chris 
tian  nations,  cause  the  severest  trials  which  the  mission 
aries  are  obliged  to  encounter.  The  natives  know  them 
all  alike  as  Christians, — not  understanding  the  difference 
between  those  who  are  really  and  truly  governed  by 
Christian  principle, — who,  in  a  word,  are  Christians  at 
heart, — and  those  who  are  called  Christians  because  they 
belong  to  nations  known  as  such,  albeit  as  individuals 
knowing  nothing  of,  and  caring  nothing  about,  religiSh  of 

agent  of  the  Society  of  Friends  for  Improving  the  Condition  of  the  Indians,  re 
siding  near  the  Alleghany  settlement,  but  also  present  at  the  Council. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  205 

any  sort.  Most  emphatically  has  such  been  the  fact  in 
respect  to  the  American  aboriginals.  To  borrow  a  brief 
passage,  without  essential  variation,  from  the  sainted 
Milne,  the  faithful  co-laborer  of  Morrison  in  China,  the 
meagre  specimens  of  Christianity  which  they  but  too 
often  see  among  the  so-called  civilized  men  who  first 
settled  around  them,  have  not  tended  to  produce  reve 
rence  for  the  system.  The  total  neglect  of  all  religion 
prevailing  too  generally  in  frontier  settlements,  even  among 
many  who  have  at  some  time  professed  to  be  the  follow 
ers  of  Christ, — the  public  and  bare-faced  profanation  of 
the  Sabbath, — the  avarice,  lying  and  cozening  which 
characterize  their  dealings,  sometimes  with  each  other, 
and  most  shamefully  often  in  their  commerce  with  the 
Indians, — the  drunkenness,  loose  morals,  and  hardness 
of  heart,  in  daily  illustration  all  around  them,  have  in  but 
too  many  instances  steeled  the  Indian's  soul  against 
Christianity.  However  earnestly  the  missionaries  may 
be  preaching  to  him  the  excellencies  of  Christianity  and 
civilization,  he  doubts  if  they  have  any  of  the  former, 
and  scoffs  at  the  latter.  He  cannot  think  well  of  a  sys 
tem,  the  professed  adherents  of  which  pay  so  little  re 
gard  to  God,  to  truth,  and  to  duty.*  Hence  the  tone  of 
Red- Jacket's  speeches  to  Mr.  Cram  and  Mr.  Alexander ; 
hence  also  the  kindred  character  of  the  following  outline 
of  another  of  the  Seneca  orator's  philippics  against 
Christianity,  delivered  on  a  similar  occasion,  at  about 

*  Life  of  Dr.  Milne,  by  Robert  Philip,  page  146. 


206  I^FE  AND  TIMES 

the  same  period  of  his  life  with  his  last  mentioned  ad 
dress  : — * 

"  BROTHER  : — I  rise  to  return  you  the  thanks  of  this  nation, 
and  to  return  them  hack  to  our  ancient  friends, — if  any  such 
we  have, — -for  their  good  wishes  toward  us  in  attempting  to 
teach  us  your  religion.  Inform  them  we  will  look  well  into 
this  matter.  We  have  well  weighed  your  exertions,  and  find 
your  success  not  to  answer  our  expectations.  But  instead  of 
producing  that  happy  effect  which  you  so  long  promised  us, 
its  introduction  so  far  has  rendered  us  uncomfortable  and 
miserable.  You  have  taken  a  number  of  our  young  men  to  your 
schools.  You  have  educated  them  and  taught  them  your  re 
ligion.  They  have  returned  to  their  kindred  and  color,  neither 
white  men  nor  Indians.  The  arts  they  have  learned  are  in 
compatible  with  the  chase,  and  ill  adapted  to  our  customs. 
They  have  been  taught  that  which  is  useless  to  us.  They  have 
been  made  to  feel  artificial  wants,  which  never  entered  the 
minds  of  their  brothers.  They  have  imbibed,  in  your  great 
towns,  the  seeds  of  vices  which  were  unknown  in  the  forest. 
They  become  discouraged  and  dissipated, — despised  by  the 
Indians,  neglected  by  the  whites,  and  without  value  to  either, — 
less  honest  than  the  former,  and  perhaps  more  knavish  than 
the  latter. 

"BROTHER: — We  were  told  that  the  failure  of  these  first 
attempts  was  attributable  to  miscalculation,  and  we  were  in 
vited  to  try  again,  by  sending  others  of  our  young  men  to  dif 
ferent  schools,  to  be  taught  by  different  instructors.  Brother, 
the  result  has  been  invariably  the  same.  We  believe  it  wrong 
for  you  to  attempt  further  to  promote  your  religion  among  us, 
or  to  introduce  your  arts,  manners,  habits,  and  feelings.  We 

*  The  precise  time  when  this  speech  was  delivered,  or  the  particular  occasion 
that  called  it  forth,  is  not  known.  The  manuscript,  from  the  interpretation  of  the 
old  Indian  linguist,  Captain  Parish,  was  obtained  by  Judge  Moulton,  from  the  late 
Dr.  Cyrenus  Chapin,  of  Buffalo. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  207 

believe  that  it  is  wrong  for  us  to  encourage  you  in  so  doing. 
We  believe  that  the  Great  Spirit  made  the  whites  and  the  In 
dians,  but  for  different  purposes.* 

"  BROTHER  : — In  attempting  to  pattern  your  example,  the 
Great  Spirit  is  angry, — for  you  see  he  does  not  bless  or  crown 
your  exertions." 

Here,  according  to  the  manuscript,  Red-Jacket  painted 
in  the  most  glowing  and  descriptive  colors  the  curse  that 
seemed  to  have  descended  upon  all  those  Indians  who 
had  been  made  the  objects  of  pious  but  mistaken  mis 
sions, — how  imbecile,  poor,  effeminate,  contemptible, 
drunken,  lying,  thieving,  cheating,  malicious,  meddle 
some,  backbiting,  quarrelsome,  degraded  and  despised, 
the  poor  victims  of  civilized  instruction  had  become, — 
having  lost  all  the  noble  qualities  of  the  savage,  and 
acquired  all  the  ignoble  vices  of  the  whites, — without  one 
solitary  exception  where  the  Indian  had  been  bettered. 
He  then  proceeded : — 

"  But,  BROTHER,  on  the  other  hand  we  know  that  the  Great 
Spirit  is  pleased  that  we  follow  the  traditions  and  customs  of 
our  forefathers, — for  in  so  doing  we  receive  his  blessing, — we 
have  received  strength  and  vigor  for  the  chase.  The  Great 
Spirit  has  provided  abundance, — when  we  are  hungry  we  find 
the  forest  filled  with  game, — when  thirsty,  we  slake  our  thirst 
at  the  pure  streams  and  springs  that  spread  around  us. 
When  weary,  the  leaves  of  the  trees  are  our  bed, — we  retire 
with  contentment  to  rest, — we  rise  with  gratitude  to  the  Great 
Preserver.  Renovated  strength  in  our  limbs,  and  bounding 
joy  in  our  hearts,  we  feel  blessed  and  happy.  No  luxuries,  no 
vices,  no  disputed  titles,  no  avaricious  desires,  shake  the  foun- 

*  According  to  a  parenthetical  note  in  the  manuscript,  Red-Jacket  here  went 
into  a  train  of  reasoning  from  analogy. 


208  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

dations  of  our  society,  or  disturb  our  peace  and  happiness. 
"We  know  the  Great  Spirit  is  better  pleased  with  his  red  chil 
dren,  than  with  his  white,  when  he  bestows  upon  us  a  hun 
dred  fold  more  blessings  than  upon  you. 

"  Perhaps,  BROTHER,  you  are  right  in  your  religion : — it 
may  be  peculiarly  adapted  to  your  condition.  You  say  that 
you  destroyed  the  Son  of  the  Great  Spirit.  Perhaps  this 
is  the  merited  cause  of  all  your  troubles  and  misfortunes.  But, 
Brothers,  bear  in  mind  that  we  had  no  participation  in  this 
murder.  We  disclaim  it, — we  love  the  Great  Spirit, —  and  as 
we  never  had  any  agency  in  so  unjust,  so  merciless  an  outrage, 
he  therefore  continues  to  smile  upon  us,  and  to  give  us  peace, 
joy  and  plenty. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  pity  you, — we  wish  you  to  bear  to  our 
good  friends  our  best  wishes.  Inform  them  that  in  compassion 
toward  them,  we  are  willing  to  send  them  missionaries  to 
teach  them  our  religion,  habits  and  customs.  We  would  be 
willing  they  should  be  as  happy  as  we  are,  and  assure  them 
that  if  they  should  follow  our  example,  they  would  be  more, 
far  more  happy  than  they  are  now.  We  cannot  embrace  your 
religion.  It  renders  us  divided  and  unhappy, — but  by  your 
embracing  ours,  we  believe  that  you  would  be  more  happy  and 
more  acceptable  to  the  Great  Spirit.  Here,  (pointing  his  fin 
ger  to  several  whites  present  who  had  been  captured  when 
children,  and  been  brought  up  among  them,)  here,  Brother, 
(with  an  animation  and  exulting  triumph  which  cannot  be  de 
scribed,)  here  is  the  living  evidence  before  you.  Those  young 
men  have  been  brought  up  with  us.  They  are  contented  and 
happy.  Nothing  would  be  an  inducement  with  them  to  aban 
don  their  enjoyments  and  adopt  yours, — for  they  are  too  well 
aware  of  the  blessings  of  our  society,  and  the  evils  of  yours. 
But  as  you  have  our  good  will,  we  would  gladly  know  that 
you  have  relinquished  your  religion,  productive  of  so  much 
disagreement  and  inquietude  among  yourselves,  and  instead 
thereof  that  you  should  follow  ours. 

"  Accept  of  this  advice,  BROTHER,  and  take  it  back  to  your 


OF  RED-JACKET.  209 

friends,  as  the  best  pledge  of  our  wishes  for  your  welfare. 
Perhaps  you  think  we  are  ignorant  and  uninformed.  Go,  then, 
and  teach  the  whites.  Select,  for  example,  the  people  of  Buf 
falo.  We  will  be  spectators,  and  remain  silent.  Improve 
their  morals  and  refine  their  habits, — make  them  less  disposed 
to  cheat  Indians.  Make  the  whites  generally  less  inclined  to 
make  Indians  drunk,  and  to  take  from  them  their  lands.  Let 
us  know  the  tree  by  the  blossoms,  and  the  blossoms  by  the 
fruit.  When  this  shall  be  made  clear  to  our  minds  we  may 
be  more  willing  to  listen  to  you.  But  until  then  we  must  be 
allowed  to  follow  the  religion  of  our  ancestors. 
"  BROTHER  : — Farewell !" 

A  bitter  satire  !  Humanity  weeps  that  the  conduct 
of  civilized  men  puts  arguments  like  these  into  the 
mouths  of  the  heathen,  against  their  own  best  good. 
It  is  a  striking  coincidence  tbat  the  Iroquois  Indians 
were  first  unhappily  made  acquainted  with  their  two 
greatest  enemies,  RUM  and  GUNPOWDER,  by  tbe  rival 
discoverers,  Hudson  and  Champlain,  during  the  same 
week  of  the  same  year,  1609.  While  Henry  Hudson 
was  cautiously  feeling  his  way,  as  he  supposed,  into 
the  northern  ocean,  through  the  channel  of  the  river 
which  bears  his  name,  Champlain  was  accompanying  a 
war-party  of  the  Hurons  against  the  Iroquois,  upon  tbe 
lake  receiving  its  name  from  him.  Hudson  discovered  a 
company  of  the  Iroquois  upon  tbe  bank  of  the  river,  whom 
he  regaled  with  rum.  Champlain  discovered  a  body  of 
Iroquois  warriors  upon  the  coast  of  the  lake,  near  the  spot 
afterward  selected  for  tbe  site  of  Ticonderoga,  and 
there  first  taught  them  the  fatal  power  of  gunpowder. 
The  tradition  of  the  savages,  as  to  their  first  knowledge 

27 


210  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

of  the  former,  is  substantially  this  :  Many  years  ago, 
before  a  white  skin  had  ever  been  seen,  some  of  their 
people  who  were  fishing  where  the  sea  widens,  descried 
a  huge  object,  with  white  wings,  moving  up  the  water. 
They  hurried  ashore,  and  called  their  friends  to  view 
the  phenomenon.  None  of  them  could  divine  what  it 
was.  Some  of  them  supposed  it  must  be  a  huge  fish, 
and  others  a  monster  of  another  sort.  Onward  it 
came,  growing  larger  as  it  approached.  The  natives 
were  terrified,  and  despatched  runners  in  all  directions 
to  collect  their  warriors.  By  and  by  living  objects 
were  seen  moving  upon  the  back  of  the  monster.  As  it 
came  nearer,  they  saw  that  it  was  a  floating  house  or 
castle,  and  that  the  living  objects  on  board  had  the 
figures  of  men,  but  clothed  in  a  very  different  manner 
from  themselves.  One  of  them  was  in  red.  They 
now  concluded  that  it  was  the  Manitto,  or  Great  Spirit, 
coming  to  make  them  a  visit.  Their  sensations  were, 
therefore,  changed  from  fear  to  adoration.  Instantly 
they  set  themselves  at  the  work  of  preparation  to  re 
ceive  their  celestial  visiter  with  divine  honors.  The 
men  prepared  a  sacrifice,  and  the  women  a  feast. 
They  had  no  apprehension  that  the  Manitto  was  coming 
to  them  in  anger,  for  they  worshipped  him  in  sincerity. 
They  descried  from  the  distance  various  animals  in 
their  Manitto's  water-pavilion,  and  thought  that  perhaps 
he  was  coming  to  bring  them  some  new  species  of 
game.  While  the  preparations  for  the  festival  were  in 
progress,  the  house  upon  the  water  stopped.  The  medi 
cine-men  were  busy  with  their  charms,  to  divine  the 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

import  of  the  extraordinary  visitation,  and  the  women 
and  children  looked  on  with  awe.  At  length  a  voice 
sounded  from  the  vessel,  speaking  words  in  a  language 
they  could  not  understand.  They  replied  by  a  shout 
peculiarly  their  own.  A  small  canoe  then  left  the  large 
vessel  with  several  persons  therein,  one  of  whom  was 
the  being  in  red.  It  was  certainly  the  Manitto !  The 
sachems  and  warriors  formed  a  circle  to  receive  him 
with  solemn  respect.  As  the  canoe  touched  the  land, 
the  figure  in  red,  with  two  attendants,  stepped  on  shore, 
and  approached  them  with  a  friendly  countenance. 
The  figure  in  red  saluted  them  with  a  smile,  and  they 
returned  his  salute.  A  passage  was  opened  for  him 
into  the  circle,  and  his  gorgeous  red  dress,  and  orna 
ments  glittering  in  the  bright  sun,  were  viewed 
with  delight.  Surely  it  must  be  the  Manitto.  But 
why  should  he  have  a  white  skin  ?  The  thought 
was  perplexing ;  but  he  was,  nevertheless,  regarded 
with  mingled  feelings  of  amazement  and  adoration. 
After  friendly  salutations  had  been  interchanged,  the 
Manitto  beckoned  to  one  of  his  attendants  at  the  canoe, 
who  brought  him  a  lockhack,*  clear  as  the  new  ice  upon 
the  surface  of  a  lake.  He  also  had  a  little  cup  which 
was  also  transparent.  The  Manitto  then  poured  a 
liquid  from  the  bockhack  into  the  cup,  which  he  drank. 
Then  filling  the  cup  again,  he  handed  it  to  the  chief 
standing  near  him.  The  chief  smelled  it,  and  passed  it 
to  the  next,  who  did  the  same,  and  in  this  manner  it 

*  A  gourd.     The  reference  is  to  a  glass  decanter. 


212  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

went  round  the  circle,  without  the  liquid  having  been 
tasted  by  either.  As  the  last  man  of  the  circle  was  about 
returning  the  cup  to  the  Manitto,  the  first  chief  inter 
posed  and  arrested  the  movement.  The  cup,  he  said* 
had  been  given  to  them  to  drink,  as  the  giver  had  done 
himself,  and  it  would  be  offending  their  Great  Benefactor 
to  return  it  to  him  untasted.  To  drink  it  would  please 
him, — to  refuse  might  provoke  his  wrath.  Be  the  con 
sequences,  therefore,  what  they  might,  he  would  drink 
the  cup.  It  would  be  better  for  him  to  encounter  even 
a  poisoned  draught,  than  for  the  Great  Spirit  to  become 
angry  with  their  whole  nation.  Saying  which,  the 
patriotic  chief  bade  his  people  adieu,  and  quaffed  the 
cup  to  its  bottom.  All  eyes  were  now  directed  to  the 
chief  in  watching  the  effects.  There  was  no  sudden 
change  ;  but  no  long  time  had  elapsed  before  his  joints 
became  relaxed, — his  movements  grew  flexible,  and  ere 
long  his  limbs  refused  to  perform  their  office.  His  eyes 
closed  lustreless,  and  he  rolled  heavy  and  helpless  upon 
the  ground.  The  dusky  group  stood  around  him  in 
solemn  thought,  and  the  wailings  of  the  women  rose 
upon  the  gale.  He  became  motionless,  and  they  sup 
posed  him  dead.  But  perceiving  afterward,  from  the 
heaving  of  his  chest,  that  he  yet  breathed,  their  grief 
was  abated,  and  they  watched  anxiously  the  result, — 
not  daring,  of  course,  to  breathe  a  murmur  against  the 
Great  Spirit,  whatever  that  result  might  be.  After  a 
long  time,  their  chief  began  to  revive.  He  rose  upon 
his  seat,  rubbed  his  eyes,  and  at  length  sprang  joyously 
upon  his  feet.  He  declared  that  he  had  experienced 


OF  RED-JACKET.  213 

the  most  delightful  sensations  while  in  the  trance.  He 
had  seen  visions,  and  had  never  been  more  happy.  He 
requested  another  draught ;  and  encouraged  by  his  ex 
ample,  the  liquor  was  poured  out  for  them  all.  They 
all  partook  of  the  ravishing  cup, — -and  all  became  in 
toxicated.* 

Fatal  indeed  was  that  cup  !  From  the  hour  when  they 
first  tasted  the  maddening  poison  to  the  present,  their  thirst 
for  it  has  not  abated.  In  vain  have  their  best  advisers 
and  teachers  admonished  them  against  it.  In  vain  have 
humane  legislatures  endeavored  to  prohibit  its  introduc 
tion  among  them.  In  vain  have  their  own  Councils, 
when  sober,  passed  decrees  against  it.  And  equally 
vain  have  been  the  most  eloquent  and  pathetic  appeals 
of  their  women  against  it; — whenever  and  wherever 
they  can  lay  their  hands  upon  the  fire-water,  they  are 
sure  to  drink  it.  Two  hundred  years  ago,  the  clergy, 
and  all  good  men,  deplored  the  evil  as  deeply  as  their 
successors  do  at  this  day.  With  equal  vehemence  did 
they  then,  as  now,  inveigh  against  the  conduct  of  the 
white  men,  who,  knowing  their  infirmity,  supply  them 
with  the  poison.  "  Those,"  says  Charlevoix,  writing  in 
1721,  "  who  perhaps  have  greatest  reason  to  reproach 
themselves  with  the  horrors  of  Indian  intoxication,  are 
the  first  to  ask  whether  they  are  Christians.  One  might 
answer  them,  yes,  they  are  Christians,  and  new  con 
verts,  knowing  not  what  they  do ;  but  those  who,  in  cold 
blood,  and  with  a  perfect  knowledge  of  what  they  are 

*  MS.  in  the  New-York  Historical  Society.  Heckewelder,  vol.  i.  Phila 
delphia  Philosophical  Transactions. 


214  £!FE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

about,  reduce,  from  sordid  motives  of  avarice,  these 
simple  people  to  this  condition,  can  they  be  imagined  to 
have  any  religion  at  all  ?  We  certainly  know  that  an 
Indian  will  give  all  he  is  worth  for  one  glass  of  brandy. 
This  is  strong  temptation  to  dealers,  against  which 
neither  the  exclamations  of  their  pastors,  nor  the  zeal 
and  authority  of  the  magistrate,  nor  respect  for  the 
laws,  nor  the  severity  of  divine  justice,  nor  the  dread  of 
the  judgments  of  the  Almighty,  nor  the  thoughts  of  a 
hell  hereafter,  of  which  these  barbarians  exhibit  a  very 
striking  picture,  have  been  able  to  avail."* 

*  Charlevoix — Voyage  to  North  America.     Letter  viii. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

MOVEMENTS  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet,  Elskawatwa,  among  the  western  na 
tions — The  young  Senecas  eager  to  join  them — The  government  of  the  United 
States  admonished  by  Red-Jacket — His  speech  to  the  Secretary  of  War — 
Battle  of  Tippecanoe — Conduct  of  the  Prophet — War  of  1812  with  England — 
Council  of  the  Six  Nations  at  Buffalo — Speech  of  Granger,  the  agent — Red- 
Jacket's  reply — Senecas  declare  themselves  neutral — Active  hostilities— The 
Senecas  declare  war— General  Alexander  Smyth — General  Lewis  invites  the 
Senecas  to  join  him — Their  arrival  at  Fort  Niagara — Murder  of  Lieutenant 
Eldridge— Invasion  of  Black  Rock  by  the  enemy  under  Colonel  Bishop — Re 
pulsed  by  General  Porter's  volunteers  and  Indians — Death  of  Colonel  Bishop — 
Smart  affair  of  the  Indians  and  volunteers  near  Fort  George. 

THE  reader  will  probably  be  surprised  to  discover 
the  name  of  Red-Jacket  in  connexion  with  the  Indian 
war  between  the  United  States  and  the  Shawanese,  and 
other  powerful  tribes  of  the  West,  under  the  celebrated 
Tecumseh,  in  the  year  1811.  Like  the  great  Pomatecom, 
the  Wampanoag,*  of  the  eastern  Indians,  and  Pontiac 
the  Ottawa,  and  Brant  the  Mohawk,  Tecumseh,  with  the 
aid  of  his  brother,  Elskawatwa,t  had  for  years  been 
laboring  to  form  a  vast  league  of  the  western  and  south- 

*  Philip  of  Pokanoket,  commonly  called  King  Philip. 

t  This  name,  according  to  Schoolcraft,  signifies  "  A-Jire-that-moves-from-ptace- 
to-place."  The  orthography  of  Elskawatwa's  name  has  been  variously  changed 
by  recent  writers.  Cushing,  in  his  Life  of  Harrison,  writes  it  Ol-li-wa-chi-ca, 
upon  what  authority  I  know  not.  In  the  absence  of  a  reason  for  the  change,  the 
primitive  name  is  preferred. 


216  I-IFE  AND  TIMES 

western  Indians,  in  the  vain  expectation  that  they  might 
be  able  to  arrest  the  farther  advances  of  the  white  popu 
lation.  Those  Indians  were  then,  as  they  ever  had 
been  since  the  conquest  of  Canada  from  the  French, 
more  under  the  influence  of  the  British  officers  in  the 
north-west,  and  of  the  British  Fur  Companies  and  tra 
ders,  than  under  that  of  the  Americans.  Notwithstanding 
all  the  friendly  advances  of  the  Americans  toward  them, 
prior  and  subsequent  to  the  war  of  1789 — 1795,  ended 
by  General  Wayne  at  the  battle  of  the  Miamis  and  the 
treaty  of  Greenville, — their  attachment  to  England  was 
much  stronger  than  to  the  United  States,  and  the  move 
ments  of  Tecumseh  were  evidently  not  looked  upon  with 
an  unfavorable  eye  by  the  British  provincial  authorities 
in  the  remote  interior,  inasmuch  as  the  relations  between 
the  United  States  and  Great  Britain  were  at  that  time 
critical,  and  evidently  verging  toward  a  war.  The 
Prophet  had  begun  to  collect  his  warriors  as  early  as 
1808,  and  in  1810  Tecumseh  assumed  a  semi-hostile 
attitude  toward  General  Harrison,  in  a  council  held  at 
Vincennes.  The  elements  of  the  succeeding  storm 
thenceforward  gathered  rapidly  ;  and  although  the  Uni 
ted  States  had  vastly  increased  in  numbers  and  strength 
since  the  Indians  were  overwhelmed  at  the  Miamis,  yet 
the  white  settlements  immediately  upon  the  borders 
were  in  as  great  peril  as  were  the  borderers  twenty 
years  before.  For  many  months,  therefore,  during  these 
movements  of  Tecumseh  and  his  brother,  the  homes  of 
the  frontier  settlers  were  those  of  peril.  They  were  in 
daily  apprehension  that  their  paths  would  be  ambushed. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  217 

At  every  rustling  leaf  the  mother  pressed  her  infant 
more  closely  to  her  bosom.  The  yells  of  savage  ven 
geance  and  the  shrieks  of  torture  seemed  again  in 
fancy  to  sigh  upon  the  west  winds,  and  mingle  with 
every  echo  from  the  mountains.  Families  retired  to 
rest,  not  knowing  but  that  the  war-whoop  should  wake 
the  sleep  of  the  cradle,  or  that  the  darkness  of  mid 
night  might  not  glitter  with  the  blaze  of  their  own  dwel 
lings.* 

It  has  been  seen  in  the  glances  heretofore  given  of 
the  former  Indian  wars,  ended  by  General  Wayne,  that 
notwithstanding  the  friendship  of  most  of  the  Seneca 
chiefs  for  the  United  States,  many  of  their  warriors, 
especially  their  young  men,  would  steal  away  and  join 
themselves  to  the  forces  of  the  Little  Turtle  and  his 
allies ;  and  although  sixteen  years  of  peace  had  inter 
vened  since  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  and  the  Senecas 
had  been  living  in  close  proximity,  and  upon  cordial 
terms,  with  the  white  settlers  of  New- York,  by  whom  they 
were  now  completely  surrounded,  yet  no  sooner  did 
they  scent  blood  upon  the  western  gales  than  numbers 
of  their  warriors  again  stole  away  and  joined  themselves 
to  the  forces  of  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet.f  The  fact 
of  this  intercommunication  between  the  Senecas  and  the 
warriors  of  Tecumseh  could  not  of  course  be  kept  from 
the  knowledge  of  the  chiefs  of  the  former,  and  it  is  due 
to  Red-Jacket  to  place  the  fact  upon  record,  that  he  was 

*  Speech  of  Fisher  Ames  on  the  British  Treaty. 

t  MS.  Letter  of  George  Hosmer  to  Henry  O'Reilly,  Esq.,  author  of  History  of 
Rochester. 

28 


218  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

true  to  the  United  States  in  regard  to  those  transactions, 
and  that  as  early  as  1809  he  gave  information  to  the  In 
dian  Agent  of  the  gatherings  of  the  western  tribes,  and 
the  organization  of  another  extensive  league,  for  the 
avowed  purpose,  in  their  own  councils,  of  war.  Very 
early  in  the  year  1810,  Red-Jacket  visited  the  city  of 
Washington  at  the  head  of  a  delegation  of  his  people, 
attended  by  Erastus  Granger  the  Agent,  and  Captain 
Parish  the  interpreter.  During  this  visit,  viz.,  on  the 
13th  of  February,  Red-Jacket  delivered  a  speech  to  the 
Secretary  at  War,  of  which  the  following  passage  has 
been  preserved  in  the  archives  of  the  Department : — 

"  BROTHER  : — At  the  time  we  were  making  bright  the  chain 
of  friendship  at  Canandaigua,  the  commissioner  on  your  part 
told  us  that  the  time  might  come  when  your  enemies  would 
endeavor  to  disturb  our  minds,  and  do  away  the  friendship  we 
had  there  formed  with  you.  That  time,  Brother,  has  already 
arrived.  Since  you  have  had  some  disputes  with  the  British 
government,  their  agents  in  Canada  have  not  only  endeavored 
to  make  the  Indians  at  the  westward  your  enemies,  but  they 
have  sent  a  war-belt  among  our  warriors,  to  poison  their 
minds,  and  make  them  break  their  faith  with  you.  This  belt 
we  exhibited  to  your  agents  in  council,  and  then  sent  it  to  the 
place  whence  it  came,  never  more  to  be  seen  among  us.  At 
the  same  time  we  had  information  that  the  British  had  circu 
lated  war-belts  among  the  western  Indians,  and  within  your 
territory.  We  rested  not,  but  called  a  general  council  of  the 
Six  Nations,  and  resolved  to  let  our  voice  be  heard  among  our 
western  brethren,  and  destroy  the  effects  of  the  poison  scat 
tered  among  them.  We  have  twice  sent  large  deputations  to 
their  council  fire,  for  the  purpose  of  making  their  minds  strong 
in  their  friendship  with  your  nation ;  and,  in  the  event  of  a 
war  between  the  white  people,  to  sit  still  on  their  seats,  and 


OF  RED-JACKET.  219 

take  no  part  on  either  side.  So  far  as  our  voice  has  been 
heard,  they  have  agreed  to  hearken  unto  our  counsel,  and  re 
main  at  peace  with  your  nation. 

"  BROTHER  : — If  a  war  should  take  place,  we  hope  you  will 
inform  us  of  it  through  your  agents,  and  we  will  continue  to 
exert  our  influence  with  all  the  Indians  with  whom  we  are 
acquainted,  that  they  will  sit  still  upon  their  seats,  and  culti 
vate  friendship  with  your  people." 

Of  these  two  councils  to  which  Red-Jacket  referred 
in  this  speech,  they  having  been  probably  composed  ex 
clusively  of  Indians,  no  written  memorials  have  been  pre 
served.  Yet  it  is  stated  that  at  about  that  period 
there  was  held  at  Detroit,  or  in  its  vicinity,  perhaps  the 
largest  Indian  Council  that  had  been  known  in  many 
years,  at  which  were  assembled  deputations  from  all 
the  tribes  and  nations  of  the  upper  lakes,  and  to  which 
the  Senecas  sent  a  strong  representation  with  Red- 
Jacket  at  its  head.  The  first  day  of  the  council  there 
arose  a  question  of  the  right  of  precedence  in  debate, — 
a  point  of  honor  most  tenaciously  regarded.  It  was 
claimed  by  the  Wyandots,  and  supported  by  their 
ablest  chiefs,  to  whom  Red-Jacket  replied,  displaying  a 
knowledge  of  the  history  of  the  several  tribes,  and  pow 
ers  of  oratory,  particularly  of  invective,  which  accord 
ing  to  an  eye-witness,  who  understood  the  language  per 
fectly,  were  truly  wonderful.  At  least  his  speech  was 
so  overpowering  that  no  one  attempted  a  reply,  and 
the  rank  of  the  Senecas  was  yielded  to  them  without 
farther  contention.* 

*  Letter  to  the  author  from  Hon.  Albert  H.  Tracy. 


220  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

This  may  very  likely  have  been  one  of  the  Councils 
to  which  Red- Jacket  referred  in  his  speech  to  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  in  which  the  Seneca  chiefs  endeavored 
to  dissuade  Tecumseh  from  a  farther  prosecution  of  his 
designs.  But  those  pacific  counsels  were  of  no  avail. 
The  storm  of  war  broke  out  in  1811,  but  was  summa 
rily  ended,  for  that  year  at  least,  by  General  William 
Henry  Harrison,  then  Governor  of  Indiana,  at  the  head 
of  a  division  of  United  States  troops,  and  several  corps 
of  western  volunteers,  on  the  bloody  field  of  Tippe- 
canoe.  The  action  was  fierce,  and  many  of  the  noblest 
spirits  of  the  west  fell.  But  the  victory  was  decisive.* 
Tecumseh  was  not  himself  in  this  battle,  having  been 


*  The  battle  of  Tippecanoe  was  fought  on  the  Wabash,  near  the  Prophet' s- 
Town,  on  the  7th  of  November,  1811.  The  forces  of  Governor  Harrison  con 
sisted  of  a  body  of  Kentucky  and  Indiana  militia,  and  the  4th  U.  S.  Regiment, 
under  Colonel  Boyd.  The  straggling  Indians  whom  they  saw  on  the  march 
toward  the  town  had  behaved  in  a  very  threatening  mai.ner, — so  much  so  that 
it  was  the  strong  desire  of  Colonel  Daviess  and  the  officers  generally,  that 
Harrison  should  proceed  and  attack  the  town,  on  the  afternoon  of  the  6th ;  but 
the  Governor's  orders  were  peremptory  not  to  fight,  if  hostilities  could  possibly 
be  avoided,  and  as  he  was  met  near  the  town  by  several  chiefs,  disclaiming  all 
hostile  designs,  and  making  offers  of  peace  and  submission,  the  Governor,  after 
carefully  reconnoitering  the  country,  selected  an  advantageous  position,  and  en 
camped  for  the  night.  At  four  in  the  morning,  just  after  the  Governor  had  risen 
and  dressed,  while  engaged  in  conversation  with  his  military  family,  the  attack 
was  commenced, — the  Indians,  to  the  number  of  from  six  to  eight  hundred,  hav 
ing  crept  stealthily  up  to  his  very  outposts.  The  camp  was  furiously  assailed  on 
all  sides,  and  a  bloody  and  doubtful  contest  ensued.  It  was  not  until  after  sun 
rise  that  the  Indians  were  finally  repulsed,  with  the  loss,  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans,  of  sixty-two  killed  and  one  hundred  and  thirty-six  wounded,  and  a 
still  greater  loss  on  the  side  of  the  Indians.  Colonel  Daviess,  a  distinguished 
lawyer,  a  volunteer  from  Kentucky,  Colonel  White,  and  several  other  valuable 
officers,  fell  on  this  occasion.  Governor  Harrison,  having  destroyed  the  Pro 
phet' s-town,  and  thrown  up  some  fortifications,  returned  to  Vincennes. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  221 

absent  on  a  visit  to  the  Creeks,  whom  he  was  endeavoring 
to  persuade  to  take  up  the  hatchet.  The  Indians  were  com 
manded  by  White-Loon,  Stone-Eater,  and  Winemac,  a 
Potawatamie  chief  who  had  been  with  General  Harrison 
on  his  march,  and  at  Fort  Harrison,  making  great  profes 
sions  of  friendship.  Their  master-spirit  was  the  Prophet 
himself,  Elskawatwa.  Not  that  he  was  actually  in  the 
battle,  since  "  he  kept  himself  secure  on  an  adjacent 
eminence,  singing  a  war-song.  He  had  told  his  follow 
ers  that  the  Great  Spirit  would  render  the  army  of  the 
Americans  unavailing,  and  that  their  bullets  would  not 
hurt  the  Indians,  who  would  have  light  while  their  ene 
mies  would  be  involved  in  thick  darkness.  Soon  after 
the  battle  commenced  he  was  informed  that  his  braves 
were  falling.  He  told  them  to  fight  on,  assuring  them 
that  it  would  be  as  he  had  predicted,  and  then  began  to 
sing  in  louder  tones."*  Numbers  of  the  young  Seneca 
warriors  were  engaged  in  this  battle. 


*  Dawson's  Life  of  General  William  Henry  Harrison.  The  Prophet  was 
frequently  engaged  in  practicing  incantations  and  infernal  rites  and  conjurations. 
There  is  no  better  method  of  working  upon  the  feelings  of  the  Indians  than  an 
appeal  to  their  superstition.  Tecumseh  and  the  Prophet  had  conceived  the  idea 
of  combining  all  the  Indians  in  a  league,  and  making  war  upon  the  United  States, 
as  early  as  1806.  The  first  account  of  the  pretended  divine  mission  of  the  Pro 
phet  is  contained  in  a  talk  which  was  circulated  widely  among  the  Indian  na 
tions,  in  1807.  This  talk  was  delivered  at  he  entrance  of  Lake  Michigan,  by 
the  Indian  chief  Le  Maiquois,  or  The  Trout,  on  the  4th  of  May,  of  that  year, 
as  coming  from  "  the  first  man  whom  God  created,"  and  was  addressed  to  all 
the  Indian  tribes.  The  following  is  an  extract  from  the  talk  referred  to,  and  is 
a  curiosity : — 

"  I  am  the  father  of  the  English,  of  the  French,  of  the  Spaniards,  and  of  the 
Indians.  I  created  the  first  man,  who  was  the  common  father  of  all  these  peo 
ple,  as  well  as  yourselves  ;  and  it  is  through  him,  whom  I  have  awakened  from 
his  long  sleep,  that  I  now  address  you.  But  the  Americans  I  did  not  make. 


222  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

From  the  evidence  collected  by  the  government  of  the 
United  States  at  the  time,  no  doubt  can  exist  that  Te- 
cumseh  and  his  followers  had  been  moved  to  their  hos 
tile  course  by  the  officers  of  the  British  Indian  Depart 
ment  in  the  upper  lake  country,  and  by  the  British  fur 
traders.  The  relations  between  the  United  States  and 
Great  Britain  had  again  assumed  an  unfriendly  charac 
ter,  threatening  war ;  and  as  in  former  years,  the  agents 
of  the  latter  were  active  in  their  exertions  again  to 
secure  the  Indians  as  their  allies,  in  anticipation  of  a 
rupture.* 

The  act  of  the  Congress  of  the  United  States,  decla 
ring  war  against  England,  was  approved  by  President 
Madison  on  the  18th  of  June,  1812,  and  the  proclama 
tion  of  the  President,  announcing  the  fact  to  the  world, 
was  issued  on  the  19th.  The  news  had  no  sooner 
reached  the  province  of  Upper  Canada,  than  measures 
were  adopted  by  the  officers  of  the  crown  to  induce  the 
Mohawks  and  all  other  Indians,  who  could  be  controlled 
by  their  influence,  to  take  up  the  hatchet.  The  Shawa- 

They  are  not  my  children,  but  the  children  of  the  evil  spirit.  They  grew 
from  the  scum  of  the  great  water,  when  it  was  troubled  by  the  evil  spirit,  and 
the  froth  was  driven  into  the  woods  by  a  strong  east  wind.  They  are  numerous, 
but  I  hate  them.  My  children,  you  must  not  speak  of  this  talk  to  the  whites. 
It  must  be  hidden  from  them.  I  am  now  on  the  earth,  sent  by  the  Great  Spirit 
to  instruct  you.  Each  village  must  send  me  two  or  more  principal  chiefs  to  re 
present  you,  that  you  may  be  taught.  The  bearer  of  this  talk  will  point  out  to 
you  the  path  to  my  wigwam.  I  could  not  come  myself  to  Abre  Croche,  because 
the  world  is  changed  from  what  it  was.  It  is  broken,  and  leans  down,  and  as  it 
declines/the  Chippewas  and  all  beyond  will  fall  off  and  die.  Therefore,  you 
must  come  to  see  me,  and  be  instructed.  Those  villages  which  do  not  listen  to 
this  talk,  and  send  me  two  deputies,  will  be  cut  off  from  the  face  of  the  earth." 

This  great  Manitou,  or  Indian  second  Adam,  was  Elskawatwa. 

*  Vide  American  State  Papers,— Indian  Affairs,  pp.  795—804. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

nese,  and  Miamis,  and  their  confederates,  who  had  been 
so  recently  and  severely  chastised  by  General  Harrison, 
were  of  course  eager  for  the  onslaught.  The  Mohawks, 
moreover,  residing  upon  the  Grand  River,  about  sixty 
miles  from  Niagara,  were  no  less  ready  to  take  part  in 
the  war,  and  their  emissaries  were  early  among  the  Sene- 
cas,  for  the  purpose  of  influencing  them  to  embark  in  the 
contest,  upon  the  same  side.  In  this  effort  they  were 
not  successful,  as  the  Senecas,  and  all  others  of  the  Six 
Nations  remaining  within  the  state  of  New- York,  were 
disposed  to  peace,  save  some  hundreds  of  the  younger 
warriors,  who  seemed  impatient  to  bear  a  part,  though, 
for  once,  not  against  the  United  States.  But  the  older 
chiefs  preferred  repose,  and  they  more  than  once  des 
patched  messengers  of  peace  among  their  brethren  the 
Mohawks,  to  dissuade  them  from  their  bloody  purposes. 
Farthermore  the  American  government,  in  conformity 
with  the  humane  policy  which  had  prompted  a  similar 
course  at  the  beginning  of  the  revolutionary  war,  lost 
not  a  moment  in  its  endeavors  to  prevent  the  Senecas 
and  others  of  the  Six  Nations  residing  in  the  state  of 
New-York,  from  engaging  at  all  in  the  contest.  To  this 
end  a  council  of  those  nations  was  convened  at  Buffalo, 
on  the  6th  and  8th  days  of  July,  by  Mr.  Erastus  Granger, 
the  Indian  Agent,  with  the  view  of  spreading  the  whole 
matter  before  them,  and  consulting  with  their  chiefs  as 
to  the  course  it  would  be  most  wise  to  adopt.  The  pro 
ceedings  of  the  council  were  opened  by  Red-Jacket,  who 
addressed  himself  to  Mr.  Granger  thus : — 


224  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  BROTHER  : — We  are  glad  of  having  an  opportunity  once 
more  of  meeting  you  in  council.  We  thank  the  Great  Spirit 
that  has  again  brought  us  together.  This  is  a  full  meeting. 
All  our  head  men  are  present.  Every  village  is  represented 
in  this  council.  We  are  pleased  to  find  our  interpreter,  Mr. 
Parish,  is  present.  He  has  attended  all  our  councils  since  the 
last  war,  and  is  well  acquainted  with  all  the  treaties  we  have 
made  with  the  United  States.  The  voice  of  war  has  reached 
our  ears,  and  made  our  minds  gloomy.  We  now  wish  you  to 
communicate  to  us  every  thing  which  your  government  has 
charged  you  to  tell  us  concerning  this  war.  We  shall  listen 
with  attention  to  what  you  have  to  say." 

Mr.  Granger  thereupon  addressed  the  council  at 
length,  in  the  following  words  : — 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  Six  NATIONS  : — I  am  happy  to  behold 
so  many  of  you  assembled  together  at  this  time.  I  observe 
that  the  chiefs  of  the  Seneca,  Onondaga,  Cayuga  arid  Tuscarora 
nations,  and  some  of  the  Delawares,  are  present.  The  Mo 
hawks,  who  live  in  Canada,  are  not  represented,  and  the  Onei- 
das,  living  at  a  distance,  could  not  attend. 

"  BROTHERS  : — You  will  now  listen  to  what  I  say  : — 

"  At  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war  the  United  States 
held  a  treaty  with  the  Six  Nations  at  Fort  Stanwix.  They 
restored  to  you  the  country  of  land  which  they  had  conquered 
from  you  and  the  British,  and  set  you  down  once  more  on  your 
old  seats.  Several  treaties  have  since  been  made  with  you ; 
but  that  which  particularly  binds  us  together,  was  made  at 
Canandaigua  about  eighteen  years  since. 

"  The  chain  of  friendship  then  formed  has  been  kept  bright 
until  this  time.  In  this  great  length  of  time  nothing  material 
has  happened  to  disturb  the  peace  and  harmony  subsisting  be 
tween  us.  Any  momentary  interruptions  of  peace  which  have 
taken  place,  have  been  happily  settled  without  injury  to  either 
party.  Our  friendship  has  remained  unbroken. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  225 

"  BROTHERS  : — The  prosperity  and  happiness  of  the  Six  Na 
tions  have  always  been  objects  which  the  United  States  have 
had  in  view. 

"  You  have  enjoyed  with  us  all  the  blessings  which  the 
country  afforded,  consistent  with  your  mode  and  habits  of  liv 
ing.  We  have  grown  up  together  on  this  island.  The  United 
States  are  strong  and  powerful ;  you  are  few  in  numbers  and 
weak ;  but  as  our  friends,  we  consider  you,  and  your  women 
and  children,  under  our  protection. 

"  BROTHERS  : — You  have  heretofore  been  told  that  the  con 
duct  of  Great  Britain  toward  us,  might  eventually  lead  to  war. 
That  event  has  at  length  taken  place.  War  now  exists  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  the  British  nation.  The  injuries 
we  have  received  from  the  British,  have  at  length  forced  us 
into  a  war. 

"  I  will  now  proceed  to  state  to  you  the  reasons  why  we  have 
been  compelled  to  take  up  arms. 

"  For  a  number  of  years  past  the  British  and  French,  who 
live  on  the  other  side  of  the  great  waters,  have  been  at  war 
with  each  other,  shedding  each  other's  blood.  These  nations 
wished  us  to  take  a  part  in  their  war.  France  wanted  us  to 
fight  against  Great  Britain.  Great  Britain  wanted  us  to  join 
against  France.  But  the  United  States  did  not  wish  to  take  any 
part  in  their  quarrels.  Our  object  was  to  live  in  peace,  and 
trade  with  both  nations.  Notwithstanding  our  endeavors  to 
maintain  friendship  with  them,  both  France  and  Great  Britain 
have  broken  their  treaties  with  us.  They  have  taken  our  ves 
sels  and  property,  and  refused  to  restore  them  or  make  com 
pensation  for  the  losses  we  sustained. 

"  But  the  British  have  done  us  the  greatest  injury.  They 
have  taken  out  of  our  vessels  at  least  six  thousand  of  our  own 
people,  put  them  on  board  their  ships  of  war,  and  compelled 
them  to  fight  their  battles.  In  this  situation  our  friends  and 
connexions  are  confined,  obliged  to  fight  for  the  British. 

"  BROTHERS  : — If  you  consider  the  situation  in  which  we 
are  placed,  you  cannot  blame  us  for  going  to  war.  I  will  ask 

29 


226  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

you  a  question.  Suppose  that  the  Mohawk  Nation,  who  live 
in  Canada,  were  at  war  with  a  nation  of  Indians  at  the  west 
ward.  Both  these  nations  being  your  friends,  you  were  de 
termined  to  take  no  part  in  their  disputes,  but  to  be  at  peace 
with  both, — to  visit  them,  and  trade  with  them  as  usual.  In 
consequence  of  this  determination,  you  should  send  messen 
gers  with  speeches  to  inform  them  of  the  system  you  had 
adopted.  But  the  Mohawks  not  satisfied  in  seeing  you  in 
prosperity,  enjoying  the  blessings  of  peace,  visiting  and  trading 
with  their  enemy, — determine  to  make  you  feel  the  evils  of 
war,  unless  you  agree  to  give  up  all  intercourse  with  those 
they  are  at  war  with.  This  you  cannot  consent  to  :  you  want 
the  privilege  of  selling  your  furs  and  skins  where  you  can  find 
the  best  market.  The  Mohawks  still  continue  to  flatter  you, — 
say  they  are  your  friends, — put  on  smiling  faces  and  speak 
good  words.  But  in  the  mean  time,  while  professing  friend 
ship  toward  you,  they  fall  upon  your  hunting  and  trading  par 
ties,  as  they  travel  back  and  forth, — strip  them  of  their  pro 
perty, — leave  them  naked  in  the  world,  and  refuse  to  make 
satisfaction.  Not  only  this,  but  they  come  near  your  villages, 
and  there  murder  your  people, — others  they  take,  when  found 
from  home,  bind  them  fast  and  compel  them  to  go  and  fight 
their  battles. 

"  BROTHERS  : — Could  you  for  a  moment  submit  to  such 
treatment  1  Would  you  not  all  as  one  rise  from  your  seats,  and 
let  the  enemy  feel  your  vengeance  1  If  you  are  warriors,  if 
you  are  brave  men,  you  certainly  would.  What  I  have  stated 
is  exactly  our  case.  The  British  have  done  us  all  these  in 
juries,  and  still  continue  to  do  us  wrong  without  a  cause.  The 
United  States  have  risen  from  their  seats, — they  have  raised 
their  strong  arm,  and  will  cause  it  to  be  felt. 

"  BROTHERS  : — I  feel  it  my  duty  at  this  present  time,  to 
point  out  to  you  the  straight  path  in  which  you  ought  to  walk. 
You  well  recollect  the  advice  given  you  by  the  people  of  the 
United  States,  at  the  commencement  of  the  revolutionary  war 
against  Great  Britain.  You  were  then  requested  to  stay  at 


OF  RED-JACKET.  227 

home, — to  sit  upon  your  seats  at  your  own  council  fires,  and 
to  take  no  part  in  the  war. 

"  It  would  have  been  happy  for  you  had  you  followed  this 
good  advice.  But  the  presents  and  fair  speeches  of  the  British 
poisoned  your  minds.  You  took  up  the  hatchet  against  us, 
and  became  our  enemies.  At  the  close  of  the  war  with 
Britain,  (the  event  you  well  know,)  the  United  States  had  it 
in  their  power  to  cut  you  off  as  a  people,  but  they  took  pity  on 
you,  and  let  you  return  to  your  former  seats. 

"  Your  great  father,  the  President  of  the  seventeen  fires, 
now  gives  his  red  children  the  same  advice  that  was  given  you 
at  the  beginning  of  the  last  war  :  that  is —  That  you  take  no 
part  in  the  quarrels  of  the  white  people.  He  stands  in  no  need 
of  your  assistance.  His  warriors  are  numerous,  like  the  sand 
on  the  shores  of  the  great  lakes,  which  cannot  be  counted. 
He  is  able  to  fight  his  own  battles,  and  requests  you  to  stay  at 
home,  cultivate  your  fields  and  take  care  of  your  property. 
If  you  have  any  regard  for  your  women  and  children, — if  you 
have  any  respect  for  the  country  in  whose  soil  repose  the 
bones  of  your  fathers, — you  will  listen  to  his  advice,  and  keep 
bright  the  chain  of  friendship  between  us. 

"  You  have  been  invited  to  join  the  British  in  this  war. 
Reflect  for  a  moment  on  the  consequence  of  complying  with 
their  request.  You  will  lose  your  property  in  the  United 
States.  We  shall  soon  take  possession  of  Canada.  They 
will  have  no  land  to  sit  you  down  upon.  You  will  have  no 
thing  to  expect  from  our  mercy.  You  will  deservedly,  as  a 
people,  be  cut  off  from  the  face  of  the  earth. 

"  The  late  delegation  which  you  sent  to  Canada,  was  told 
that  they  ought  not  to  put  any  confidence  in  the  United 
States, — that  if  you  did  we  should  deceive  you, — that  the  Uni 
ted  States  kept  no  promises  made  to  Indians. 

"  BROTHERS  : — I  now  ask,  in  what  have  the  United  States 
deceived  you  1  Have  they  not  punctually  paid  your  annuities 
as  they  became  due  1  Have  not  the  Senecas  received  annually 
the  interest  of  their  money  in  the  public  funds  ?  Has  not  the 


22S  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

state  of  New- York  honestly  fulfilled  her  engagements  with  the 
Oneidas,  Onondagas  and  Cayugas  ?  Have  not  the  Tuscaroras 
been  assisted  in  the  sale  of  their  property  in  North  Carolina, 
and  in  obtaining  a  pleasant  seat,  purchased  of  the  Holland 
Land  Company  ?  I  again  ask,  have  not  the  United  States  ob 
served  good  faith  toward  you  !  Have  they  deceived  you  in 
any  one  thing  ?  I  answer,  they  have  not. 

"  Knowing,  as  you  do,  that  we  are  your  friends,  will  you 
act  like  children,  and  suffer  yourselves  to  be  imposed  upon  at 
this  time  by  our  enemies  1 

"  BROTHERS  : — It  was  our  wish  that  the  Six  Nations  should 
all  be  agreed  as  one  man,  but  the  Mohawks  and  some  few 
others  living  on  the  British  side,  have  been  so  foolish  as  to 
declare  in  favor  of  war.  The  good  advice  you  lately  gave 
them,  has  not  been  attended  to.  They  are  now  at  Newark  in 
arms  against  the  United  States.  I  am  sorry  they  have  not  lis 
tened  to  good  counsel.  You,  however,  have  done  your  duty, 
and  you  are  not  to  blame  for  their  folly.  They  will  soon  find 
they  have  done  wrong,  and  must  suffer  the  consequence. 
"  BROTHERS  : — Continue  to  listen. 

"  You  have  been  frequently  told,  that  in  case  we  went  to 
war  we  did  not  want  your  assistance.  The  same  thing  has 
this  day  been  repeated.  But  I  find  some  of  your  young  men 
are  restless  and  uneasy.  They  wish  to  be  with  our  warriors, 
and  I  am  sensible  the  chiefs  have  not  power  to  control  them. 
As  I  observed  before,  we  want  not  their  aid,  but  we  believe  it 
better  for  them  to  be  our  friends  than  our  enemies. 

"  If  they  will  not  be  contented  to  stay  at  home,  but  must 
see  something  of  a  war,  perhaps  150  or  200  will  be  permitted 
to  stand  by  the  side  of  our  warriors,  and  receive  the  same  pay 
and  provisions  which  our  soldiers  receive. 

"  If  they  should  be  permitted  to  join  our  troops,  they  must 
conform  to  our  regulations.  Your  mode  of  carrying  on  a  war 
is  different  from  ours.  We  never  attack  and  make  war  upon 
women  and  children,  nor  on  those  who  are  peaceably  inclined 
and  have  nothing  to  defend  themselves  with.  Such  conduct 
we  consider  as  cowardly,  and  not  becoming  a  warrior. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

"  BROTHERS  : — If  you  have  not  sufficient  time  this  evening 
to  deliberate  on  what  I  have  said,  I  will  meet  you  to-morrow, 
or  next  day,  and  receive  your  answer." 

The  Agent  of  the  United  States  having  concluded  his 
speech,  the  council  was  adjourned  until  the  28th,  when 
Red- Jacket  delivered  the  following  reply : — 

"  BROTHER  : — We  are  now  prepared  to  give  an  answer  to 
the  speech  you  delivered  to  us  in  council  the  other  day.  We 
are  happy  to  find  so  many  of  the  white  people  present.  We 
are  not  accustomed  to  transact  important  business  in  the  DARK  ! 
We  are  willing  that  the  light  should  shine  upon  whatever  we 
do.  When  we  speak,  we  do  it  with  sincerity,  and  in  a  man 
ner  that  cannot  be  misunderstood. 

"  You  have  been  appointed  by  the  United  States  an  Agent 
for  the  Six  Nations.  We  have  been  requested  to  make  you 
acquainted  with  the  sentiments  of  those  nations  we  represent. 
None  of  the  Mohawks  or  Oneidas,  it  is  well  known,  are  pre 
sent.  The  number  of  treaties  that  have  passed  between  the 
Six  Nations  and  the  United  States,  appears  to  be  fresh  in 
your  memory.  We  shall  only  mention  to  you  some  things 
that  were  agreed  upon  in  the  treaty  made  at  Canandaigua. 

"  We  were  a  long  time  in  forming  that  treaty,  but  we  at 
length  made  up  our  minds  and  spoke  freely.  Mr.  Pickering, 
who  was  then  agent  for  the  United  States,  declared  to  us  that 
no  breach  should  ever  be  made  in  that  treaty.  We  replied 
to  him,  if  it  should  ever  be  broken,  you  will  be  the  first  to  do 
it.  We  are  weak.  You  are  strong.  You  are  a  great  people. 
You  can,  if  you  are  so  disposed,  place  yourselves  under  it  and 
overturn  it, — or,  by  getting  upon  it,  you  can  crush  it  with  your 
weight !  Mr.  Pickering  again  declared,  that  this  treaty  would 
ever  remain  firm  and  unshaken,  that  it  would  be  as  durable  as 
the  largest  rock  to  be  found  in  our  country. 

"  This  treaty  was  afterward  shown  to  General  Washington. 
He  said  that  he  was  satisfied  and  pleased  with  what  the  agent 


230  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

had  done.  He  told  us  that  no  treaty  could  be  formed  that 
would  be  more  binding.  He  then  presented  us  with  a  chain, 
which  he  assured  us  would  never  rust,  but  always  remain  bright. 
Upon  this  belt  of  wampum,*  he  placed  a  silver  seal.t  This 
belt  we  always  have  and  always  wish  to  look  upon  as  sacred. 
"  In  the  treaty,  it  was  agreed  that  the  Six  Nations  should 
receive  a  small  annuity,  to  show  the  intention  of  the  United 
States  to  continue  friendly  with  them.  This  has  been  com 
plied  with.  It  was  also  agreed  that  if  any  injury  or  damage 
should  be  done  on  either  side,  satisfaction  should  be  made  to 
the  party  injured.  We  were  a  long  time  in  conference  be 
fore  we  could  make  up  our  minds  upon  one  article  of  the 
treaty, — what  punishment  should  be  inflicted  for  the  crime  of 
murder  *?  Mr.  Pickering  said  it  should  be  hanging.  We  told 
him  that  would  never  do  :  that  if  a  white  man  killed  an  Indian, 
the  Indians  would  not  be  permitted  to  hang  the  white  man, — 
the  sacrifice  would  be  considered  too  great  for  killing  an  In 
dian  !  We  at  length  agreed  that  conciliatory  measures  should 
be  resorted  to,  such  as  would  give  satisfaction  to  all  parties. 

".In  cases  of  theft,  as  in  stealing  horses,  cattle,  &c.,  it  was 
agreed  that  restitution  should  be  made.  In  this  article,  the 
whites  have  transgressed  twice,  where  the  Indians  have  once. 
As  often  as  you  will  mention  one  instance  in  which  we  have 
wronged  you,  we  will  tell  you  of  two  in  which  you  have  de 
frauded  us ! 

"  I  have  related  these  articles  of  the  treaty  to  show  you  that 
it  still  remains  clear  in  our  recollection,  and  we  now  declare 
to  you,  in  presence  of  all  here  assembled,  that  we  will  con 
tinue  to  hold  fast  the  chain  which  connects  us  together.  Some 
who  first  took  hold  of  it  are  gone  !  but  others  will  supply  their 
place. 

"  We  regret,  extremely,  that  any  disturbance  should  have 
taken  place  among  the  white  people.  Mischief  has  com- 

*  Holding  up  a  belt  of  wampum  curiously  wrought. 

t  Upon  which  an  eagle  was  engraved,  representing  the  United  States. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  231 

menced.  We  are  now  told  that  war  has  been  declared  against 
Great  Britain.  The  reasons  for  it  are  unknown  to  us.  The 
Six  Nations  are  placed  in  an  unpleasant  situation.  A  part  of 
them  are  in  Canada,  and  the  remainder  in  the  United  States. 

"  Whilst  we  were  endeavoring  to  persuade  those  who  live 
in  Canada  to  remain  peaceable  and  quiet,  the  noise  of  war 
suddenly  sounded  in  our  ears.  We  were  told  that  all  commu 
nication  between  us  and  them  would  be  prevented.  We  have 
since  heard  that  they  have  taken  up  arms.  We  are  very  sorry 
to  hear  of  this.  They  are  our  brothers  and  relations,  and  we 
do  not  wish  that  their  blood  should  be  spilt,  when  there  is  so 
little  occasion  for  it.  We  hope  that  the  passage  is  not  so 
closely  stopped  but  that  a  small  door  may  still  be  open  by 
which  we  may  again  have  an  opportunity  of  seeing  our  bro 
thers,  and  of  persuading  them  to  take  no  part  in  a  war  in 
which  they  have  nothing  to  gain. 

"  We  know  the  feelings  of  the  greater  portion  of  them.  We 
therefore  believe,  that  if  we  have  another  opportunity,  we  can 
persuade  them  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  this  war.  Our 
minds  are  fully  made  up  on  this  subject,  and  we  repeat,  that 
it  is  our  wish  to  see  them  once  more,  and  to  give  them  our  ad 
vice  about  the  path  they  ought  to  travel. 

"  You  (Mr.  Parish,)  are  going  to  the  eastward ;  you  will 
visit  the  Oneidas.  Relate  to  them  faithfully  what  has  taken 
place  in  this  council ;  tell  them  all  we  have  said,  and  request 
that  a  deputation  of  their  chiefs  may  be  sent  to  attend  our 
council  here.  We  wish  that  you  would  return  with  them." 

[The  orator  then  brought  forward  the  belt  which  he 
had  before  held  up  in  his  hand,  and  requested  Mr. 
Granger  and  the  others  present  to  look  at  it  and  observe 
whether  it  was  not  the  one  that  had  been  presented  to 
the  Six  Nations  by  General  Washington.  He  likewise 
held  up  another  belt,  much  larger,  of  different  colors, 


232  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

which   appeared   to  be   very   ancient,   and  then   con 
tinued  : — ] 

"  BROTHER  : — I  will  now  state  to  you  the  meaning  of  this 
belt.  A  long  time  ago  the  Six  Nations  had  formed  an  union. 
They  had  no  means  of  writing  their  treaties  on  paper,  and  of 
preserving  them  in  the  manner  the  white  people  do.  We 
therefore  made  this  belt,  which  shows  that  the  Six  Nations 
have  bound  themselves  firmly  together ;  that  it  is  their  deter 
mination  to  remain  united  ;  that  they  will  never  do  any  thing 
contrary  to  the  interests  of  the  whole ;  but  that  they  will  al 
ways  act  toward  each  other  like  brothers. 

"  Whenever,  for  the  future,  you  see  a  small  number  of  our 
people  meeting  together  to  consult  about  any  matter  of  trifling 
account,  we  desire  that  you  would  pay  no  attention  to  it.  It 
may  give  you  uneasiness,  when  we  have  no  intention  to  injure 
you.  This  happened  but  a  few  days  ago :  It  seems  that  a 
white  man  and  two  or  three  Indians,  living  on  the  same  creek, 
had  a  small  conversation,  which  the  mischievous  talked  about 
until  the  whole  country  was  in  an  uproar,  and  many  families 
left  their  country  and  homes  in  consequence. 

"  The  council  held  some  time  since  at  Batavia,  was  unauthor 
ized  by  us,  and  we  now  declare  to  you  that  none  have  a 
right  to  hold  council  any  where  except  at  this  place,  around 
the  great  council  fire  of  the  Six  Nations.* 

"  We  hope  that  you  will  not  accept  of  any  of  our  warriors, 
unless  they  are  permitted  by  our  great  council  to  offer  them 
selves  to  you.  And  we  should  be  sorry  indeed  if  any  of  the 
whites  should  entice  our  young  warriors  to  take  up  arms. 
We  mention  these  things  to  show  you  that  we  wish  to  guard 
against  every  thing  that  may  interrupt  our  good  under 
standing. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  hope  that  what  has  been  said  will  be 

*  There  are  no  records,  that  I  am  aware  of,  connected  with  the  council  here 
referred  to. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  233 

generally  known  to  the  white  people.  Let  every  one  recol 
lect  and  give  a  faithful  account  of  it.  We  wish  them  to  know 
that  we  are  peaceably  disposed  towards  the  United  States,  and 
that  we  are  determined  to  keep  bright  the  chain  of  friendship 
that  we  formed  with  them  at  Canandaigua. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  have  one  thing  more  to  which  we  would 
wish  to  call  your  attention.  We  present  you  the  papers* 
which  secure  to  us  our  annuities  from  the  United  States.  We 
would  be  glad  to  know  if  this  war  would  affect  our  interests  in 
that  quarter.  We  also  desire  that  you  would  inform  us 
whether  the  monies  we  have  deposited  in  the  [late]  Bank  of 
the  United  States  will  be  less  secure,  than  if  this  war  had  not 
taken  place." 

To  which  Mr.  Granger,  after  thanking  them  for  their 
general  and  punctual  attendance,  thus  rejoined  : — 

"BROTHERS: — You  have  this  day  brought  forward  the  large 
white  belt,  given  you  at  Canandaigua.  Your  speaker  has  ex 
plained  the  leading  particulars  of  the  treaty  made  at  that  time. 
I  am  much  pleased  to  find  your  minds  so  deeply  impressed 
with  them.  I  now  repeat  to  you  that  the  United  States  will, 
on  their  part,  hold  fast  of  the  treaty  ;  they  wish  you  to  do  the 
same.  Should  it  be  broken  on  your  part,  the  United  States 
will  no  longer  consider  themselves  bound  by  it. 

"  BROTHERS  : — It  appears  that  you  are  still  desirous  of  send 
ing  to  Grand  River,  to  endeavor  to  prevail  on  your  brethren 
in  that  quarter  to  remain  at  peace.  An  undertaking  of  this 
kind  will  be  of  little  use.  They  will  only  fill  your  heads 
with  idle  talk,  and  poison  your  minds  against  the  United 
States.  Perhaps  after  crossing  Niagara  river,  you  will  not  be 
permitted  to  go  any  farther.  Still,  should  you  insist  upon 
it,  permission  will  be  granted  to  four  or  five  of  your  chiefs 
to  go  over,  with  such  instructions  as  you  shall  think  pro 
per  to  give  them." 

*  Handing  the  agent  a  small  bundle  of  papers. 

30 


234  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  But  should  your  young  men  cross  over  and  join  our  ene 
mies,  they  must  never  expect  to  be  allowed  to  set  their  feet 
on  our  shores  again  as  friends.  Rest  assured  they  will  be 
severely  punished  for  it. 

"  With  respect  to  the  property  you  have  placed  in  the  hands 
of  the  United  States  you  have  nothing  to  fear,  it  will  be  fully 
as  secure  as  if  this  war  had  not  happened.  Your  annuities 
will  be  paid  you  as  formerly,  and  your  bank  stock  be  as  pro 
ductive  as  usual. 

"  I  now  return  you  my  thanks  for  the  good  attendance  you 
have  given  at  this  council.  I  feel  pleased  that  you  have  again 
come  forward  and  renewed  the  covenant  of  friendship,  that 
you  have  once  more  declared  your  steady  attachment  to  the 
United  States. 

"  Your  friend,  Mr.  Parish,  will  soon  go  to  the  eastward, 
where  he  will  see  such  of  your  brethren  as  were  not  present 
at  this  council.  In  a  short  time  he  will  return,  and  remain 
here,  if  he  should  be  wanted,  through  the  summer." 

The  earnestness  with  which  the  council,  through  the 
mouth  of  their  speaker,  had  urged  their  request  for 
leave  to  send  yet  another  peaceable  message  to  their 
brothers,  the  Mohawks,  induced  the  agent  to  grant  the 
desired  permission ;  although  he  had  not  the  least  con 
fidence  in  the  measure.  He  was  right  in  his  conjec 
tures.  A  deputation  of  five  chiefs  proceeded  to  Lewis- 
ton,  and  application  was  made  to  General  Brock,  then 
in  command  of  the  British  forces  on  the  opposite  shore 
of  the  Niagara,  that  they  might  be  allowed  to  land  in 
his  Majesty's  dominions.  After  deliberating  two  days 
upon  the  request,  the  deputation  was  permitted  to  cross 
over  and  hold  a  consultation  with  some  of  the  Mohawk 
chiefs.  They  did  so ;  but  the  conference  was  brief, 


OF  RED-JACKET.  235 

and  the  object  was  not  accomplished.  The  Mohawks 
had  taken  up  the  hatchet,  and  were  resolved  not  to  bury 
it ;  and  the  friendly  messengers  of  the  Senecas  were 
ordered  to  return. 

But  the  Senecas  did  not  long  succeed  in  maintaining 
their  neutrality.  The  young  men,  as  already  inti 
mated,  were  restless  from  the  moment  of  the  declara 
tion  of  war ;  and  the  soul-stirring  music,  the  glittering 
panoply  and  pomp  of  war,  speedily  wrought  so  power 
fully  upon  the  feelings,  and  indeed  the  natural  propen 
sities,  of  the  older  chiefs,  that  they  rather  sought  occa 
sion  to  declare  hostilities  on  their  own  behalf, — con 
sidering  themselves  still  an  independent  nation.  That 
occasion  was  fast  approaching.  Not  long  after  the  com 
mencement  of  hostilities,  it  was  rumored  at  Buffalo, 
and  among  the  Senecas,  that  the  enemy  had  taken  pos 
session  of  Grand  Island,  appertaining  to  the  United 
States,  and  then  owned  by  the  Senecas.  Red-Jacket 
immediately  convoked  a  council  of  his  people,  and  in 
vited  Mr.  Granger  to  attend  there  for  consultation.  Af 
ter  stating  the  case  to  the  latter,  the  orator  avowed  the 
purpose  of  the  Senecas  in  the  following  brief  but  ener 
getic  speech : — 

"  BROTHER  :  You  have  told  us  that  we  have  nothing  to  do 
with  the  war  that  has  taken  place  between  you  and  the  British. 
But  we  find  that  the  war  has  come  to  our  doors.  Our  proper 
ty  is  taken  possession  of  by  the  British  and  their  Indian  friends. 
It  is  necessary  now  for  us  to  take  up  the  business,  defend  our 
property,  and  drive  the  enemy  from  it.  If  we  sit  still  upon 
our  seats,  and  take  no  means  of  redress,  the  British,  according 
to  the  customs  of  you  white  people,  will  hold  it  by  conquest. 


236  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

And  should  you  conquer  the  Canadas,  you  will  claim  it  upon 
the  same  principles,  as  though  you  had  conquered  it  from  the 
British.  We  therefore  request  permission  to  go  with  our  war 
riors,  and  drive  off  those  bad  people,  and  take  possession  of 
our  lands." 

The  request  was  granted,  and  at  a  subsequent  meet 
ing  of  the  council,  strengthened  by  a  larger  attendance, 
a  formal  declaration  of  war  was  issued  in  the  following 
terms  : — 

"  We,  the  chiefs  and  councillors  of  the  Six  Nations  of  In 
dians,  residing  in  the  State  of  New- York,  do  hereby  proclaim  to 
all  the  war-chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  that  war  is 
declared  on  our  part  against  the  provinces  of  Upper  and 
Lower  Canada.  Therefore,  we  hereby  command  and  advise 
all  the  war-chiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations  to  call  forth 
immediately  the  warriors  under  them,  and  put  them  in  motion 
to  protect  their  rights  and  liberties,  which  our  brethren,  the 
Americans,  are  now  defending,"* 

No  speech  of  Red-Jacket  delivered  at  this  council 
has  been  preserved,  but  from  the  address  of  one  of  the 
oldest  warriors  present,  it  would  appear  that  it  was 
their  expectation  to  put  as  many  as  three  thousand 
braves  upon  the  war-path.t  But  there  surely  must 
have  been  some  mistake  in  this  computation,  since  the 
whole  Iroquois  confederacy  was  never  able  to  call  forth 
so  large  a  number  of  warriors,  even  in  the  palmy  days 
of  Sir  William  Johnson ;  and  at  the  time  under  conside 
ration,  the  number  of  warriors  within  the  confines  of  the 
State  of  New-York, — Senecas,  Oneidas,  Onondagas, 

*  Drake  and  Thatcher.  t  Drake  and  Thatcher. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  337 

Cayugas  and  Tuscaroras,  all  included, — could  not  have 
exceeded  two  thousand  fighting  men.  Not  more  than  a 
fourth  of  that  number  ever  took  the  field  at  any  one 
time  during  the  war  of  1812.  Still,  the  friendship  of 
the  nation  was  unwavering,  and  considerable  bodies  of 
their  warriors  were  occasionally  in  the  service  of  the 
United  States  upon  that  frontier,  until  near  the  close  of 
the  contest.  The  Mohawks,  and  the  other  red  allies  of 
England,  it  is  true,  endeavored  to  poison  their  minds 
with  disaffection,  for  which  purpose  emissaries  were 
occasionally  discovered  amongst  them,  but  without  ef 
fect. 

Yet,  notwithstanding  their  preparations,  and  their 
formal  declaration  of  hostilities, — the  first  Indian  de 
claration  of  the  kind,  it  is  believed,  ever  issued  in  wri 
ting, — they  seem  not  actually  to  have  entered  the  field 
as  the  allies  of  the  Americans  during  that  year, — at 
least  such  is  the  presumption  from  the  following  cir 
cumstances  :  After  the  brilliant,  though  in  the  end,  dis 
astrous  affair  of  Queenston,  and  after  the  reliriquish- 
ment  of  the  command  of  that  frontier  by  General  Van 
Rensselaer,  General  Alexander  Smyth  succeeded  to 
the  station.  He  made  preparations  to  retrieve  the  for 
tunes  lost  at  Queenston,  but  his  demonstrations  were 
failures,  and  the  results  proved  him  to  be  a  man  of 
words  rather  than  of  deeds.  His  name  is  only  here 
introduced  because  of  the  declaration  contained  in  one 
of  his  inflated  proclamations,  illustrating  the  fact  just 
asserted,  that  the  Senecas  were  not  in  actual  service  in 
that  year.  In  the  proclamation  referred  to,  General 


238  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Smyth,  in  order  to  stimulate  the  militia  into  the  field, 
told  them  that  "  even  the  Indians  of  the  friendly  Six 
Nations  had  offered  their  services,  but  that,  through  re 
gard  to  the  cause  of  humanity,  he  had  refused  to  follow 
a  disgraceful  example  by  letting  loose  these  barbarous 
warriors  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Canada."* 

No  corresponding  feelings  had  deterred  the  enemy 
from  employing  Indians,  and  using  them  at  every  op 
portunity.  It  was,  therefore,  at  length  thought  advisa 
ble  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  to  bring  the 
same  description  of  warriors  into  the  field,  though  not 
into  battle,  if  that  alternative  could  be  avoided.  The 
Spring  of  1813  found  Major-General  Lewis  in  com 
mand  of  the  American  fortress  of  Niagara ;  and  it  oc 
curred  to  that  officer,  that  inasmuch  as  the  relationship 
between  the  Mohawks,  and  others  of  the  Six  Nations 
who  had  joined  their  settlement  upon  the  Grand  River, 
and  the  Senecas,  Cayugas  and  Onondagas  upon  the 
American  side,  was  near  and  intimate,  they  might  feel 
reluctant  to  come  into  conflict,  brother  against  brother. 
The  idea  was  accordingly  suggested,  that  the  actual  em 
ployment  of  the  Senecas  might  possibly  induce  the  Mo 
hawks  to  retire, — in  which  case  the  Senecas  were  forth 
with  to  have  been  dismissed.  With  this  object  the  Se 
neca  warriors  were  invited  to  meet  General  Lewis  at 
Niagara,  and  they  responded  to  the  invitation,  to  the 
number  of  from  three  to  four  hundred,  armed,  painted, 
and  with  distended  nostrils  breathing  eagerly  for  the 

*  H.  M.  Breckenridge's  Histoiy  of  the  War. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  239 

contest.  They  were  led  by  Farmer' s-Brother,  the  most 
noble  Indian  in  form  and  mould,  in  carriage  and  in  soul, 
of  that  generation  of  his  race.*  The  forest  warriors 
were  received  by  General  Lewis,  and  addressed  in  ac 
cordance  with  the  views  already  indicated.  But  very 
great  was  the  disappointment  of  the  Indians.  They 
had  supposed  themselves  invited  to  a  feast  of  blood  in 
earnest,  and  their  dissatisfaction  at  the  suggestions  of 
the  General,  who  intended  to  use  them  rather  to  pre 
vent  than  to  participate  in  fighting,  was  but  ill  concealed, 
if  indeed  concealment  was  intended.  Their  counte 
nances  fell ;  their  murmurs  were  deep  and  strong ;  and 
they  left  the  fort  with  a  degree  of  displeasure  bordering 
upon  indignation.  Red-Jacket  was  among  them  on  this 
occasion,  and  was  as  usual  their  orator ;  but  he  appeared 
not  in  the  character  of  a  war-chief,  being  now  the  head 
sachem  or  civil  magistrate  of  his  nation.t 

But  fastidiousness  in  regard  to  the  employment  of 
this  description  of  force  by  the  Americans  soon  ceased 
to  be  a  virtue.  The  campaign  of  that  year  against  Up 
per  Canada  was  auspiciously  commenced  by  the  cap 
ture  of  York,  on  the  27th  of  April.  The  plan  of  this 
brilliant  exploit  was  conceived  by  General  Pike, 
whose  blood  was  a  dear  purchase  of  the  triumph. 

*  The  opinion  and  nearly  the  same  language  of  Colonel  William  J.  Worth,  of 
the  army,  who  at  the  time  was  in  the  staff  of  General  Lewis,  and  from  whose 
conversations  the  facts  concerning  the  Indian  service  upon  the  Niagara  frontier 
in  the  campaigns  of  1813 — 1814,  "have  in  part  been  drawn. 

t  In  the  account  of  the  great  treaty  at  Canandaigua,  it  has  been  seen  how 
jealous  the  Indians  were  of  the  power  of  their  war-chiefs.  But  that  was  a  time 
of  peace.  In  peace  the  voice  of  the  chief  sachem  is  potential.  In  war  he  is 
but  a  counsellor,  while  the  war-chief  becomes  the  dictator. 


240  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

This  achievement  was  followed,  a  month  afterward,  by 
the  conquest  of  forts  George  and  Erie.  Still,  these  suc 
cesses  not  being  followed  up  with  corresponding  vigor, 
a  war  of  outposts  succeeded  in  that  quarter,  continuing 
through  the  season,  unattended  by  any  important  re 
sults.  "  On  the  8th  of  July  a  severe  skirmish  was 
brought  on,  in  which  nearly  the  whole  force  on  each 
side  was  engaged,  without  any  thing  of  moment  result 
ing  from  it.  An  incident,  nevertheless,  occurred  which 
exasperated  the  Americans  to  a  greater  degree  than  any 
thing  that  had  previously  transpired  in  that  quarter  du 
ring  the  war.  Lieutenant  Eldridge,  a  gallant  and  ac 
complished  youth,  with  about  forty  men,  was  drawn  by 
his  impetuosity  too  far,  and  was  surrounded  by  British 
troops  and  Indians.  The  greater  part  resisted  until 
they  were  killed ;  but  Lieutenant  Eldridge  and  ten 
others  were  taken  prisoners,  and  never  afterward  heard 
of.  The  bodies  of  the  slain  were  treated  in  the  most 
shocking  manner  by  the  Indians.  Their  heads  were 
split  open,  and  their  hearts  torn  from  their  bodies. 
General  Boyd,  considering  the  forbearance  hitherto 
practised  in  declining  the  aid  of  Indian  allies  as  no 
longer  justifiable,  and  by  way  of  preventing  a  recurrence 
of  such  barbarities,  accepted  the  services  of  four  hun 
dred  Senecas,  under  Henry  O'Bail,  the  Young  Corn- 
planter.*  But  it  was  positively  stipulated  that  the  un 
resisting  and  defenceless  should  not  be  hurt,  and  that 
no  scalps  should  be  taken."t 

*  This  young  chief  had  been  partially  educated  in  Philadelphia ;   but  not 
liking  the  restraints  of  civilization,  he  had  again  resumed  the  blanket, 
t  Breckenridge's  History  of  the  War. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  241 

The  first  affair  in  which  these  auxiliaries  took  an 
active  part  in  the  contest,  was  the  defence  of  Black 
Rock  and  Buffalo  against  an  attack  by  the  British 
troops,  in  July,  1813 ;  and,  although  in  proportion  to  the 
numbers  engaged,  it  was,  both  in  its  style  of  execution 
and  its  issue,  one  of  the  most  brilliant  and  useful  achieve 
ments  of  the  war,  it  was  but  little  noticed  either  in  the 
army  despatches,  or  in  the  public  journals,  by  reason  of 
its  having  occurred  at  a  time  when  there  was  a  sort  of 
interregnum,  or  shifting  of  commands,  between  Generals 
Dearborn,  Lewis  and  Boyd ;  and  the  public  attention,  as 
well  as  that  of  the  army,  was  engrossed  with  the  scenes, 
far  from  creditable  to  the  American  arms,  which  were 
enacting  at  the  Beaver  Dams,  Cross  Roads,  and  other 
places  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  head  quarters.* 

After  the  capture  of  Fort  George,  in  May,  General 
Dearborn  withdrew  nearly  the  whole  of  his  forces  from 
the  upper  parts  of  the  Niagara  River,  to  the  support  of 
his  position  at  Fort  Niagara;  leaving  the  provisions, 
naval  stores  and  equipments,  collected  for  the  squadron 
with  which  Commodore  Perry,  soon  after,  did  such  sig 
nal  execution,  in  the  ware-houses  at  Black  Rock ;  and 
also  a  large  supply  of  provisions  and  quarter-master's 
stores  for  the  army,  at  Buffalo, — wholly  unprotected. 

On  being  strongly  urged  by  those  who  were  more 
conversant  with  the  affairs  of  the  frontier,  and  the  pro- 


*  The  affairs  here  referred  to  were  the  discomfiture  and  captivity  of  Generals 
Winder  and  Chandler,  on  the  morning  of  June  4th,  1813,  and  the  sad  and  humi 
liating  defeat  of  Colonel  Boerstler,  at  the  Beaver  Dams,  on  the  23d  of  June, 
by  a  small  party  of  British  troops  and  a  few  hundred  Mohawks. 

31 


* 


242  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

bable  views  of  the  enemy,  than  himself,  General  Dear 
born  ordered  a  guard  of  eight  or  ten  artillerists  to  take 
charge  of  the  block-house  at  Black  Rock,  and  made  a 
call  for  five  hundred  of  the  neighboring  militia, — about 
one  hundred  and  fifty  or  two  hundred  of  whom  arrived 
early  in  July,  and  were  stationed  near  the  ware-houses 
at  Black  Rock,  under  command  of  Major  P.  Adams, 
who  was  furnished  with  two  or  three  pieces  of  artillery. 
For  Buffalo  he  ordered  about  ninety  or  one  hundred 
regular  troops,  being  a  body  of  infantry  and  dragoon  re 
cruits  on  their  march  from  the  south  to  head  quarters, 
under  Captain  (now  Colonel)  Cummings.  Besides 
which,  Mr.  Granger,  the  Indian  Agent,  was  directed  to 
engage  as  many  Seneca  warriors  as  would  consent  to 
remain  in  camp.  At  the  same  time  requesting  General 
Peter  B.  Porter,  who  was  then  residing  at  his  house  in 
Black  Rock,  to  take  command  of  the  whole,  in  case  of 
an  emergency. 

Notwithstanding  this  show  of  force,  an  expedition  was 
fitted  out  against  these  places,  at  the  British  head-quar 
ters  on  Lundy's  Lane,  and  placed  under  the  command 
of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bishop,  of  the  forty-first  regiment, 
comprising  three  hundred  regulars  of  his  own  regiment, 
and  a  body  of  Provincials  and  volunteers,  under  Colo 
nel  T.  Clark  ;  and  making  in  the  whole  a  force  estima 
ted  at  four  hundred. 

This  detachment  embarked  in  boats  at  Chippewa, 
early  in  the  evening  of  the  10th  of  July;  and,  passing 
up  the  Niagara,  landed  in  the  course  of  the  night  on  the 
American  shore,  two  or  three  miles  below  Black  Rock ; 


OF  RED-JACKET.  243 

and  soon  after  daylight  on  the  llth,  surprised  the  en 
campment  of  Major  Adams,  who  fled  to  Buffalo  with 
his  militia,  leaving  his  artillery  with  its  ammunition  on 
the  ground,  without  taking  the  precaution  to  disable  it. 

The  enemy,  after  setting  fire  to  the  marine  and  mili 
tary  barracks  and  block-house,  and  ordering  breakfast 
at  General  Porter's  house  for  their  principal  officers,  (lit 
tle  anticipating  that  a  less  palatable  one  was  preparing 
for  them  in  the  field,)  proceeded  to  the  plunder  of  the 
inhabitants  as  well  as  of  the  public  stores,  assisted  by 
constant  reinforcements  of  men  and  boats  from  the  Bri 
tish  shore. 

General  Porter,  after  a  narrow  escape  from  his  own 
house,  and  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  reach  Major 
Adams's  camp,  retired  on  foot  toward  Buffalo  ;  but  be 
fore  reaching  there  was  met  by  Captain  Cummings, 
who,  having  heard  the  alarm,  was  promptly  advancing 
with  his  command  to  the  support  of  Black  Rock.  After 
directing  the  captain  to  proceed  to  an  open  ground  be 
tween  the  two  villages,  and  there  to  halt  until  a  suffi 
cient  force  could  be  collected  to  justify  an  attack  on  the 
enemy ;  and  after  supplying  himself  with  a  horse  and 
equipments  taken  from  one  of  the  captain's  dragoons, 
the  general  left  him  for  Buffalo  ;  and,  in  the  course  of 
an  hour  and  a  half,  rejoined  him  with  about  ninety  or  a 
hundred  of  Major  Adams's  militia,  who  had  retreated  by 
the  lake  route,  and  been  kept  together  by  their  officers, 
and  about  fifty  volunteer  citizens  of  Buffalo,  who  were 
found  in  the  streets  making  preparations  to  abandon  the 
town  with  their  effects. 


244  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Captain  Cummings  having,  in  the  meantime,  ascer 
tained  by  his  videttes  that  the  enemy, — that  is  to  say,  their 
three  hundred  regular  troops,  their  volunteers  being  en 
gaged  in  plundering, — were  in  possession  of  the  com 
manding  position  left  by  Major  Adams,  and  prepared 
for  defence,  General  Porter  determined  to  divide  his 
force  into  three  parts,  and  by  a  simultaneous  attack 
from  three  different  points,  throw  the  enemy  into  confu 
sion,  and  prevent  the  effective  use  of  their  artillery. 
The  smallest  of  these  divisions  consisted  of  but  twenty 
resolute  volunteers,  who  were  directed  to  associate 
themselves  with  a  body  of  Indian  warriors,  understood 
to  be  gathering  in  the  woods  a  short  distance  in  ad 
vance, — provided  the  Indians  would  consent  to  join 
them, — and  take  a  position,  unobserved,  in  a  deep  ravine 
close  upon  the  enemy's  left,  remain  concealed  until  the 
action  commenced,  and  then  raise  the  war-whoop  and 
rush  forward.  These  Indians,  numbering  between 
thirty  and  forty,  did  join,  behaving  throughout  in  the 


most  admirable  manner. 


By  a  bold  and  united  attack  with  these  forces,  the 
enemy  at  8  o'clock  in  the  morning,  after  a  spirited  re 
sistance  of  a  few  minutes,  were  beaten,  routed  and  driven 
in  great  confusion  to  the  neighborhood  of  their  boats. 
Here  they  again  rallied  with  their  entire  force,  and  with 
the  apparent  intention  of  renewing  the  fight.  But  being 
again  attacked  by  the  united  and  organized  force  of  the 
assailants,  fled  with  precipitation  into  their  boats,  taking 
with  them  most  of  their  wounded,  and  leaving  eight  or 
ten  dead  on  the  field,  and  sixteen  or  eighteen  prisoners, 


OF  RED-JACKET.  945 

among  whom  was  Captain  Saunders  of  the  forty-first, 
badly  wounded. 

But  their  principal  loss  was  after  they  had  entered 
their  boats,  particularly  the  last,  which,  besides  some 
sixty  men,  contained  most  of  their  officers.  The  pursuit 
was  so  close  that  some  of  the  American  warriors  actually 
plunged  into  the  water,  seized  upon  the  gunwales  of  the 
boat,  and  would  have  brought  it  to  shore  but  for  the 
fire  from  the  rear,  which  obliged  them  to  desist.  The 
occupants  of  the  boat  made  great  efforts  at  first  to  gain 
an  offing  in  the  river,  but  the  firing  from  the  shore  be 
came  so  intense  that  they  dropped  their  oars  and  hoisted 
signals  for  surrender  ;  in  consequence  of  which,  the  firing 
in  a  few  minutes  ceased.  Taking  advantage  of  this  in 
terval,  they  dropped  down  the  river  with  the  current, 
followed  pari  passu  by  the  troops  on  shore,  making  in 
the  meantime  some  slight  movements  with  their  oars, 
as  if  to  return  to  shore,  and  proclaiming  their  inability  to 
do  more  by  reason  of  their  disabled  state,  until  they 
reached  the  upper  point  of  Squaw  Island,  when,  by  a 
sudder\  and  vigorous  effort,  they  sheered  their  boat  to  the 
outside  of  the  island,  and  soon  escaped  under  its  pro 
tection  ;  but  not  without  again  suffering  from  a  renewal 
of  the  fire.  The  apology  afterward  given  for  this  act  of 
bad  faith  was,  that  the  soldiers  in  the  boat  declared  that 
they  had  seen  Captain  Saunders  tomahawked  and 
scalped  by  the  Indians,  after  he  had  surrendered ;  and 
that  they  could  have  expected  no  better  fate  if  they  had 
done  the  same. 

Colonel  Bishop  and  several  of  his  officers  were  slain 


246  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

in  their  boats,  the  former  having  received  a  severe  but 
not  mortal  wound  while  on  horseback  in  the  field,  and 
four  or  five  others  after  he  had  embarked,  of  which  he 
died  in  the  coarse  of  the  day. 

The  Indians  throughout  this  affair  displayed  the  most 
admirable  tact  and  gallantry,  and  evinced  no  disposition 
to  commit  acts  of  barbarity  on  the  prisoners  or  the 
slain, — other  than  to  take  the  scalps  of  the  latter, 
had  they  been  permitted,  according  to  their  usages  in 
war.  When  passing  Captain  Saunders,  they  divested 
him,  in  the  -gentlest  manner,  of  his  cap,  epaulettes,  sword 
and  belt,  but  offered  him  no  personal  insult.  He  was 
wounded  by  a  rifle  ball  passing  through  his  chest  and 
lungs,  which  it  was  not  supposed  he  could  survive,  and 
a  musket  shot  shattering  his  wrist ;  but  he  had  no  cut 
or  mark  of  the  knife  or  the  tomahawk. 

He  was  carried,  after  the  action,  by  the  Indians,  in 
blankets  to  General  Porter's  house,  where  he  was  suf 
fered  to  remain,  under  the  kindest  treatment, — accompa 
nied  by  his  wife,  who  was  written  for  at  his  anxious  re 
quest, — for  two  or  three  weeks,  when  he  was  sent  to  the 
depot  at  Williamsville,  and  is  now  a  British  pensioner. 

The  whole  loss  of  the  British, — whose  numerical  force 
exceeded  that  of  the  Americans,  in  that  expedition, — 
was  estimated  at  one  hundred,  inclusive  of  killed, 
wounded  and  prisoners ;  while  the  American  loss  was 
only  one  sergeant  and  three  or  four  privates  of  the  mili 
tia,  killed,  and  as  many  more  wounded  ;  and  Young- 
King,  the  leader  of  the  Indians,  and  one  of  his  warriors 
badly  wounded.  The  disproportionate  loss  of  the  mili- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  247 

tia,  compared  with  the  regulars  and  Buffalo  volunteers, 
was  the  consequence  of  their  having  been  permitted  to 
retrieve  the  reputation  they  had  lost  by  the  retreat,  by 
taking  the  advance  in  the  charge  on  the  British  line, 
which  they  executed  most  gallantly.  Major  Adams 
being  in  too  bad  health  to  permit  him  to  take  an  active 
part,  his  battalion  was  led  by  his  adjutant,  now  Gene 
ral  Phinehas  Staunton,  of  Genesee  county,  who  had 
kept  them  together  on  their  retreat,  and  who  distin 
guished  himself  in  that  as' well  as  many  subsequent  oc 
casions  on  the  Niagara.  Captain  Cummings  was  joined 
by  Colonel  King  of  the  army,  on  their  march  from  Buf 
falo  to  the  Rock,  and  both  of  them  took  efficient  parts  in 
the  operations  of  the  morning.* 

*  For  this  account  of  the  invasion  of  Black  Rock  by  Colonel  Bishop,  and  his 
defeat,  I  am  indebted  to  General  Peter  B.  Porter.  1  had  written  an  account 
myself,  from  such  materials  as  could  be  obtained ;  but  finding  that  the  publica 
tions  of  the  day,  and  the  books  subsequently  written,  gave  but  a  very  unsatisfactory 
idea  of  the  gallant  affair,  I  gave  my  manuscript  to  General  Porter,  who  not  only 
corrected,  but  re-wrote  the  narrative.  This,  therefore,  is  the  first  correct  account 
that  has  appeared  of  that  brilliant  exploit.  General  Porter  adds,  in  a  note,  that 
in  writing  this  account  more  details  have  been  indulged  than  was  otherwise 
necessary,  for  the  purpose  of  correcting  the  misrepresentations  contained  in  Ge 
neral  Armstrong's  book  lately  published,  and  intended  as  a  repository  of  historical 
truth  for  posterity,  entitled  "  Notices  of  the  War  of  1812."  In  this  book,  (vol. 
1st,  pages  147-8  and  9,)  the  General  attempts  to  depreciate  and  ridicule  the 
militia  of  the  state,  by  representing  them  as  having  run  away  on  the  first  sight  of 
the  enemy,  but  giving  them  no  credit  for  their  prompt  return  and  subsequent 
good  conduct ;  and  ascribing  the  gallant  attack  and  defeat  of  the  British,  on  that 
occasion,  to  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  United  States  infantry  and  a  few  In 
dians,  whom  he  represents  as  having  casually  assembled  at  Buffalo. 

It  is  true  as  asserted  by  General  Armstrong,  and  admitted  in  the  preceding 
account,  that  the  militia  stationed  at  Black  Rock  did  flee  most  ignominiously  on 
the  first  appearance  of  the  British  troops,  and  without  firing  a  gun ;  but  it  is 
equally  true,  that  these  same  militia  a  short  time  afterward  nobly  returned  to 
their  duty,  and  fought  and  achieved  the  only  severe  battle  of  that  morning,  un- 


248  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

The  next  affair  in  which  the  Indians  were  engaged, 
occurred  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  George,  on  the 

aided  by  the  regular  troops  from  Buffalo, — who,  by-the-bye,  amounted, — not  to 
one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  as  represented  by  General  Armstrong, — but  to  only 
about  one  half  that  number,  and  they  too,  with  the  exception  of  the  officers,  raw 
recruits,  nine  tenths  of  whom  had  never  seen  a  battle  or  a  camp. 

The  attacking  force  was  on  that  morning  divided  by  the  commanding  officer 
into  three  columns,  which  were  to  advance  by  different  routes,  and  make  a  simul 
taneous  assault  on  the  British  position,  which  was  on  high,  open  and  commanding 
ground.  The  militia  and  Indians  arrived  in  season  and  commenced  the  attack; 
but  the  column  composed  of  the  regular  infantry  and  the  volunteer  citizens  at 
tached  to  it,  being  commanded  at  the  time  the  order  for  the  attack  was  given  by 
Captain  Cummings  of  the  army,  but  who  was  superseded  at  the  critical  moment 
when  the  troops  were  advancing,  by  another  officer  of  the  army  of  higher  rank, 
who  happened  to  arrive  and  to  insist  on  his  right  to  command  the  column,  lost 
the  favorable  moment  for  rendering  efficient  service.  Misapprehending  the  pre 
cise  orders  under  which  they  were  acting,  the  officer  who  thus  assumed  the 
command  over  Captain  Cummings,  made  an  awkward,  although  but  momentary 
diversion,  which  prevented  him  from  reaching  the  ground  until  the  battle  had 
been  fought,  and  the  enemy  had  fled  in  the  direction  of  their  boats. 

Subsequently,  when  the  enemy  had  rallied  and  again  presented  a  line  of  battle 
in  the  vicinity  of  their  boats,  the  regular  infantry  from  Buffalo,  being  now  incor 
porated  with  the  other  troops,  advanced  to  the  charge  with  all  the  zeal  and  spirit 
that  distinguished  their  associates :  but  the  British,  abashed  by  the  vigor  and 
resolution  manifested  by  their  assailants,  made  and  received  but  one  or  two  fires, 
when  they  took  to  their  boats  and  hurried  to  the  opposite  shore  of  the  Niagara. 

This  explanation  is  made  in  no  feeling  of  unkindness  toward  the  regular 
troops;  but  is  richly  due  to  the  gallant  little  band  of  militia,  who,  it  is  believed, 
set  the  first  example  during  the  late  war, — but  afterward  so  often  and  so  glori 
ously  repeated  on  the  Niagara  frontier,— of  a  body  of  raw  militia  advancing  and 
meeting,  in  open  field  and  regular  order,  an  equal,  or  as  in  this  case,  even  a  supe 
rior  number  of  disciplined  British  troops,  and  dispersing  them  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  For  the  conflict  on  this  occasion  was  closer  and  more  desperate  than 
happens  in  nine  out  of  ten  battles  said  to  be  fought  by  British  troops  at  the  bayo 
net's  point. 

There  are  other  misrepresentations  in  General  Armstrong's  account  of  this 
affair,— such  as  materially  underrating  the  number  of  combatants,  and  the  numbers 
slain  and  made  prisoners  ;  and  in  his  assertion  that  the  British  had  accomplished, 
before  they  were  driven  back,  most  of  the  important  objects  of  the  expedition,  in 
burning  barracks  and  block  houses,  and  carrying  away  the  whole  of  the  plunder 
that  invited  it, — when  in  fact  they  did  not  carry  away  or  destroy  more  than  one 
third  of  the  valuable  naval  stores  prepared  at  Black  Rock  for  Commodore  Perry, 


OF  RED-JACKET.  £49 

17th  of  July.  A  body  of  volunteers  and  Indians,  un 
der  Major  Cyrenius  Chapin,  having  crossed  over  to  the 
fort,  and  being  somewhat  impatient  to  see  the  enemy,  a 
plan  was  concerted  to  cut  off  his  pickets.  The  forces 
of  Major  Chapin,  Indians  and  militia,  consisted  of  about 
three  hundred.  To  these  was  added  a  detachment  of 
two  hundred  regulars,  under  Major  Cummings,  and  the 
command  of  the  whole  entrusted  to  General  Porter. 
The  British  and  Indian  encampment  was  surprised  at 
daylight,  seventy-five  of  their  number  killed,  and  six 
teen  taken  prisoners.  It  has  been  stated  that  the  suc 
cess  of  the  expedition  was  almost  entirely  owing  to  a 
stratagem  of  the  Indians,  who,  when  they  had  formed 
their  plan  of  attack,  succeeded  in  decoying  the  opposing 
Indians  into  an  ambuscade,  so  artfully  disposed  that 
when  they  raised  the  war-whoop  their  dusky  opponents 
mistook  it  for  a  signal  of  a  party  of  their  own  friends.* 
An  official  account  of  this  affair  was  given  by  General 
Boyd,  then  commanding  the  post  of  Fort  George,  in 
which  he  says  : — 

"  Those  who  participated  in  this  contest,  particularly  the 
Indians,  conducted  with  great  bravery  and  activity.  General 
Porter  volunteered  in  the  affair,  and  Major  Chapin  evinced 
his  accustomed  zeal  and  courage.  The  principal  chiefs  who 
led  the  warriors  this  day  were  Farmer's-Brother,  Red-Jacket, 
Little-Billy,  Pollard,  Black-Smoke,  Johnson,  Silver-Heels, 
Captain  Half-Town,  Major  Henry  O'Bail,  and  Captain  Cold, 

nor  touch  a  particle  of  the  military  stores  in  depot  at  Buffalo  for  the  use  of  the 
army.     But  these  are  errors  of  minor  consideration,  and  would  not  have  been 
noticed  but  for  the  cruel  attack  upon  the  militia  of  the  Niagara  frontier. 
*  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians. 

32 


250  L!FE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

who  was  wounded.  In  a  council  which  was  held  with  them 
yesterday,  they  covenanted  not  to  scalp  or  murder  ;  and  I  am 
happy  to  say  that  they  treated  the  prisoners  with  humanity, 
and  committed  no  wanton  cruelties  on  the  dead." 

The  chiefs  named  in  this  despatch  were  all  Senecas 
excepting  Captain  Cold.  In  a  subsequent  bulletin 
General  Boyd  spoke  a  second  time  of  the  good  conduct 
of  the  Indians  in  this  brisk  affair,  thus  : — -"  The  bravery 
and  humanity  of  the  Indians  were  equally  conspicu 
ous  ;"  and  another  authority*  says  : — "  They  behaved 
with  great  gallantry,  and  betrayed  no  disposition  to  vio 
late  the  restrictions  imposed  upon  them  by  General 
Boyd."  The  despatch  of  General  Boyd,  just  quoted, 
contains  the  first  official  information  extant,  of  Red- 
Jacket's  personal  service  in  the  field  during  that  contest. 

*  Article  in  Niles's  Weekly  Register. 


CHAPTER  X. 

DISASTROUS  close  of  the  Niagara  campaign  in  1813 — Military  operations  of  the 
following  year — Red-Jacket  rouses  the  Indians  upon  the  war-path — Invasion 
of  Canada  by  General  Brown — The  field  of  Chippewa  described — Capture 
of  Fort  Erie — March  to  Chippewa — The  Battle — Its  effects — Remarks  there 
on — Conduct  of  the  Indians — Subsequent  operations  on  that  frontier — The  In 
dians  of  both  armies,  on  a  proposition  from  Red-Jacket,  mutually  withdraw 
from  the  service— Conduct  and  views  of  the  Indians  in  war — Red-Jacket  in 
battle — Captain  Worth  and  Farmer' s-Brother — Startling  incident  at  Buffalo — 
Colonel  Worth's  opinion  of  Red-Jacket. 

NOTWITHSTANDING  the  brilliant  successes  with  which 
it  had  been  opened,  the  Niagara  campaign  of  1813  closed 
disastrously  to  the  American  arms.  Forts  Erie  and 
George  were  successively  evacuated  by  the  forces  of 
the  United  States, — the  latter  withdrawing  to  the  re 
publican  side  of  the  river,  while  their  pathway  was 
lighted  by  the  conflagration  of  the  beautiful  town  of 
Newark,  wantonly  laid  in  ashes  by  General  M'Clure, 
under  a  misapprehension  of  his  instructions  from,  the 
Secretary  of  War.  This  event,  the  remembrance  of 
which  is  painful  to  every  American  of  just  feelings,  oc 
curred  on  the  10th  of  December.  But  the  Vandal  act 
was  not  allowed  to  pass  unavenged.  On  the  night  of 
the  18th,  the  enemy  crossed  the  river  in  force,  and  the 
fortress  of  Niagara  was  carried  by  surprise.  Pursuing 
his  success,  the  enemy  swept  rapidly  along  the  frontier 


252  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

from  Ontario  to  Erie,  carrying  the  works  at  Lewiston, 
Manchester,  Black  Rock  and  Buffalo,  laying  those  fair 
villages  in  ruins,  and  ravaging  the  adjacent  country 
with  fire  and  sword.  It  is  true  that  this  frontier  had 
been  left  comparatively  defenceless,  by  the  withdrawal 
of  the  regular  troops  for  the  memorable  descent  of  the 
St.  Lawrence,  with  a  view  to  the  capture  of  Montreal, — 
an  enterprise  which  signally  failed.  Still,  the  fall  of 
Niagara  was  inglorious,  while  but  few  laurels  were  won 
in  defence  of  either  of  the  posts,  successively  and  imme 
diately  thereafter  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  invaders. 
Among  the  villages  destroyed  in  this  retaliatory  invasion 
was  that  of  the  Tuscaroras  ;  but  the  Indians  themselves 
appear  to  have  borne  no  part  even  in  the  feeble  defence 
interposed  by  the  militia,  and  the  handful  of  regulars  sta 
tioned  among  them. 

But  the  contest  was  renewed  in  that  quarter  in  the 
following  year,  more  vigorously  than  ever,  and  the  Sene- 
cas,  with  their  confederates  upon  the  American  side, 
roused  by  the  stirring  eloquence  of  Red-Jacket,  were 
upon  the  war  path  as  early  at  least  as  the  American 
troops  were  prepared  to  resume  offensive  operations. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  1814,  General  Brown  found  him 
self  in  Buffalo,  at  the  head  of  a  military  force  so  strong 
as  in  his  judgment  to  authorize  the  invasion  of  Canada, 
for  which  movement  the  country  at  large  as  well  as  his 
own  troops  appeared  to  be  impatient.  His  army  con 
sisted  of  two  brigades  of  infantry,  commanded  respec 
tively  by  Generals  Scott  and  Ripley,  to  each  of  which 
was  attached  an  efficient  train  of  field  artillery,  under 


OF  RED-JACKET.  253 

Colonel  Towson  and  Major  Hindman,  and  a  small 
squadron  of  cavalry  under  Captain  Harris, — the  whole 
in  the  highest  state  of  discipline  and  equipment.  To 
these  was  added  a  brigade  of  miscellaneous  troops,  com 
prising  a  regiment  of  Pennsylvania  volunteers  about  five 
hundred  strong,  a  corps  of  six  hundred  New- York  volun 
teers,  one  hundred  of  them  mounted, — then  on  their 
march  from  Batavia, — and  five  hundred  and  fifty  to  six 
hundred  Indian  warriors,  embracing  nearly  the  whole 
military  force  of  the  Six  Nations, — all  under  the  imme 
diate  command  of  General  Peter  B.  Porter,  as  the 
Quarter-master  General  of  the  militia  of  New- York ; 
who,  without  intending  to  adopt  permanently  the  military 
profession,  was  induced  to  accept  this  heterogeneous 
command,  under  a  belief  that  his  local  knowledge  of  the 
country,  at  least,  might  enable  him  to  be  useful  in  the 
prosecution  of  a  war  which,  in  another  situation,  he  had 
been  instrumental  in  recommending,  but  which  thus  far 
had  been  attended  with  so  little  success.* 

General  Brown  proposed  to  open  the  campaign  by  the 
capture  of  Fort  Erie ;  and  thence,  proceeding  rapidly 
down  the  Niagara  river,  reduce  in  succession  the  British 
posts  of  Chippewa,  Queenston  Heights,  Forts  Missis- 
saugua  and  Niagara;  anticipating  the  co-operation  of 
Commodore  Chauncey's  squadron  on  Lake  Ontario,  in 
the  achievement  of  the  two  last  objects. 

Fort  Erie,  situated  at  the  foot  of  Lake  Erie,  was  gar 
risoned  by  one  hundred  and  seventy  men,  and  comman- 

*  General  Porter,  as  a  member  of  Congress,  had  been  a  strong  and  eloquent 
advocate  for  the  Declaration  of  War. 


254  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ded  by  Major  Burke  of  the  British  army.  Chippewa, 
eighteen  miles  below,  and  then  the  head  quarters  of  the 
British  forces,  was  occupied  by  General  Real,  with  an 
army, — inclusive  of  troops  at  available  distances  in  his 
rear,— of  about  the  same  numerical  force,  and  of  the  same 
composition  with  that  of  General  Brown,  save  that  the 
number  of  his  Indian  allies  was  somewhat  less. 

In  order  to  form  any  just  estimate  of  the  merits 
of  the  battle  of  Chippewa, — no  just  or  adequate  ac 
count  of  which  has  yet  appeared  in  history, — a  correct 
and  minute  knowledge  of  the  positions  of  the  two 
armies  and  their  surrounding  localities,  at  the  time  of 
the  engagement,  is  indispensably  necessary.  The  Chip 
pewa  or  Welland  River,  the  north  or  left  bank  of  which, 
near  its  mouth,  was  occupied  by  the  British  army  and 
their  defences,  consisting  of  two  block-houses  connected 
and  flanked  by  a  parapet,  is  a  considerable  stream, 
about  one  hundred  yards  wide  and  from  twelve  to 
twenty  feet  deep,  coming  from  the  west  and  entering 
the  Niagara  at  a  right  angle.  Street's  Creek,  the  mouth 
of  which  was  selected  by  the  American  commanders 
as  a  suitable  position  before  the  battle,  is  a  small  sluggish 
stream  parallel  to  the  Chippewa,  and  entering  the  Nia 
gara  two  miles  above,  or  to  the  south  of  it.  The  Chip 
pewa  is  bordered  on  the  south  by  a  flat,  open  plain, 
about  three-fourths  of  a  mile  wide  and  terminating  in 
the  rear  in  a  dense  forest  of  primitive  growth  ;  so  wet, 
and  so  much  obstructed  by  fallen  timber,  as  to  be  im 
practicable  for  carriages  or  horses.  The  west  bank  of 
the  Niagara  is  precisely  similar  to  the  south  bank  of  the 


OF  RED-JACKET.  255 

Chippewa, — with  this  difference  only,  that  about  mid 
way  between  the  Chippewa  and  Street's  Creek  there  is, 
or  was  at  that  time,  a  strip  or  tongue  of  woodland  which 
had  never  been  cleared,  about  one-fourth  of  a  mile  in 
width,  extending  from,  or  being  a  continuation  of,  the 
forest  in  the  rear  to  a  narrow  clearing  of  one  hundred 
yards  width,  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  used  as  the  pub 
lic  highway, — thus  forming  a  mask  between  the  two 
positions  of  Chippewa  and  Street's  Creek,  by  which  the 
occupants  of  each  were  excluded  from  all  knowledge  or 
observation  of  what  was  passing  at  the  other. 

On  the  2d  of  July  General  Brown,  with  Generals 
Scott  and  Porter,  made  a  reconnoissance  of  Fort  Erie 
and  the  upper  parts  of  the  Niagara,  and  concerted  a 
plan  for  the  attack  of  the  fort  on  the  following  morning. 
By  this  plan  General  Ripley,  with  part  of  his'  brigade, 
was  to  embark  in  boats  at  Buffalo  in  the  course  of  the 
night,  and  passing  up  and  across  the  lake,  land  at  day 
light  on  the  British  shore,  a  mile  above  Fort  Erie ;  and 
General  Scott  with  his  brigade  to  cross  the  Niagara 
River,  through  a  difficult  pass  in  the  Black  Rock 
Rapids,  and  make  a  simultaneous  landing,  a  mile  below 
the  fort ;  when  the  two  brigades,  closing  and  surround 
ing  the  fort,  would  prevent  the  escape  of  the  garrison 
until  artillery  could  be  brought  from  Buffalo  to  reduce 
it.  General  Ripley,  although  punctual  in  his  departure, 
did  not  reach  the  point  of  debarkation  until  some  hours 
after  the  appointed  time,  in  consequence  of  a  heavy  fog 
by  which  his  pilots  were  misled.  But  General  Scott, 
with  his  accustomed  promptitude,  made  good  his  land- 


256  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ing  at  the  hour  indicated,  and  was  able,  with  the  assist 
ance  of  a  few  Indians  and  volunteers  who  accompanied 
him,  to  invest  the  fort  in  such  a  manner  as  to  secure  its 
garrison. 

The  rising  sun  disclosed  to  the  British  commandant 
and  his  officers,  who  were  deliberately  viewing  the 
scene  with  their  glasses  from  the  top  of  their  works,  not 
only  their  fort  already  surrounded,  but  the  hurried 
transit  of  boats  at  the  ferry  below  freighted  with  In 
dians,  artillery  and  other  means  for  their  destruction. 
Whether  influenced  most  by  the  formidable  appearance 
of  the  artillery  or  of  the  Indians,  who  are  held  even  in 
greater  terror  by  European  than  by  American  soldiers, 
the  commanding  officer,  soon  after  mid-day,  and  too 
soon  perhaps  to  satisfy  the  claims  of  military  etiquette, 
surrendered  the  fort  and  garrison  to  the  demand  of  Ge 
neral  Brown,  without  firing  a  gun. 

On  the  same  evening  General  Scott,  with  his  brigade 
and  Towson's  artillery,  proceeded  down  the  Niagara, 
and  on  the  morning  of  the  4th,  having  driven  in  on  his 
march  some  advanced  posts  of  the  enemy,  established 
his  camp  in  the  open  field  on  the  south  side  of  Street's 
Creek,  near  its  mouth  and  two  miles  from  Chippewa. 
On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  (4th)  he  was  joined  by 
General  Brown,  with  General  Ripley's  brigade,  which 
took  post  in  the  same  field  in  rear  of  General  Scott. 
In  the  course  of  the  night  of  the  4th,  General  Porter 
crossed  the  Niagara  at  Black  Rock,  with  the  Pennsyl 
vania  volunteers  and  Indians ;  and  at  sunrise  on  the 
morning  of  the  5th,  marched  for  the  camp,  where  they 


OF  RED-JACKET.  257 

arrived  at  twelve  o'clock.  On  their  way  down  they 
were  met  about  five  miles  above  Chippewa  by  General 
Brown,  who  on  joining  and  returning  with  them  gave 
General  Porter  to  understand  that  the  position  of  the 
American  army,  although  probably  the  best  that  could 
have  been  selected,  was  a  most  uncomfortable  one  on 
account  of  its  contracted  limits, — there  being  but  about 
three-fourths  of  a  mile  distance  between  the  river  and 
an  almost  impenetrable  forest,  infested  by  a  band  of 
Indians  and  militia,  conversant  with  its  haunts  and  sent 
out  from  the  British  camp  to  annoy  and  assail  his  pic 
kets  ;  that  he  had  that  morning  been  under  the  neces 
sity  of  making  an  example  of  a  valuable  officer  for  suf 
fering  his  guard  to  be  driven  in,  and  the  army  thus  ex 
posed  to  the  direct  fire  of  these  troublesome  visitants, — 
that  it  was  absolutely  necessary  for  the  quiet  and  safety 
of  the  camp  that  these  intruders  should  be  dispersed  ; 
and,  as  regular  troops  were  ill  qualified  for  such  service, 
proposed  to  General  Porter  that  he  should  with  his  corps 
of  Indian  warriors,  aided  if  necessary  by  the  volunteers, 
scour  the  adjoining  woods  and  drive  the  enemy  across 
the  Chippewa,  handling  them  in  such  a  manner  as 
would  prevent  a  renewal  of  this  kind  of  warfare, — as 
suring  him  in  the  most  confident  terms  that  there  was  not 
and  would  not  be  in  the  course  of  that  day  a  single 
British  regular  soldier  on  the  south  side  of  the  Chippewa. 
But  still,  to  be  prepared  for  such  improbable  contingency, 
that  he  would  direct  General  Scott's  brigade  to  cross 
Street's  Creek  and  occupy  the  plain  on  the  north  side 
of  it,  (which  afterward  became  the  principal  battle 

33 


258  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ground,)  and  be  in  readiness  to  sustain  him.  The  pro 
position  was  of  course  acceded  to  by  General  Porter, 
and  when  afterward  communicated  to  his  brigade,  re 
ceived  by  them  with  enthusiasm. 

By  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  men  having 
been  refreshed  from  the  fatigues  of  the  preceding  twen 
ty-four  hours, — the  plan  of  march  and  attack  settled, 
and  the  warriors  duly  arrayed  in  their  battle  dress,* — 
General  Porter's  command, — with  the  exception  of  two 
hundred  Pennsylvanians  who  were  left  on  parade,  sub 
ject  to  future  orders, — -was  formed  about  half  a  mile 
in  rear  of  the  main  camp,  into  a  single  or  Indian  file, 
with  Indians  on  the  left ;  and  thence  marching  into  the 
woods  in  the  same  order,  in  a  line  at  right  angles  to  the 
river,  until  the  whole  Indian  force  was  immerged  in  the 
forest,  leaving  the  white  troops  in  the  open  field, — they 
had  only  to  halt  and  face  to  the  right,  when  the  whole 
were  formed  in  line  of  battle,  three-fourths  of  a  mile 
long  and  one  man  deep,  looking  in  the  direction  of  Chip- 
pewa.  Red- Jacket  was  placed  at  the  extreme  left  of 
the  line,  and  General  Porter  took  his  station  on  the  mar 
gin  of  the  woods  between  the  white  and  red  troops,  ac 
companied  by  Captain  Pollard,— a  Seneca  chief,  who 
was  considered  as  the  first  in  command  among  the  In- 

*  It  was  the  uniform  practice  of  our  Indian  warriors,  when  going  into  action, 
to  divest  their  persons  of  all  covering  excepting  moccasins,  perhaps  leggings,  a 
breech-cloth,  a  large  tuft  of  white  feathers  fastened  to  the  hair  on  the  crown  of 
the  head,  and  a  small  strong  plaited  line  or  belt,  three  or  four  yards  long,  (called 
a  matunip  line,)  girt  about  their  waist,  to  secure  the  tomahawk,  knife,  powder- 
horn,  &c.,  and  used  if  necessary  to  bind  their  prisoners.  Their  naked  bodies 
and  faces  were  then  painted  with  bold  and  gaudy  colors,  without  uniformity,  and 
generally,  though  not  always,  without  much  taste  or  design. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  359 

dians,* — Colonel  Flemming,  the  Quarter-master  of  the 
Indian  corps,  Lieutenant  (now  Major)  Donald  Eraser, 
his  aid,  Henry  Johnson,  his  interpreter.!  He  was  also 
accompanied  by  Major  (now  Adjutant-General)  Jones, 
and  Major  Wood  of  the  Engineers,  who  afterward  fell 
in  the  sortie  from  Fort  Erie,  as  volunteers  ;  and  sup 
ported  by  a  company  of  regular  infantry,  marching  in 
column  in  the  rear  as  a  reserve.  The  Indians  were 
commanded  by  their  war-chiefs  who  were  indulged  in 
their  own  mode  of  conducting  the  attack,  marching  about 
twenty  yards  in  advance  of  the  warriors  of  their  respec 
tive  tribes.  General  Porter  having  sent  out  scouts  to  re- 

*  The  selection  of  their  leader  for  this  battle,  or  perhaps  for  the  campaign, 
was  made  in  council  but  a  short  time  before  the  action  took  place.  The  chief 
who  expected  the  distinction  was  an  Onondaga,  named  Ka-was-kwant,  or  the 
Spring-  Trap,  commonly  known  as  Captain  John.  He  was  an  aged  warrior, 
who  had  shown  his  braveiy  at  Wyoming,  Cherry  Valley,  and  Newtown,  and  in 
short  at  almost  every  place  where  fighting  was  to  be  done  during  the  war  of  the 
revolution.  He  was  now  seventy-five  years  old ;  but  hearing  that  his  people 
were  about  to  go  again  upon  the  war-path,  the  fire  of  heroism  rekindled  in 
his  bosom,  and  he  hastened  to  the  frontier,  confident,  that  from  his  well-known 
character  of  old,  he  should  be  chosen  the  leader  on  the  present  occasion.  But 
he  was  not  even  named  in  council,  the  choice  falling  with  great  unanimity  upon 
Pollard.  Captain  John  was  greatly  affected  by  this  neglect,  and  the  tears  rolled 
down  his  cheeks  as  he  related  the  circumstance  to  Mr.  Tyler,  the  author's  in 
formant.  "  They  think  me  too  old,  and  that  I  am  good  for  nothing,"  said  the 
veteran  chief,  in  the  bitterness  of  his  heart;  and  with  a  countenance  saddened 
with  disappointment  he  left  the  warriors,  and  retraced  his  steps  to  Onondaga. 
As  they  did  not  want  his  services,  he  would  not  trouble  them  with  his  presence. 

t  Henry  Johnson,  (called  Cattaraugas  Hank,)  was  a  white  man  by  birth  ;  but 
having  been  made  a  prisoner  in  infancy,  was  in  all  his  associations,  habits  and 
dispositions,  a  thorough  Indian.  He  was  honest  and  possessed  a  handsome  pro 
perty,  was  endowed  with  great  physical  power  and  enterprise,  and  being  withal 
an  admirable  hunter,  there  was,  probably,  not  an  Indian  or  a  white  man  on  the 
Niagara,  who  could  boast  of  having  slain  the  number  of  foes  that  fell  by  his  un 
erring  rifle. 


260  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

connoitre  the  enemy,  the  march  was  commenced  by  signal, 
and  proceeded  at  first  with  great  stillness  and  caution. 
The  chiefs  have  signals,  by  which,  on  the  discovery  of 
any  circumstance  requiring  consultation  or  a  change  of 
route  or  action,  they  convey  notice  through  their  ranks 
with  great  celerity,  on  which  the  whole  line  of  warriors 
drop  instantly  to  the  ground,  and  remain  there  until  far 
ther  orders.  Two  manoeuvres  of  this  kind  occurred  on 
the  march, — the  first  of  little  moment,  but  the  second 
communicating,  through  the  scouts,  the  exact  position  of 
the  enemy,  who,  apprised  of  their  assailants'  approach, 
lay  concealed  in  a  thicket  of  bushes  along  the  margin 
of  Street's  Creek.  A  consultation  was  thereupon  held 
and  new  orders  given,  the  purport  of  which  was  to 
change  the  line  of  march  so  as  to  meet  the  enemy  to 
more  advantage,  to  increase  the  speed  as  much  as  was 
consistent  with  the  preservation  of  order,  to  receive 
their  first  fire,  but  not  to  return  it  except  singly  and 
when  it  could  be  done  with  certain  effect,  and  then  to 
raise  the  war-whoop,  pursue,  capture  and  slay  as  many 
as  practicable,  until  they  should  reach  the  open  ground 
in  front  of  Chippewa,  and  thence  return  to  camp. 

The  march  was  accordingly  resumed,  the  fire  of  the 
enemy  received,  and  a  rush  accompanied  with  savage 
yells  made  upon  them  and  continued  for  more  than  a 
mile,  through  scenes  of  frightful  havoc  and  slaughter, 
few  only  of  the  fugitives  offering  to  surrender  as  pri 
soners,  while  others,  believing  that  no  quarters  would  be 
given,  suffered  themselves  to  be  cut  down  by  the  toma 
hawk,  or  turning  back  upon  their  pursuers,  fought  hand 
to  hand  to  the  last. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

On  reaching  the  open  field  in  front  of  Chippewa,  the 
assailants  were  met  by  a  tremendous  discharge  of  mus 
ketry,  by  which  the  warriors,  who  were  principally  in 
front,  were  thrown  back  upon  the  volunteers  and  re 
serve,  who  for  want  of  equal  speed  were  a  short  dis 
tance  in  the  rear.  Presuming  that  the  fire  had  come 
from  the  enemy  he  had  been  pursuing,  and  who  had 
rallied  on  reaching  the  open  ground,  General  Porter 
made  an  effort,  not  without  success,  to  reform  his  line 
with  the  volunteers,  reserve,  and  a  portion  of  the  war 
riors  ;  but  on  again  advancing  to  the  margin  of  the 
woods  found  himself  within  a  few  yards  of  the  whole 
British  regular  army  formed  in  line  of  battle,  and  pre 
senting  within  a  given  space  at  least  three  men  fresh 
from  their  camp,  to  a  single  one  in  his  own  attenuated 
and  exhausted  line.  After  receiving  and  returning  two 
or  three  fires,  the  enemy  rushed  forward  with  charged 
bayonets,  when,  hearing  nothing  from  General  Scott,  he 
gave  the  order  to  retreat,  sauve  qui  peut,  and  form  again 
on  the  left  of  General  Scott's  brigade,  wherever  it 
should  be  found. 

It  appears  that  the  British  commander  had  resolved 
on  making  a  general  attack  that  day  on  the  American 
camp ;  and  in  execution  of  this  purpose  had  marched 
his  whole  force  across  the  Chippewa  a  short  time  before 
General  Porter  entered  the  woods  with  the  Indians ; 
and  having  sent  forward  his  Indians  and  militia, — which 
was  the  British  force  met  in  the  woods, — to  commence 
his  attack  on  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans,  formed  in 
the  meantime  his  battalions  of  regulars  on  the  plain, 


262  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

under  cover  of  the  strip  of  wood  land  which  divided  the 
two  camps,  with  his  artillery  on  his  left,  near  the  gorge 
occupied  by  the  road  along  the  bank  of  the  river ;  ready 
to  act  the  moment  the  effect  of  the  flank  attack  should 
be  developed. 

The  repulse  of  General  Porter's  command  was  thus 
effected  by  the  main  body  of  the  British  army,  while 
General  Scott's  brigade  was  more  than  a  mile  in  the 
rear,  and  had  not  yet  crossed  the  bridge  over  Street's 
Creek.  The  error  therefore  of  General  Porter, — if  he 
committed  one, — consisted  in  remaining  as  long  as  he  did 
under  so  unequal  a  fire ;  or  perhaps  in  attempting  to 
rally  at  all  against  so  superior  a  force  ;  and  if  the  Indians 
were  more  censured  for  cowardice  than  the  volunteers, 
in  consequence  of  being  foremost  in  the  flight,  they  owe 
their  degradation  to  their  greater  speed  and  bottom,  for 
every  fugitive,  whether  white  or  red  man,  exerted  his 
utmost  power  of  locomotion  to  escape,  restrained  by  no 
other  consideration  than  a  passing  regard  to  the  safety 
of  his  immediate  companions  in  flight.*  In  a  retreat  of 

*  Colonel  Worth,  of  the  U.  S.  army,  has  given  me  in  conversations  some  amu 
sing  reminiscences  of  this  retreat  of  the  Indians.  The  Colonel  was  a  young  officer 
at  that  time,  attached  to  the  military  family  of  General  Scott.  Some  of  the  In 
dians,  it  seems,  had  taken  their  sons,  lads  of  twelve  to  fourteen,  into  the  battle,  to 
teach  them  early  in  the  trade  of  war.  As  the  Indians  came  rushing  along  in  a 
diagonal  direction,  some  of  them  ran  up  in  front  of  Scott's  brigade,  which  opened 
a  passage  through  for  their  retreat.  Among  them  Colonel  Worth  observed  one 
stalwart  Indian,  with  his  son  upon  his  shoulder,  bounding  forward  with  the  ut 
most  expedition.  Just  as  he  was  passing  near  the  position  of  the  General  and 
staff,  a  shell  of  the  enemy's  exploded  apparently  over  his  head.  With  the  usual 
exclamation  of  "  Ugh  !"  the  Indian  bounded  nearly  ten  feet  high,  and  as  he  came 
down,  his  son,  who  was  about  fourteen  years  old,  tumbled  sprawling  upon  the 
ground, — the  father  continuing  his  speed,  and  the  young  "  brave"  picking  him- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  263 

a  mile  in  a  diagonal  direction  to  the  right,  so  as  to  un 
cover  the  enemy  to  the  fire  of  the  American  line,  then 
just  beginning  to  form,  they  gained  but  little  distance  on 
the  British  columns  who  were  in  hot  pursuit.  When 
General  Porter  and  his  staff  arrived  at  Street's  Creek, 
they  were  met  by  Major  (now  General,)  Jesup's  bat 
talion,  then  in  the  act  of  taking  its  position,  which  was 
on  the  left,  and  a  short  distance  from  the  remainder  of 
General  Scott's  brigade  ;  and  the  volunteers,  fatigued  as 
they  were,  aided  Major  Jesup's  evolutions,  which  were 
executed  with  great  order  and  celerity,  by  breaking 
down  the  fences  to  enable  him  to  pass  from  the  road 
bordering  on  Street's  Creek,  to  his  position  in  the  field. 
Nothing  could  exceed  the  coolness  and  order  with  which 
General  Scott's  brigade  crossed  the  bridge  and  formed 
its  line,  under  the  galling  fire  of  the  enemy's  artillery, 
and  the  headlong  approach  of  his  infantry,  who,  when 
only  fifty  yards  distant,  were  received  by  a  tremendous 
discharge  of  musketry  from  the  American  line,  which 
forced  them  to  fall  back  for  a  considerable  distance. 
But  they  speedily  rallied  and  advanced  again,  when 
they  were  met  in  the  same  gallant  manner,  which  proved 
decisive  of  the  battle  ;  and  they  thereupon  fled  the  field 
with  as  much  precipitation  as  they  had  entered  it, — not 
halting  until  they  had  recrossed  the  Chippewa  and  de 
stroyed  their  bridge.  General  Scott  pursued  them 
around  the  point  of  woods,  beyond  which  he  could  only 

self  up  and  scampering  after  him  as  fast  as  possible.  The  scene  was  so  ludicrous 
as  to  create  merriment  among  the  young  officers,  even  on  so  grave  an  occasion, — • 
calling  forth  a  rebuke  from  General  Scott.  W.  L.  S. 


264  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

advance  in  face  of  their  batteries,  and  these  he  could 
not  reach  by  reason  of  the  intervening  river.  He  there 
fore  deployed  to  the  left,  and  forming  a  line  in  the  open 
field  in  front  of  Chippewa,  directed  his  men  to  lie  down 
with  their  heads  toward  the  batteries,  the  better  to  avoid 
the  effect  of  their  fire. 

The  battle  between  the  regular  troops  was  but  of  a 
few  minutes  duration,  with  the  exception  of  the  artillery, 
which,  on  both  sides,  was  earliest  and  longest  engaged, 
and  served  with  the  most  destructive  effect, — Colonel 
Towson  occupying  the  right  of  the  American  line,  on 
Street's  Creek,  and  the  British  artillery  the  left  of  theirs, 
at  the  point  of  woods,  and  both  commencing  with  the 
first  movements  of  the  regular  troops. 

Immediately  after  the  two  lines  had  encountered  on 
Street's  Creek,  a  magnificent  charger  completely  capari 
soned,  but  without  a  rider,  was  seen  prancing  and  cur 
veting  in  the  centre  of  the  battle  field,  and  endeavoring 
to  make  his  escape  through  the  American  line  to  the 
rear.  Presuming  that  he  had  belonged  to  some  officer 
who  had  fallen,  he  was  forthwith  secured  by  the  servant 
of  General  Porter,  and  immediately  mounted  by  the 
general,  to  whom  he  was  a  most  acceptable  acquisition 
after  the  labors  of  the  day  which  he  had  performed  on 
foot.* 

*  This  powerful  steed  was  the  property  of  Major  M'Neal,  who  commanded 
one  of  General  Scott's  battalions,  and  never  having  before  been  in  action,  was  so 
much  alarmed  by  the  sudden  and  tremendous  discharge  of  musketry  and  artil 
lery  in  every  direction,  as  to  be,  for  a  few  moments,  wholly  unman  agable  ;  and 
the  major  was  obliged  to  dismount  and  abandon  him.  He,  nevertheless,  soon 
became  familiarized,  as  his  owner  had  been  long  before,  to  the  dangers  of  his 
new  profession,  and  was  the  next  morning  restored  to  the  major. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  265 

Riding  up  to  General  Brown,  who  was  also  in  the 
midst  of  the  action,  General  Porter  received  his  orders 
to  march  with  the  two  hundred  Pennsylvanians  who 
had  been  left  in  camp,  to  the  support  of  General  Scott ; 
which  orders  were  promptly  executed  by  following  Gene 
ral  Scott's  brigade  around  the  point  of  woods,  receiving 
the  fire  of  the  British  batteries,  and  taking  post  on  his 
left  with  the  men  in  the  same  recumbent  position.  Here 
they  awaited  the  arrival  of  General  Ripley's  brigade, 
which,  on  the  first  discovery  that  the  whole  British  army 
was  in  the  field,  had  been  ordered  to  make  a  detour 
through  the  woods,  and  attack  the  enemy's  right.  They 
soon  came  up,  in  the  same  muddy  plight  with  the  volun 
teers  and  Indians  who  had  previously  traversed  the  same 
ground  ;  when  the  whole  army  at  about  sundown  quietly 
retired  to  their  camp  on  the  south  side  of  Street's  Creek. 
And  thus  ended  the  battle  of  Chippewa,  which  probably 
produced  more  important  results  in  favor  of  the  Ameri 
can  arms  than  any  other  engagement  by  land  in  the 
course  of  that  war ;  although  there  were  several  battles 
fought  on  the  Niagara,  if  not  elsewhere,  during  the  same 
campaign,  exhibiting  a  greater  number  of  combatants 
engaged,  a  larger  number  slain,  and  a  result  equally 
creditable  to  the  gallantry  and  good  conduct  of  the  Ame 
rican  soldiers. 

The  first  advantage  gained  was  in  driving  from  the 
British  army  those  troublesome  enemies,  their  Indian 
allies,  who  had  been  the  terror  of  our  troops  in  the  west, 
during  all  the  preceding  stages  of  the  war,  and  had  kept 
the  camps  of  General  Dearborn,  General  Lewis  and 

34 


*>66  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

General  Boyd,  in  a  perpetual  panic  during  the  campaign 
of  1813.  Terrified  and  disheartened  by  the  reception 
they  met  with  at  Chippewa,  they  fled  from  the  battle 
field  to  the  head  of  Lake  Ontario,  a  distance  of  thirty 
miles,  without  halting,  and  never  again  during  the  re 
mainder  of  the  war  appeared  in  the  British  camp, — thus 
giving  a  practical  and  decisive  proof  that  they  held  the 
prowess  of  their  red  American  foes  in  much  higher  esti 
mation  than  some  of  the  allies  of  the  latter  were  dis 
posed  to  accord  to  them. 

Another  immediate  effect  of  this  battle  was  to  give  the 
American  people  confidence  in  the  courage  and  efficiency 
of  their  army,  and  to  the  latter,  confidence  in  themselves. 
A  great  blunder  had  been  committed  at  the  commence 
ment  of  the  war,  in  the  appointment  of  incompetent  and 
unworthy  men,  taken  perhaps  from  the  gambling  table 
or  the  race  course,  as  officers  of  the  army,  owing  their 
places  to  the  importunities  of  influential  friends,  who 
sought  this  mode  of  providing  for  those  who  were  useless 
in  civil  life. 

It  is  a  well  known  fact,  and  it  is  fortunate  for  the  pur 
poses  of  war  that  it  is  so,  that  the  tone,  temper  and 
spirit  of  the  common  soldier  will,  in  most  instances,  and 
especially  on  occasions  of  great  peril,  conform  to,  and 
identify  themselves  with  those  of  his  commanding  offi 
cer  ;  so  that  if  an  officer  prove  recreant  in  battle,  his 
example  will  poison  and  make  cowards  of  the  whole 
corps  to  which  he  belongs ;  and  it  was  to  this  circum 
stance  that  the  Americans  were  indebted  for  most  of 
their  early  discomfitures. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  267 

But  in  1814  this  difficulty  had  in  a  great  measure 
been  overcome  by  the  resignation  or  dismissal  of  unde 
serving  incumbents,  and  the  army  of  Niagara  entered 
the  field  under  a  complement  of  as  gallant  officers  as 
could  be  found  in  any  army  or  country. 

The  victory  of  Chippewa  and  those  which  followed 
it  were  achieved  by  men  three  fourths  of  whom, — in 
cluding  the  regular  troops  as  well  as  the  volunteers  and 
Indians, — had  never  before  been  in  action, — thus  esta 
blishing  the  important  fact,  which  should  not  be  lost 
sight  of  in  the  future  organization  of  our  army  and  mi 
litia,  that  the  efficiency  of  a  military  force  depends  more 
on  the  judicious  selection  and  arrangement  of  the  original 
material  of  which  it  is  composed,  than  on  prolonged  dis 
cipline  ;  and  that  a  farmer  fresh  from  the  plough  may, 
by  a  drill  of  six  weeks,  under  proper  officers,  be  rendered 
as  efficient  in  all  the  duties  of  the  field,  as  a  soldier  of 
ten  years  standing,  although  he  may  not  within  this  short 
space  become  enured  to  the  habits  of  the  camp. 

The  eclat  of  these  victories  created  such  an  enthu 
siasm  throughout  the  country,  that  not  only  the  youth, 
but  men  of  every  age  and  condition  in  life,  were  pressing 
for  opportunities  to  enter  the  service  ;  and  had  the  war 
continued,  the  campaign  of  1815  would  have  opened 
with  an  army  of  any  desired  extent,  selected  from  the 
choicest  materials  of  the  country.  But  these  same  events, 
so  brilliant  on  our  part,  had  a  corresponding  influence  in 
depressing  the  hopes  and  expectations  of  our  enemy,  and 
led  to  the  peace  of  December,  1814,  so  honorable  to  both 
parties,  and  which,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  will  not  soon  be 
again  disturbed. 


268  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

On  reviewing  the  several  incidents  connected  with 
the  battle  of  Chippewa,  it  is  evident  that,  had  General 
Scott's  brigade  been  at  hand  to  support  the  volunteers 
and  Indians  when  first  met  by  the  regular  columns  of 
the  British  army,  the  contest  as  a  whole  would  have  pre 
sented  quite  a  different  aspect  from  the  one  it  actually 
assumed  ;  but  that  the  result  would  have  been  equally 
auspicious  to  the  American  arms  is  not  to  be  doubted. 
Why  they  were  not  there  has  never  been  satisfactorily 
explained  to  those  who  were  most  interested  in  the 
movement.  There  can  be  no  question  that  General 
Scott  was  as  full  a  believer  as  General  Brown,  in  the 
proposition  and  prophecy  so  confidently  advanced  by 
the  latter  in  the  morning,  "  that  there  was  not  and  would 
not  be,  in  the  course  of  that  day,  a  single  regular  British 
soldier  on  the  south  side  of  the  Chippewa,"  and  that 
General  Porter's  force  was  amply  sufficient  to  dispose  of 
the  Indians  and  militia.  But  whether  the  tardy  exe 
cution,  or  rather  non-execution,  of  the  promised  order  for 
his  support,  proceeded  from  delay  in  the  issuing,  or  in 
the  performance  of  it,  is  a  question  which  seems  not  to 
have  been  settled. 

Still,  the  successive  mistakes  committed  by  the  two 
armies  on  that  day,  by  reason  of  their  mutual  ignorance 
of  each  other's  positions,  plans  and  movements,  were 
probably  quite  as  injurious  in  their  consequences  to  the 
British  as  to  the  Americans.  The  first  error,  in  throw 
ing  the  volunteers  and  Indians,  in  their  exhausted  con 
dition,  into  the  power  of  the  British  battalions,  without 
support,  was  immediately  followed  by  an  equal  one  on 


OF  RED-JACKET.  269 

the  part  of  the  latter,  who,  on  seeing  the  sudden  check 
and  rapid  retreat  they  had  given  to  their  assailants,  and 
elated  too,  as  they  evidently  were,  with  the  idea  that 
victory  was  already  achieved,  pursued  them  for  a  mile 
with  a  precipitation  which  at  once  exhausted  their 
strength,  and  threw  them  into  a  degree  of  confusion, 
which  was  so  much  increased  by  the  astounding  re 
ception  they  met  with  from  General  Scott's  line,  that 
they  could  never  afterward  restore  that  order  which 
was  necessary  to  enable  them  to  cope  with  the  cool  and 
compact  ranks  of  the  Americans.  And  these  mutual 
blunders  probably  hastened  the  termination  of  the  battle, 
and  rendered  it  less  sanguinary  than  it  would  have  been 
had  the  parties  met  more  deliberately,  and  with  a  bet 
ter  knowledge  of  each  other's  views  and  comparative 
strength.* 

The  rumor  which  was  industriously  spread,  that  the 
whole  of  the  American  Indians,  immediately  on  their  re 
pulse  at  Chippewa,  fled  to  Buffalo,  and  were  never  seen 
again  in  the  American  camp,  was  destitute  of  foundation. 
The  Indians  never  coerce  their  warriors  into  battle  or 
compel  them  to  remain  there,  and  it  is  true  that  a  con 
siderable  number  of  them  fled  from  sheer  cowardice  and 
fright,  on  the  first  fire  ;  but  the  number  of  fugitives  was 
much  exaggerated  for  want  of  a  knowledge  of  Indian 
customs.  When  they  take  a  prisoner,  the  captor,  with  sur 
prising  dexterity  and  despatch,  binds  his  hands  behind  his 
back  with  his  maturnip  line  and  leads  him  off  to  the  rear, 

*  General  Riall  had  seventeen  hundred  men  engaged  in  this  battle,  while  the 
American  troops  actually  brought  into  the  battle  did  not  exceed  thirteen  hundred. 


270  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

like  a  horse  by  a  halter,  on  a  trot ;  and  the  frequent  ap 
pearance  of  these  parties  gliding  along  the  skirts  of  the 
woods  at  the  commencement  of  the  action, — the  guard 
generally  outnumbering  the  prisoners, — led  the  other 
troops  by  whom  they  were  observed  to  believe  that  they 
were  all  fugitives.  But  that  the  great  body  of  warriors 
as  well  as  volunteers,  engaged  in  the  opening  attack, 
fought  with  a  boldness,  not  to  say  desperation,  unsur 
passed  by  any  other  troops  until  they  were  placed, — 
and  that  not  by  their  own  fault, — in  a  situation  where  it 
would  have  been  madness  not  to  retreat,  was  fully  at 
tested  by  their  officers  ;  and  was,  moreover,  proved  by 
the  fact  that  the  loss  of  the  British  Indians  and  militia 
in  the  woods,  inclusive  of  killed,  wounded  and  prison 
ers,  was  not  less  than  that  of  their  regular  troops  in  the 
subsequent  engagement  in  the  field. 

Most  of  the  warriors  remained  in  camp  for  some 
fifteen  days  longer,  and  until  the  eve  of  the  battle  of 
Bridgewater,  when,  for  reasons  which  were  plausible,  if 
not  satisfactory,  they  retired  from  the  army  to  their  re 
spective  villages. 

On  the  morning  of  the  6th  of  July,  General  Porter 
was  waited  on  at  his  tent  by  about  twenty  chiefs,  each 
accompanied  by  a  warrior  bearing  the  scalps  which  his 
tribe  had  taken  during  the  preceding  day.  They  had, 
it  seems,  been  informed  that  they  were  to  receive  a 
bounty  for  every  scalp  taken  in  battle.  But  on  be 
ing  apprised  of  their  mistake,  these  unseemly  trophies 
were  immediately  buried  or  thrown  into  the  river.  Still 
they  were  allowed  a  premium  for  the  prisoners  they  had 


OF  RED-JACKET.  271 

taken,  amounting  to  sixteen  or  eighteen, — among  whom 
were  two  or  three  chiefs, — proportioned  to  the  rank  they 
held. 

At  their  request  General  Porter  gave  them  permis 
sion  to  visit  the  battle  ground,  for  the  purpose  of  bring 
ing  off  the  bodies  of  their  friends  who  had  fallen, 
which  in  the  hurry  of  the  preceding  day  they  had  not 
been  able  to  do, — it  being  understood  that  Colonel 
Flemming  should  accompany  them. 

After  an  absence  of  a  few  hours  they  returned,  bring 
ing  in  the  bodies  of  fifteen  warriors,  among  whom  were 
three  chiefs,  all  of  which  were  buried  in  the  course  of 
the  evening  with  the  honors  of  war.*  They  reported 
also  that  among  the  numerous  bodies  of  their  enemies 
strewed  along  the  woods,  they  had  discovered  three 
who,  although  mortally  wounded,  were  still  living. 
Two  of  these  they  despatched  by  cutting  their  throats, 
but  recognizing  in  the  third  a  late  member  of  one  of 
their  own  villages,  who  was  burning  with  fever  and 
thirst,  Johnson  had  filled  his  own  canteen  with  water 
at  a  neighboring  creek  and  given  it  to  him,  to  die  by 
himself.  On  being  reproached  with  the  savage  pro-: 
ceeding  of  taking  the  life  of  an  unresisting  foe,  the  only 
answer  given  by  Johnson,  with  marks  of  evident  con 
trition,  was, — "  That  it  did  seem  hard  to  take  the  lives 

*  Among  the  slain  chiefs  was  Captain  Le  Fort,  an  Onondaga,  of  courage  and 
reputation.  His  son,  Abraham  Le  Fort,  yet  resides  at  Onondaga.  He  has  pro 
cured  a  good  education,  adopted  the  costume  of  the  whites,  and  his  children  are 
inmates*  of  the  English  common  school  in  his  neighborhood.  He  was  a  lad  of 
fourteen  at  the  time  of  the  battle  of  Chippewa,  and  accompanied  his  father 
in  that  campaign.  W.  L.  S. 


272  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  of  these  men,  but  that  we  ought  to  recollect  that  these 
"  were  very  hard  times." 

Two  days  after  the  battle  a  passage  was  forced 
across  the  Chippewa  at  a  point  three  miles  above  its 
mouth,  by  Major  Hindman's  corps  of  artillery,  supported 
by  General  Ripley's  brigade  and  the  New- York  volun 
teers,  just  arrived.  After  a  short  and  gallant  resistance 
by  the  enemy  at  the  cannon's  mouth,  they  fled  in  great 
haste  and  confusion, — destroying  their  works  at  Chip 
pewa  and  Queenston  heights, — to  Fort  Mississagua,  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Niagara  River. 

On  the  march  of  the  army  to  Queenston,  the  Indians, 
whose  roving  habits  it  was  impossible  to  restrain,  com 
mitted  some  depredations  upon  the  neighboring  farmers, 
besides  capturing  some  fifty  to  one  hundred  barrels  of 
wine,  brandy,  and  other  stores  belonging  to  the  British 
army,  which  they  found  concealed  in  the  woods.  This 
property  was  taken  from  them  by  the  United  States 
Quarter-master,  in  virtue  of  an  order  issued  by  Gene 
ral  Brown  on  entering  the  province,  and  as  regarded 
the  public  stores,  much  to  their  dissatisfaction. 

About  this  time,  on  the  suggestion  of  Red- Jacket,  ap 
proved  by  General  Brown,  two  young  chiefs  distin 
guished  for  their  bravery,  prudence  and  address,  were 
despatched  to  the  camp  of  the  British  Indians  at  the 
head  of  the  lake,  with  secret  propositions  for  the  mutual 
withdrawal  of  the  whole  Indian  forces  from  both  armies. 
After  three  days  absence  they  returned,  and  reported 
that  they  were  kindly  received  by  the  few  chiefs  with 
whom  they  dared  to  communicate  or  to  be  made 


OF  RED-JACKET,  273 

known  to ;  and  that  measures  would  be  immediately 
taken  by  them  to  carry  the  proposition  into  effect. 
This  embassy, — which  Red-Jacket  was  disposed  to 
turn  to  the  best  advantage, — resulted  in  the  retirement 
of  all  the  American  warriors  to  their  respective  villages, 
with  a  positive  engagement,  nevertheless,  that  they 
would  immediately  return  if  the  British  Indians  should 
again  appear  in  the  field.  But  they  did  not  appear; 
still,  some  forty  or  fifty  American  Indians,  among  whom 
was  Johnson,  lured  by  the  love  of  war  and  by  the  ex 
citing  scenes  through  which  they  had  already  passed, 
returned  to  the  army  and  were  useful  auxiliaries  dur 
ing  the  remainder  of  the  campaign, — having  been  in 
Fort  Erie  at  the  time  of  its  investment,  and  performed 
a  conspicuous  part  in  the  sortie  of  the  17th  September, 
on  which  occasion  they  were  among  the  first  to  scale 
the  enemy's  works. 

The  writer  of  the  preceding  account  has  relied 
almost  wholly  on  his  memory, — having  had  recourse  to 
scarcely  a  single  written  document,  except  to  ascertain 
dates, — for  the  facts  it  contains.*  His  principal  object 
has  been  to  vindicate  the  men  of  the  Six  Nations,  who 
have  no  historian  to  chronicle  their  good  or  bad  deeds, 
against  the  charges  both  of  bad  faith  and  cowardice 

*  General  Porter  is  himself  the  author  of  this  account  of  the  crossing  of  the 
Niagara  by  the  American  army ;  the  capture  of  Fort  Erie ;  and  the  battle  of 
Chippewa.  I  had  written  as  good  an  account  of  these  events  as  all  the  mate 
rials  I  could  obtain  enabled  me  to  collate.  But  not  being  satisfied  with  it  my 
self,  I  placed  the  manuscript  in  the  hands  of  General  Porter,  who  kindly  favored 
me  with  a  far  more  correct,  extended,  and  impartial  account  of  that  portion  of  the 
campaign  of  1814,  than  I  could  obtain  the  means  of  composing.  See  letter  from 
General  Porter  to  the  author,  Appendix  E. 

35 


274  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

preferred  against  them  during  their  brief  connexion 
with  the  army.  He  will  close  it  with  a  few  remarks  on 
their  character,  and  more  especially  that  of  Red-Jacket, 
as  warriors. 

Although  these  people  are  unable,  for  want  of  the 
necessary  science,  materials,  and  machinery,  to  wage  a 
systematic  and  independent  war,  they  are  nevertheless 
most  valuable  auxiliaries  to  an  army  in  this  country. 
Indeed,  a  corps  of  Indian  warriors,  bearing  a  due  pro 
portion  to  the  size  of  the  army  with  which  they  act,  may 
be  considered  as  worth  at  least  double  their  numbers  in 
any  other  description  of  troops.  Equal,  at  least,  to 
white  men  in  physical  strength,  intelligence,  and  mili 
tary  ambition,  the  athletic  habits  in  which  they  are  edu 
cated,  their  familiarity  with  the  woods  and  fields,  and 
their  abstemious  modes  of  living,  confer  on  them  an  ac 
tivity  and  fleetness  and  a  power  of  endurance  far  be 
yond  what  white  men  possess  ;  while  the  lightness  of 
their  arms  and  dress  and  the  scanty  means  required  for 
their  subsistence  and  sleeping,  relieve  an  army  from  a 
vast  amount  of  the  lumber  and  material  of  war.  The 
prevailing  impression  that  they  are  more  cowardly  than 
white  men, — which  is  an  inference  from  their  well 
known  repugnance  and  refusal  to  fight  hand  to  hand  in 
the  open  field, — is  known  to  be  unjust  by  those  inti 
mately  acquainted  with  their  character  and  customs.  It 
should  be  recollected  that  the  sentiment  of  true  valor,  which 
is  as  much  respected  and  cherished  by  the  Indians  as  by 
white  men,  is  not  less  the  offspring  of  education  than  of 
instinct.  Among  the  qualifications  of  a  great  war-chief, 


OF  RED-JACKET.  275 

prudence,  sagacity,  and  skill  in  circumventing  and 
prostrating  an  enemy  with  the  least  possible  loss  to  his 
own  people,  are  not  less  regarded  and  venerated  than  his 
prowess  in  the  field.  They  are  taught  from  their  infancy  to 
hold  in  detestation  that  sort  of  blind  chivalry  which  in 
duces  two  men,  or  two  equal  bodies  of  men,  to  march  into 
a  field  and  deliberately  hack  each  other  down.  Yet 
many  of  our  Indians  were  repeatedly  seen,  not  only 
charging  with  the  other  troops  in  the  field,  but  perform 
ing, — when  acting  by  themselves, — feats  of  open,  bold, 
and  daring  bravery,  from  the  execution  of  which  few 
even  of  our  best  troops  would  not  have  recoiled.  But 
when  they  do  indulge  in  such  feats  it  must  be  when 
the  chances  of  success  are  strongly  in  their  favor,  and 
in  prospect  of  a  boon  commensurate  with  the  hazard 
they  run. 

As  to  Red-Jacket,  he  was  considered  by  his  own 
friends  as  well  as  by  his  enemies,  constitutionally  a  cow 
ard, — that  is  to  say,  as  formed  with  nerves  more  sen 
sitive  to  danger  than  those  of  most  other  men ;  and 
yet  so  powerfully  was  he  influenced  by  the  feelings  of 
pride,  and  the  necessity  of  sustaining  in  every  situation 
the  reputation  of  a  great  chief,  that  he  was  said  by  those 
who  were  near  him  to  have  behaved  exceedingly  well 
in  the  battle  of  Chippewa.  But  he  took  care  to  keep 
himself  out  of  all  minor  engagements  and  skirmishes, 
where,  if  the  hazard  would  have  been  less,  so  also  was 
the  object  to  be  achieved.  During  the  whole  period  of 
the  war,  the  powers  of  his  great  eloquence  were  con 
stantly  exerted  both  on  the  government  and  on  the  chiefs 


276  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

and  warriors ;  first,  to  keep  them  from  joining  in  the  war, 
and  after  they  had  become  engaged  to  withdraw  them 
from  it ;  and  in  this  his  counsels  were  those  of  a  wise 
man  and  a  provident  father  of  his  people.  His  principal 
arguments  were, — that  the  Indians  had  no  interest  in 
the  quarrel  between  the  two  parties,  and  nothing  to  gain 
or  lose  in  the  result, — that  they  had  no  voice  in  the  de 
claration  of  war,  nor  could  they  have  in  its  conduct  and 
termination, — and  above  all,  that  the  Six  Nations  had 
but  few  young  men,  who,  if  permitted  to  be  drawn  into 
the  contest  and  employed  in  such  enterprises  as  the  white 
officers  by  whom  they  would  be  commanded  should  di 
rect,  and  their  own  ambition  court,  would  be  very 
soon  exterminated,  and  leave  the  remainder  of  their  na 
tion  poor  and  powerless. 

Four  days  after  the  battle  of  Chippewa,  the  army  re 
sumed  its  march  down  the  Niagara,  for  the  investment 
of  Fort  George,  the  passage  of  the  Chippewa  being  but 
feebly  opposed,  and  General  Riall  falling  back  upon 
Twelve  Mile  Creek,  and  throwing  a  portion  of  his  troops 
into  the  last  mentioned  fortress. 

In  the  hard  fought  battle  of  Lundy's  Lane,  on  the 
25th  of  July,  among  the  wounded  were  the  Commander- 
in-chief  Major-General  Brown,  General  -Scott,  and  his 
favorite  aid-de-camp  Captain  Worth.  The  latter  officer 
was  carried  back  to  Buffalo  to  be  healed  of  his  wounds. 
While  lying  there,  an  incident  occurred  connected  with 
the  Indian  department  of  history,  which  is  worthy  of  re 
cord.  Captain  Worth  had  become  quite  a  favorite  with 
the  Indians  in  that  and  the  preceding  campaign,  and 


OF  RED-JACKET,  277 

during  the  several  weeks  of  his  confinement,  they  were 
wont  to  hang  around  his  quarters  in  considerable  num 
bers,  watching  him  with  great  solicitude.  Farmer's- 
Brother,  in  particular,  was  in  the  habit  of  attending  his 
bed-side  several  hours  almost  every  day.  On  one  occa 
sion,  a  Chippewa  Indian  crossed  over  from  the  Canada 
shore,  and  joined  a  large  party  of  Indians  near  Captain 
Worth's  quarters,  in  the  character  of  a  deserter.  Accor 
ding  to  his  story,  he  had  left  the  British  camp  below  the 
falls,  swum  the  Chippewa,  and  finding  means  of  crossing 
the  Niagara,  he  had  now  come  over  to  join  the  Ameri 
cans.  Desertion  is  not  an  Indian  vice,  being  peculiar  to 
the  more  elevated  race  of  the  whites.  His  statement 
was  therefore  received  with  distrust.  Nevertheless,  for 
a  short  time  he  mingled  among  the  Senecas  undetected. 
But  his  true  character  could  not  be  long  concealed.  The 
Indians  having  indulged  rather  more  freely  than  common 
in  drink  one  afternoon,  and  consequently  waxing  valiant, 
began  vauntingly  to  recount  their  exploits, — each  one 
relating  how  many  of  the  British  red-coats  and  Indians 
he  had  killed.  The  spirit  of  the  Chippewa  kindled  at 
the  recital ;  and  forgetting  for  the  moment  his  assumed 
character,  he  held  up  his  fingers  and  boasted  of  the 
number  of  Yankees  and  Senecas  whom  he  had  slain. 
Words  ran  high,  and  ere  many  minutes  had  elapsed  the 
Chippewa  stood  in  the  midst  of  a  circle  of  some  twenty 
warriors,  self-convicted,  not  only  as  an  enemy,  but  a  spy. 
The  veteran  Farmer' s-Brother  happened  at  the  time  to 
be  sitting  with  Captain  Worth,  and  the  noise  of  the  ex 
citement  called  him  into  the  street.  The  weather  was 


278  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

extremely  hot,  and  the  windows  of  the  Captain's  apart 
ments  were  open,  so  that  he  was  enabled  to  see  from 
his  couch  all  that  was  passing  without.  After  a  few 
words  to  the  old  chief,  apparently  of  explanation,  but 
which  Captain  Worth  could  not  understand,  Farmer' s- 
Brother  stepped  up  to  the  Chippewa,  who  drew  his 
blanket  over  his  head,  and  fell  from  a  blow  inflicted  by 
the  veteran's  war-club.  He  was  stunned,  and  fora  few 
seconds  lay  motionless, — when,  springing  suddenly  upon 
his  feet,  he  leaped  through  the  circle,  and  ran  swiftly 
away  to  the  distance  of  several  rods.  Recovering  from 
the  momentary  surprise  into  which  they  had  been  thrown 
by  this  unlooked  for  action,  the  Senecas  called  after  the 
fleeing  Chippewa,  and  taunted  him  for  his  cowardice  in 
refusing  to  die  like  a  brave  man.  The  retreating  spy, 
stung  by  the  reproach,  stopped  short  in  his  flight,  wheeled 
about,  and  deliberately  retraced  his  steps  to  the  fatal 
circle.  Having  resumed  his  place,  he  once  more  drew 
his  blanket  over  his  head,  and  laying  himself  quietly 
down,  received  the  contents  of  Farmer's-Brother's  rifle 
in  his  breast,  arid  expired, — atoning  for  his  crime  with 
as  much  calmness  and  resignation  as  Socrates  displayed 
in  drinking  the  deadly  hemlock.* 

From  the  preceding  narrative  it  must  be  apparent 
that  Red-Jacket  bore  no  very  prominent  part  among 
his  people  while  upon  the  war-path.  Yet,  in  other 
respects,  while  with  the  army,  his  influence  upon 
his  people  was  great.  Their  councils  were  frequent 

*  Notes  of  the  Author's  conversations  with  Colonel  Worth. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  379 

during  the  campaign,  and  Red-Jacket  was  uniformly 
their  principal  orator.  His  manner  was  graceful  and 
imposing  in  the  eye  of  every  beholder,  and  his  voice 
music, — especially  to  the  ears  of  his  own  people.  He 
had  the  power  of  wielding  them  at  will,  and  the  soul- 
stirring  trumpet  could  not  produce  a  more  kindling  ef 
fect  in  the  bosoms  of  a  disciplined  army,  than  would  his 
appeals  upon  the  warriors  of  his  race.  Still,  they  were 
all  aware  of  his  infirmity,  and  sometimes  when  he  was 
speaking  of  the  war-path,  those  who  were  waggishly  in 
clined  would  exchange  significant  glances  at  his  ex 
pense.*  And  yet  they  were  strongly  attached  to  him, 
from  their  admiration  of  his  talents,  their  love  of  his 
eloquence,  and  their  confidence  in  his  patriotism.  He 
had  years  before  this  period  become  addicted  to  that 
almost  universal  vice  of  his  race,  intemperance,  and 
was  now  indeed  almost  a  confirmed  drunkard.  But  he 
always  abstained  from  the  fire-water  for  a  season  before 
a  council,  and  made  due  preparation  for  any  intellectual 
effort  he  might  be  expecting  to  put  forth.  "  Often  have 
"  I  known  him  to  make  a  great  speech,  rich  in  elo- 
"  quence, — and  in  an  hour  afterward  seen  him  drunk 
"  upon  the  ground."f 

In  the  course  of  the  campaign  sketched  in  the  pre- 

*  An  anecdote  in  point  has  been  related  to  the  author  by  a  western  gentleman 
who  knew  Red-Jacket  well.  He  says  that  the  Indians  were  often  in  the  habit 
of  jeering  him  for  his  cowardice,  notwithstanding  their  strong  affection  for  him. 
On  one  occasion  this  gentleman  heard  a  conversation  between  the  orator  and  two 
Indians,  who  were  walking  with  him.  They  were  reminding  him  of  the  circum 
stance  of  their  having  once  in  compassion  given  him  a  scalp  that  he  might  take 
it  home  as  a  trophy,  but  they  said  that  he  was  afraid  to  carry  it ! 

t  Remark  of  Colonel  Worth  to  the  author. 


230  LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

sent  chapter,  Red-Jacket  is  said  to  have  formed  a  strong 
friendship  for  Colonel  Snelling,  of  the  army,  who  had 
shown  him  some  particular  attentions.  The  colonel 
having  been  ordered  to  the  command  of  Governor's 
Island,  in  the  harbor  of  New-York,  the  orator  waited 
upon  him  to  bid  him  farewell.  His  parting  speech  was 
thus  reported : — 

"  BROTHER  : — I  hear  you  are  going  to  a  place  called  Go 
vernor's  Island.  I  hope  you  will  he  a  governor  yourself.  I 
understand  that  you  white  people  think  children  a  blessing.  I 
hope  you  may  have  a  thousand.  And  above  all,  I  hope,  where 
ver  you  go,  you  may  never  find  whiskey  above  two  shillings  a 


quart."* 


Published  in  the  New-England  Galaxy,  by  William  J.  Snelling. 


CHAPTER  XL 

ANOTHER  land  company — The  Senecas  begin  to  look  for  a  new  home  at  the 
west — Council  at  Sandusky — An  incident  of  travel — Red-Jacket's  speech  at 
the  council — Speeches  of  others  in  reply — Nothing  effected — Attempted  treaty 
between  the  Ogden  Land  Company  and  the  Senecas,  at  Buffalo,  in  1819, 
Morris  S.  Miller  Commissioner — Opening  of  the  council — Speech  of  Red- 
Jacket — Treaty  broken  off  without  success — Captain  Pollard's  apology  for  the 
rudeness  of  Red-Jacket — Subsequent  negotiations. 

IN  process  of  time,  subsequent  to  the  negotiations  of 
Thomas  Morris  with  the  Indians  in  behalf  of  the  Hol 
land  Land  Company,  this  association  disposed  of  its  pre 
emptive  right  to  the  several  reservations  yet  held  by 
the  Senecas,  to  Colonel  Aaron  Ogden  and  others,  since 
known  in  connexion  with  this  subject  as  "  The  Ogden 
Company."  Thenceforward  it  of  course  became  the 
interest  of  this  last  mentioned  association  to  induce  the 
Indians  to  relinquish  those  reservations,  and  seek  a  new 
home  in  a  more  distant  territory.  Negotiations  to  this 
end  have  often  been  instituted  since,  attended,  from 
time  to  time,  by  partial  success.  It  appears,  moreover, 
that  the  Senecas  themselves  began  to  think  of  "re 
moving  their  seats,"  at  an  early  day  after  the  peace  of 
1815.  There  is  some  reason  also  to  suppose  that  con 
nected  with  this  projected  removal  was  the  revival,  by 
Red-Jacket  and  his  fellow  chiefs,  of  the  scheme  so 

36 


282  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ardently  prosecuted  by  Brant  twenty-five  or  thirty  years 
before,  of  forming  a  great  confederacy  of  the  northwest 
ern  nations,  at  the  head  of  which  the  Senecas  would 
have  claimed  their  position.  Such,  at  all  events,  is  the 
inference,  irresistible,  to  be  drawn  from  the  proceedings 
of  a  grand  Indian  council  held  at  the  upper  rapids  of  the 
Sandusky,  in  the  autumn  of  1816.  Among  the  north 
western  nations  represented  in  this  council  were  the 
"Wyandots,  Shawanese,  Delawares,  Ottawas,  Monseys, 
Piankishaws,  and  several  others.  A  deputation  of  the 
chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  was  likewise  in  attendance,  at 
the  head  of  which  was  Red-Jacket,  accompanied  by 
Jasper  Parish,  the  interpreter,  and  likewise  by  George 
Hosmer,  Esq.,  a  resident  of  the  Genesee  Valley,  who 
had  been  a  warm  friend  of  the  Seneca  chiefs  from  his 
youth  up,  and  who  made  this  journey  with  them  at  their 
express  solicitation.* 

Among  Mr.  Hosmer' s  memoranda  of  his  journey  to 
Sandusky  on  this  occasion,  he  has  recorded  an  agree 
able  incident,  illustrating  the  fact  that  notwithstanding 
the  scorn  with  which  he  looked  upon  the  laws  and 
usages  of  civilization,  Red-Jacket  was  not  an  entire 
stranger  to  the  rules  of  propriety  and  delicacy  in  the 
social  circle.  In  travelling  up  the  shore  of  Lake  Erie, 
when  in  the  neighborhood  of  Cleveland,  they  were 
overtaken  by  a  heavy  storm  of  rain,  which  thoroughly 
drenched  the  party  and  their  baggage.  Stopping  for 

*  I  am  indebted  exclusively  to  Mr.  Hosmer  for  the  accompanying  account  of 
this  council,  and  the  sketches  of  the  speeches  delivered,  which  were  reported  by 
him. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  233 

the  night  at  a  comfortable  log-tavern,  after  having  par 
taken  of  some  refreshments,  the  whole  party  were  seated 
in  a  large  circle  around  a  cheerful  fire,  drying  their  bag 
gage  and  clothes.  The  chiefs,  with  the  exception  of 
Red- Jacket,  were  earnestly  and  with  much  animation 
and  glee  engaged  in  a  jocular  conversation  with  Cap 
tain  Parish,  and  by  the  keenness  of  their  wit,  and  the 
readiness  and  briskness  of  their  sallies,  greatly  annoyed 
him,  as  was  evident  from  his  exertions  to  sustain  him 
self.  During  all  this  time  Red-Jacket  sat  opposite  to 
Mr.  Hosmer,  calmly  smoking  his  pipe,  and  apparently 
taking  little  interest  in  the  conversation  farther  than  oc 
casionally  to  cast  toward  Mr.  H.  a  gratified  expression  of 
his  sparkling  eye.  Mr.  Hosmer  was  ignorant  of  the 
Seneca  language, — a  circumstance  which  Red- Jacket 
very  well  knew, — and  the  idea  crossed  his  mind  that  his 
friend  might  possibly  suppose  that  their  sport  was  at  his 
expense,  which,  situated  as  he  was,  would  have  been 
inexcusable  rudeness.  After  their  mirth  had  been  in 
dulged  for  some  time,  Red-Jacket  interposed  a  word  to 
Mr.  Parish,  and  instantly  all  were  silent.  He  then  ad 
dressed  a  few  sentences  to  Mr.  Parish,  which  he  de 
sired  him  to  interpret  to  Mr.  Hosmer.  It  was  done  in 
the  following  words : — 

"  We  have  been  made  uncomfortable  by  the  storm;  we  are 
now  warm  and  comfortable ;  it  has  caused  us  to  feel  cheerful 
and  merry.  But  I  hope  our  friend  who  is  travelling  with  us 
will  not  be  hurt  at  this  merriment,  or  suppose  that  we  are 
taking  advantage  of  his  ignorance  of  our  language,  to  make 
him  in, any  manner  the  subject  of  our  mirth." 


284  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

To  which  Mr.  Hosmer  replied,  that  knowing  himself 
to  be  in  company  with  brave  and  honorable  men,  he 
could  not  allow  himself  to  entertain  any  such  impres 
sion.  After  which  they  resumed  their  merriment,  and 
Red-Jacket  his  gravity. 

Arriving  at  the  council-fire,  and  the  council  having 
been  organized  for  business,  on  the  7th  of  November 
Red- Jacket  delivered  the  following  speech  : — 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  COUNCIL, — LISTEN  !  You  must  recollect 
that  a  few  years  since  some  delegates  from  your  elder  brethren, 
the  Six  Nations,  came  to  you.  That  council  fire  was  kindled 
at  Brownstown,  by  the  mutual  consent  of  the  Six  Nations ; 
but  we  then  requested  that  all  important  business  should  there 
after  be  transacted  at  this  place.  A  few  years  after  this,  ano 
ther  delegation  came  to  this  council  fire  from  your  elder 
brethren,  the  Six  Nations.  We  then  thought  appearances 
looked  squally.  We  thought  the  United  States  and  Great 
Britain  were  looking  with  jealous  eyes  at  each  other.  It  ap 
peared  to  us  a  tremendous  and  destructive  storm  was  approach 
ing,  bearing  blood  and  carnage  upon  its  wings.  We  then  told 
you  that  if  we  were  not  on  our  guard  we  should  feel  that 
storm.  We  also  told  you  that  it  was  the  policy  of  the  red 
coats*  to  request  at  such  times  the  aid  of  the  Indians.  We 
admonished  you  to  take  warning  from  the  past,  and  told  you  to 
recollect  the  calamities  which  have  befallen  our  nations  in  the 
wars  of  the  pale  faces.  We  then  therefore  solemnly  requested 
you  would  be  neutral  in  that  contest.  We  advised  you  not  to 
listen  to  their  requests,  but  to  sit  still  on  your  seats. 

"  At  length  the  tremendous  storm  burst,  and  first  in  this 
quarter  you  were  disturbed  by  the  Virginians.  Others  of  our 
brothers  who  listened  to  the  voice  from  the  other  side  of  the 
water,  and  some  of  your  warriors,  united  with  the  Virginians. 

*  The  English. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

Those  warriors  you  took  without  consulting  your  elder  bre 
thren,  the  Six  Nations.  The  consequence  was,  your  whole 
land,  and  the  place  of  your  council  fire,  was  smeared  with 
blood.  Our  ancient  records  were  dispersed,  and  many  were 
wholly  lost.  Thus  are  we  situated.  There  is  now  a  delega 
tion  present  from  the  Indians  at  large.  A  great  council  fire  is 
kindled,  whose  smoke  shall  ascend  to  the  heavens ;  and  we 
now  appoint  this  the  place  for  kindling  a  great  council  fire, 
where  all  important  business  shall  be  transacted.  In  token 
we  give  you  a  large  belt  of  wampum,  brown  and  white,  inter 
mixed  with  strings. 

"  BROTHERS  : — When  we  received  your  message  to  attend 
at  this  time  and  place,  you  requested  a  full  representation 
should  arise  from  their  seats,  for  the  purpose  of  making  some 
general  arrangement  for  the  benefit  of  the  Indians.  We  have 
attended  agreeably  to  your  request, — and  shall  now  make 
some  communications  to  remind  you  of  former  transactions. 
Whenever  the  two  white  nations  are  about  falling  into  diffi 
culties,  we  discover  different  languages  are  held  out  by  the 
British  that  we  must  adhere  to  them,  and  when  the  storm  is 
near  by,  they  will  present  you  with  a  sharp  iron.  This  has 
always  been  the  course  of  the  red-coats. 

"  BROTHERS  : — You  must  be  sensible  that  this  continent  was 
the  gift  of  the  Great  Spirit.  But  in  consequence  of  the  wars 
that  have  taken  place,  we  have  been  the  perpetual  sufferers. 
In  all  wars  within  my  memory,  we  have  lost  territory  by  taking 
up  the  hatchet.  The  British  have  sold  our  country  to  buy 
peace.  By  the  experience  of  the  past  let  us  learn  wisdom,  and 
close  our  ears  to  British  counsel.  War  may  again  happen  ; 
and  when  it  does  you  will  be  invited  to  mate  with  the  British. 
If  we  continue  to  listen  to  their  counsel,  we  shall  soon  be  ex 
terminated.  Let  us  guard  against  this  by  forming  a  perma 
nent  union  which  shall  protect  us  in  future.  To  decoy  you 
into  their  measures,  the  British  allure  you  with  many  fanciful 
trinkets.  But  these  are  trifles  when  compared  with  our  gene 
ral  and  individual  happiness.  We  now  earnestly  request  you 


286  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

will  exert  yourselves  to  extend  the  sound  of  our  voices  to  our 
brethren  who  are  absent  from  this  council. 

"  WARRIORS,  LISTEN  ! — You  recollect  that  we  have  now  es 
tablished  at  this  place  a  council  fire,  to  be  under  the  care  of 
the  Wyandots.  I  request  you  to  submit  to  the  direction  of 
the  sachems,  and  not  through  pride  to  attempt  to  control 
them.  It  is  planted  in  the  centre  of  your  country.  Do  not  be 
flattered  away  by  any  white  people  who  may  wish  to  purchase 
your  land.  To  command  respect  you  must  possess  extensive 
territory.  Keep  your  seats  sufficiently  large  that  you  may 
not  be  crowded  on  any  side  by  the  whites.  And  do  not  ever 
attempt  to  transact  any  business  except  at  this  place,  and  then 
in  the  presence  of  the  sachems.  I  hope  that  you  will  aid  and 
assist  the  sachems  in  bringing  back  from  the  other  side  of  the 
water*  those  of  our  brothers  who  have  gone  astray  to  the  Bri 
tish.  Take  them  by  the  hand  in  friendship,  and  forget  their 
errors.  They  will  add  to  your  strength. 

"  MY  YOUNGER  BRETHREN  OF  THE  SHAWANESE  : — I  now  ad 
dress  myself  to  you.  When  we  were  created  by  the  Great 
Spirit,  we  were  all  of  one  color.  But  it  was  his  pleasure  that 
we  should  speak  different  languages,  and  be  placed  in  different 
countries.  You  must  be  sensible  that  you  are  foreigners.  A 
number  of  years  since  you  came  to  this  country,  and  were  taken 
under  the  protection  of  our  brethren  the  Wyandots,  who  gave 
you  a  pleasant  seat,  where  you  enjoyed  a  delightful  country, 
and  shared  in  common  with  them  the  game  of  the  forest. 
These  proceedings  came  to  the  knowledge  of  the  Six  Nations. 
You  had  not  resided  here  long  before  you  became  uneasy,  and 
you  have  been  first  to  produce  disturbances,  and  been  forward 
to  effect  the  sale  of  lands  which  did  not  belong  to  your  nation. 
You  have  been  the  authors  of  other  difficulties  between  the  red 
and  white  people.  You  have  been  forward  in  the  late  diffi 
culties,  by  listening  to  the  voice  from  across  the  waters.  Where 
is  now  your  head  sachem  1  Where  a  part  of  your  people  ? 

*  Not  the  ocean,  but  the  great  lakes  meaning.  The  same  phrase,  in  the  same 
sense,  occurs  frequently  in  the  course  of  this  speech. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

They  lent  an  ear  to  the  red-coats,  and  are  now  in  exile  be 
yond  the  waters.  We  admonish  you  to  recall  them, — unite 
them  with  their  brethren, — form  a  band  of  union  with  the 
Wyandots.  Settled  on  the  seats  of  the  Wyandots,  your  friends, 
listen  to  their  counsel.  It  will  be  good.  Listen  also  to  the 
counsels  of  the  Six  Nations,  your  elder  brethren.  Do  not  at 
tempt  to  transact  important  business,  involving  the  rights  of 
others,  unless  at  the  great  council  fire,  and  with  the  approbation 
of  the  Wyandots. 

"  SACHEMS  OF  THE  MUNSEE  AND  DELAWARE  INDIANS  : — You 
are  sensible  that  you  are  not  the  original  proprietors  of  the 
country  you  now  enjoy.  You  came  from  the  east.  We  know 
the  country  you  came  from.  You  wasted  away  your  inheri 
tance  and  became  wanderers.  We  gave  you  a  seat  on  White 
River,  where  is  plenty  of  game  and  pure  water.  And  notwith 
standing  this,  your  nation  is  dispersed.  Some  of  your  people 
have  taken  up  the  hatchet,  united  with  the  red-coats,  and  are 
now  across  the  water.  We  request  you  will  collect  yourselves 
in  one  body,  and  settle  yourselves  on  your  lands  at  White 
River.  Do  this,  and  we  will  then  unite  ourselves  together 
under  one  confederacy.  We  shall  then  have  strength  and  be 
respected  as  well  by  the  whites  as  by  the  more  western  nations." 

[The  speaker  next  proceeded  to  address  the  dispersed 
members  of  the  Six  Nations,  residing  on  the  lands  of 
the  Wyandots,  admonishing  them  as  he  had  admonished 
others,  and  counselling  them  to  act  in  union  and  har 
mony,  and  to  follow  the  advice  of  the  Wyandots.  He 
then  addressed  himself  to  Mr.  Parish,  and  another  offi 
cer  in  the  Indian  department,  named  Johnston : — ] 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  are  happy  to  meet  you  both  at  our 
council.  We  of  the  Six  Nations  transact  all  our  business 
openly,  and  not  under  the  curtain.  I  have  observed  with 
what  attention  you  have  listened  to  me.  I  hope  you  will  be 


288  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

willing  to  unite  with  us  in  bringing  back  our  friends  from  be 
yond  the  water,  and  making  us  one  band.  Then  we  shall  be 
come  one  great  family  of  children,  under  our  great  Father,  the 
President.  We  ask  your  assistance.  Let  the  communication 
with  the  other  side  of  the  water  be  opened,  and  then  we  shall 
be  able  to  bring  back  our  friends  from  across  the  water.  Our 
great  Father  we  hope  will  not  forget  his  red  children  ;  and  as 
he  now  possesses  much  of  our  finest  land,  we  hope  he  will  be 
more  liberal  of  presents  than  he  has  been.  You  must  now  be 
sensible  that  we  are  well  pleased  with  presents.  You  may 
know  this  by  the  influence  of  British  presents.  They  have  won 
to  the  British  cause  many  brave  warriors.  I  hope  that  you 
will  take  much  pains,  now  that  we  are  at  peace,  in  uniting  all. 
Treat  us  well.  We  in  common  with  you  possess  this  soil. 
We  have  frequently  heard  your  voice,  when  it  was  for  our  in 
terest  and  happiness  to  listen  to  it.  It  would  conduce  much 
to  our  happiness  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  the  United  States, 
and  not  be  poisoned  by  the  language  of  the  red-coats.  To 
make  us  happy  do  not  crowd  our  seats.  When  you  purchase 
lands  still  leave  us  some  to  move  upon.  This  you  will  make 
known  to  our  Father  the  President,  and  solicit  his  aid  in  open 
ing  our  passage  across  the  water  to  our  friends. 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  DELAWARES  : — We  received  a  message 
fom  you  a  number  of  years  since,  offering  us  a  seat  of  land  in 
your  country.  You  said  you  had  not  forgot  the  favors  hereto 
fore  received  from  the  Six  Nations,  who  took  you  under  their 
care,  until  at  length  you  travelled  west  to  the  country  of  White 
River.  As  you  say  you  have  not  forgot  past  favors,  are  you 
now  willing  to  offer  the  Six  Nations,  or  any  part  of  them,  a 
seat  in  your  country  1  This  invitation  has  been  often  repeated. 
We  now  come  forward  to  accept  the  offer.  We  request  you 
will  designate  its  extent,  situation  and  boundary.  We  have 
applied  to  our  Father  the  President  for  leave  to  move  into 
that  country,  and  to  be  assured  that  he  will  confirm  your  grant. 
We  find  it  is  necessary  by  his  answer,  that  when  you  shall 
make  such  a  grant,  it  must  be  done  on  paper,  so  that  such 


OF  RED-JACKET.  239 

conveyance  may  be  confirmed.  We  should  be  unwilling  to 
leave  our  present  seats  without  a  secure  and  permanent  grant, 
securing  a  seat  for  us,  our  children,  and  children's  children  to 
the  remotest  generation.  We  request  that  if  you  are  not  au 
thorized  of  yourselves  to  make  such  location,  you  will  com 
municate  our  wishes  to  the  neighboring  nations,  proprietors  of 
the  land,  that  they  may  make  such  location.  This  seat  we 
shall  expect  to  receive  not  as  our  exclusive  property,  but  to  be 
held  in  common  for  the  benefit,  as  well  of  such  of  the  Six 
Nations  who  may  wish  to  settle  upon  it,  as  of  any  other  In 
dians  who  may  choose  to  take  their  seats  there  with  us." 

Such  is  the  only  report  preserved  of  Red-Jacket's 
speech  at  this  great  council,  tbe  apparent  design  of 
which  was  entirely  of  a  pacific  character,  intended  by 
the  Indians  to  heal  the  wounds  among  each  other  inflic 
ted  during  the  then  recent  war  between  tbe  United 
States  and  England,  in  which  they  had  indiscreetly 
taken  a  part,  and  likewise  to  improve  their  social  con 
dition,  by  means  of  a  more  extensive  and  perfect  union 
among  themselves.  The  speech  has  lost  much  of  its 
Indian  character  in  the  process  of  translation,  or  else 
Red- Jacket's  language  and  course  of  thinking  had  be 
come  somewhat  assimilated  to  those  of  the  white  man. 
Still,  tbe  character  of  the  speech  was  well  adapted  to 
the  occasion,  and  its  counsels  were  those  of  wisdom. 
It  is,  moreover,  worthy  of  preservation,  not  only  as  ap 
pertaining  to  the  life  of  Red-Jacket,  but  as  forming  a 
fragment  of  Indian  history.  Mr.  Hosmer,  who  took 
down  tbe  speech  from  the  lips  of  the~  interpreter,  notes 
tbat  the  orator  concluded  by  a  general  address  to  the 
council,  recommending  the  cultivation  of  friendly  inter- 

37 


290  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

course  among  themselves, — and  at  the  close  gave  them 
a  string  of  wampum  which  he  called  "  the  path  of 
peace."  He  again  admonished  them  to  avoid  the  Bri 
tish  and  their  shores,  and  to  hold  their  communications 
on  the  south  side  of  the  lakes. 

On  the  day  following  the  speakers  of  the  several  na 
tions  addressed  by  Red-Jacket  made  their  replies.  The 
Wyandots  spoke  first,  by  Tear-unk-to-yor-on,  or  "  Be- 
tween-the-Logs,"  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  Six  NATIONS  : — You  say  that  at  Browns- 
town  was  a  great  council  fire,  whose  smoke  ascended  to  the 
heavens.  I  must  remind  you  of  an  omission.  At  that  fire 
was  a  large  tree.  A  strong  root  ran  to  the  east.  At  its  foot 
lay  a  staff  and  a  broom.  The  root  moving  eastward  was  to 
represent  the  Six  Nations.  The  staff  was  for  the  support  of 
the  aged,  who  sought  shelter  there.  The  broom  to  brush 
away  any  destructive  worm,  or  other  thing  that  might  en 
danger  the  tree." 

[The  orator  next  proceeded  to  rehearse  the  speech  of 
Red-Jacket,  as  the  Indian  manner  is,  in  order  to  show 
that  all  had  been  understood.  He  then  said  : — ] 

BROTHER  : — This  has  been  your  conversation  as  I  have  re 
hearsed  it.  You  have  appointed  this  place  for  the  council  fire 
of  the  Six  Nations.  As  it  is  your  choice  we  accept  it  as  a 
friendly  act  toward  us.  Brothers,  we  return  you  many  thanks, 
warriors  and  women  all.  You  may  expect  due  attention  paid 
to  it. 

"  BROTHER  : — We  are  happy  to  hear  that  you  have  not  for 
got  the  customs  of  our  forefathers.  By  these  strings, — do  not 
think  them  too  small, — you  will  return  to  your  respective  na 
tions,  and  say  their  wishes  are  accepted  of.  As  to  your  request 


OF  RED-JACKET.  291 

that  we  use  our  influence  in  getting  back  our  brothers  beyond 
the  water,  we  will  do  so.  We  will  use  our  best  endeavors  to 
win  them  back  by  gentle  means.  You  may  expect  that  our 
younger  brethren,  the  Shawanese,  and  our  nephews,  the  Dela- 
wares,  will  unite  with  us  in  recalling  the  dispersed  of  our  tribes. 
And  now,  BROTHERS,  I  enjoin  that  you  do  the  same  thing  on 
your  part.  You  are  similarly  situated.  This  winter  will  pass 
and  the  next  summer  will  come,  before  we  shall  hear  from  you 
again  on  this  subject.  I  am  not  certain  whether  we  shall  come 
to  you,  or  you  to  us.  We  will  take  care  to  suppress  our  pride, 
and  lest  I  should  be  thought  to  possess  it,  I  will  say  but  little. 
It  is  easy  to  say  all  that  is  necessary. 

"  BROTHERS  : — As  to  your  speech  yesterday,  relative  to  our 
assisting  our  sachems,  depend  upon  it  we  will  take  due  care ; 
if  we  see  any  thing  go  amiss,  we  will  put  it  right.  Do  you  the 
same.  It  has  often  been  an  injury  that  the  counsels  of  the 
war  chiefs  have  not  been  heard.  We  have  now  closed  our  re 
ply  t°  your  speech.  You  will  now  open  your  ears  to  the  re 
ply  of  the  Shawanese." 

The  Shawanese  chief,  Cutte-we-ga-saw,  commonly 
called  Black-foot,  then  spoke  to  the  following  effect : — 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  Six  NATIONS  : — We  heard  you  yester 
day.  You  shall  soon  hear  our  reply.  We  are  pleased  that 
the  council  fire  is  established  at  this  place  by  our  friends  the 
Wyandots,  and  that  our  Brothers,  the  Six  Nations,  have  agreed 
to  unite  with  us. 

"  BROTHER  : — I  remember  what  you  said  relative  to  our 
people  being  dispersed.  Some  of  them  are  scattered,  it  is 
true,  and  I  shall  do  all  in  my  power  to  collect  them.  What 
you  say  relative  to  our  making  difficulties  I  admit  is  truth. 
The  way  it  happened  was  this :  A  man  came  among  us  who 
pretended  he  had  communication  with  the  Great  Spirit,*  and 

*  Elskawatwa,  the  brother  of  Tecumseh. 


292  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

that  if  we  followed  him  we  could  regain  our  lands.  The 
whites  were  crowding  upon  us.  He  said  they  would  eat  land, 
and  that  they  would  soon  eat  all  our  land  up.  I  was  deceived 
and  led  away  by  him,  and  many  of  my  nation.  We  took  him 
for  the  Great  Spirit.  But  we  soon  found  him  to  be  a  devil, 
and  forsook  him.  This  great  man,  who  pretended  to  be  the 
Great  Spirit,  has  not  only  intermeddled  with  us,  but  he  has 
been  among  you,*  and  has  misled  many  of  all  nations.  I  am 
not  surprised  that  you  should  bring  this  charge  against  us. 
This  prophet  exerted  such  influence  over  us  that  we  were  no 
longer  governed  by  our  ancient  customs,  but  were  entirely  led 
by  him.  You,  my  elder  brother,  are  of  the  same  people  who 
flocked  to  him,  and  listened  to  him,  expecting  he  would  carry 
his  point.  I  disbelieved  it.  You,  when  you  went  there,  were 
shown  a  great  map,  and  on  it  the  prophet  traced  out  a  great 
tract  of  land  for  you  on  the  Wabash,  which  was  promised  you. 
There  was  a  battle  there,  and  some  of  your  men  were  in  it ; 
and  there  were  others  on  the  way  who  did  not  arrive  in  season. 
The  next  place  where  we  found  the  prophet  was  at  Maiden, 
with  some  of  the  Senecas  as  his  followers.  And  this  man  was 
the  cause  of  the  destruction  of  our  council  fire  at  Brownstown. 
This  prophet  was  driven  backt  into  Canada.  He  again  at 
tempted  to  strengthen  himself.  He  promised  to  your  people 
the  land  on  the  Wabash.  We  heard  it.  Of  all  our  people 
who  followed  the  prophet,  only  eight  families  remain  with 
him.  His  power  is  broken.  He  is  nothing." 

The  council  was  next  addressed  by  a  chief  called 
Colonel  Lewis,  but  his  nation  is  not  designated  in  Mr. 
Hosmer's  manuscript.  He  expressed  his  concurrence 
in  the  views  presented  by  Red-Jacket,  and  exhorted  the 
Indians  to  be  of  one  mind,  and  as  Americans  all,  to  be 

*  Alluding  to  the  fact  that  some  of  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations  were  in  the 
battle  of  Tippecanoe. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  293 

faithful  and  true.     He  was  succeeded  by  Black-Hoof, 
(of  what  nation  is  not  stated,)  who  said  : — 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  WYANDOTS  : — You  have  invited  me  to 
this  council,  and  you  see  me  standing  before  you.  I  address 
myself  to  all  present.  I  have  heard  all  that  has  been  said,  and 
am  well  pleased  with  it.  I  agree  with  my  brothers  the  Wy- 
andots,  in  all  they  have  said. 

"  BROTHERS  OF  THE  Six  NATIONS  : — You  were  the  first  to 
make  away  with  your  lands,  on  which  you  ought  to  have  reared 
your  women  and  children.  You  advise  us  to  take  good  care 
of  our  lands.  We  thank  you  for  that  counsel,  and  are  very 
sorry  you  did  not  take  better  care  of  yours.  We  now  give  the 
same  advice  to  you.  Take  care  of  your  land.  We  shall  take 
good  care  of  ours.  We  have  not  much  left.  But  what  we 
have  we  mean  to  keep,  and  we  recommend  the  same  counsel 
to  our  brothers  the  Wyandots.  We  have  made  peace  with 
the  United  States,  and  I  shall  keep  it.  To  my  brothers  the 
Wyandots  I  recommend  that  great  care  should  be  taken  of 
their  lands.  Let  the  rights  of  all  be  established  and  carefully 
guarded. 

"  MY  BROTHERS  OF  THE  DELAWARES  : — I  understand  you 
have  promised  a  seat  to  the  Senecas.  I  invite  your  attention 
to  this  subject.  I  have  frequently  talked  with  the  President. 
He  has  sent  Mr.  Johnson  as  our  agent,  through  whom  we  may 
communicate  with  him.  If  you  have  any  thing  to  do  in  trans 
ferring  your  land,  consult  him. 

"BROTHER  SENECAS:  I  wish  to  remind  you  of  one  thing. 
I  understand  our  brothers,  the  Delawares,  have  invited  you  to 
settle  at  White  River.  They  own  no  land,  and  were  only 
permitted  to  settle  there  and  hunt.  But  they  have  been  there 
so  long  that  they  pretend  a  claim,  and  have  in  two  instances 
made  sales  of  land." 

The  Delawares,  their  chief  being  absent,  declined 
saying  any  thing  in  reply  to  the  imputation  of  having 


294  MFE  AND  TIMES 

sold  what  was  not  their  own ;  neither  did  Red- Jacket 
respond  to  the  sharp  rebuke  directed  to  the  Six  Nations, 
for  having  been  among  the  first  after  the  war  of  the  re 
volution  to  dispose  of  their  domains.  No  farther  infor 
mation  in  regard  to  this  council  has  been  obtained  from 
the  manuscripts  of  Mr.  Hosmer,  or  from  any  other 
source.  As  it  was  a  meeting  in  which  the  United 
States  had  no  concern,  the  archives  of  the  Indian 
bureau  contain  nothing  respecting  it ;  and  the  council 
seems  to  have  broken  up  without  the  adoption  of  defini 
tive  measures  of  any  description,  for  the  benefit  of  any 
of  the  parties  concerned  therein. 

But  in  the  summer  of  1819,  the  Ogden  Company  de 
termined  to  open  negotiations  directly  with  the  Seneca 
chiefs,  for  the  purpose  either  of  securing  their  removal 
from  all  the  reservations  yet  held  by  them,  or  of  in 
ducing  them  to  concentrate  the  several  fragments  of 
their  nation  upon  a  single  one  of  these  reservations.  Ar 
rangements  having  beeti  made  for  holding  a  treaty  with 
them  at  Buffalo,  the  Hon.  Morris  S.  Miller  was  appointed 
a  commissioner  to  conduct  the  proceedings  by  the  Uni 
ted  States.*  The  Hon.  Nathaniel  Gorham,  of  Canan- 
daigua,  was  designated  by  Massachusetts,  as  agent  to 
attend  the  negotiation.!  The  council  was  opened  on  the 
5th  of  July, — Colonel  Ogden  and  his  associates  being 
present,  with  Captain  Parish,  the  interpreter.  Major 

*  Mr.  Miller  is  since  deceased.  He  was  a  resident  of  Oneida  County,  and 
was  for  several  years  an  able  member  of  Congress  from  Oneida. 

t  From  her  former  interest  in  the  Indian  country  of  western  New-York,  Mas 
sachusetts  has  ever  appointed  an  agent  to  attend  these  land  negotiations  with  the 
Senecas,  for  the  purpose  of  guarding  them  from  wrong. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  295 

Joseph  Delafield,  at  that  time  an  agent  of  the  United 
States  for  the  adjustment  of  boundaries  under  the  sixth 
article  of  the  treaty  of  Ghent,  happening  to  be  in  the 
village  of  Buffalo,  and  having  a  few  days  of  leisure  on 
his  hands,  complied  with  a  request  from  Judge  Miller  to 
act  as  secretary. 

It  was  well  known  that  Red-Jacket  was  to  appear  in 
the  character  of  principal  speaker  in  opposition  to  the  ob 
jects  of  the  land  company,  and  the  deep  and  general  in 
terest  felt  in  the  result  of  the  negotiation  drew  together 
a  large  concourse  of  people, — pale  faces  and  red.  No 
subsequent  assemblage  of  Indians  within  the  State  of 
New- York  has  presented  so  numerous  and  imposing  an 
array,  nor  is  it  likely  that  so  many  of  them  will  ever 
again  meet  upon  the  soil  of  their  fathers. 

The  council  having  been  opened  for  business,  Captain 
Pollard,  the  brave  Seneca  chief  who  had  signalized  him 
self  upon  the  war-path  in  the  Niagara  campaign  of  1814, 
rose  to  welcome  the  commissioner  and  the  other  officers, 
agents,  and  parties  in  attendance  upon  the  council, — a 
duty  which  he  performed  with  much  courtesy.  The 
credentials  of  the  commissioner  on  the  part  of  the  Uni 
ted  States  having  been  read  and  interpreted,  Judge  Mil 
ler  proceeded  to  explain  the  objects  of  his  mission. 

"  He  stated  that  their  great  Father  (the  President)  had  de 
puted  him  to  meet  them  at  their  council  fire  :  that  he  came  to 
give  them  his  good  advice,  and  the  assurance  of  their  great 
Father,  who  protected  both  the  red  and  the  white  men,  that  it 
was  his  wish  to  extend  to  them  security  and  the  useful  arts. 
That,  situated  as  they  now  were,  his  wishes  would  not  be  so 


296  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

well  effected  as  if  the  Indians  were  more  closely  concentrated. 
He  explained  to  them  the  tenures  by  which  they  held  their 
reservations  ;  the  rights  of  the  pre-emptioners,  and  the  guar 
dianship  of  the  United  States.  He  then  submitted  to  them 
these  several  propositions : — First,  that  they  should  all  con 
centrate  on  the  Alleghany  reservation,  the  title  to  which 
should  be  ceded  to  them  in  fee,  as  white  men  hold  their  lands. 
Second,  if  they  preferred  to  join  their  red  brothers  at  Sandusky, 
or  to  settle  in  the  Territories  of  the  United  States,  upon  other 
lands  to  be  given  to  them,  they  were  at  liberty  to  do  so.  In 
case  they  chose  the  latter  proposition,  the  offer  made  by  their 
great  Father  was  not  to  impair  the  price  they  were  to  receive 
from  the  pre-emptioners,  nor  in  any  manner  to  influence  the 
bargains  to  be  made.  It  was  meant  as  a  free  gift,  and  for  the 
mutual  benefit  of  the  red  and  white  men.  Judge  Miller  pro 
ceeded  with  much  eloquence  to  describe  the  present  situation 
of  the  Six  Nations,  more  particularly  that  of  the  Senecas, 
and  predicted  the  time  when  they  must  be  overwhelmed  by 
the  force  of  the  white  population,  if  they  continued  in  their 
little  villages  so  closely  surrounded.  He  cautioned  them 
against  the  antipathies  of  bad  men,  and  against  the  hasty  adop 
tion  of  the  advice  of  good  white  men,  and  concluded  by  ad 
monishing  them  that  they  must  reflect  more  for  themselves, 
and  take  time  to  deliberate  in  council." 

An  adjournment  was  then  proposed  by  Governor  Og- 
den,  to  give  time  to  consider  these  propositions,  where 
upon  Captain  Pollard  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHERS  :  We  have  listened  attentively  to  what  the  com 
missioner  has  said  to  us  :  as  well  to  the  authority  by  which  he 
meets  us  at  this  council  as  also  to  the  views  our  great  Father  the 
President  entertains,  relative  to  the  affairs  of  his  red  children 
here.  In  doing  this,  brother,  you  have  addressed  yourself 
principally  to  the  Senecas.  The  Six  Nations  are  present. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  397 

They  are  our  confederates.  For  myself,  I  am  gratified  that 
.they  are  present,  and  that  they,  too,  have  heard  what  you  have1 
said  to  us.  You  have  told  us,  that  the  propositions  which  we 
now  hear  from  our  great  Father  have  not  been  made  by  him 
in  haste ;  that  he  has  deliberated  a  long  time,  and  taken  a  full 
view  of  the  interests  of  his  white  and  red  children.  In  doing, 
this,  he  has  sometimes  addressed  the  Seneeas,  sometimes  the 
Six  Nations.  He  has  considered  fully,  you  tell  us,  the  situa 
tion  of  his  red  children,  and  he  knows  their  wants,  their  pov 
erty,  and  their  troubles.  You  have  told  us,  too,  of  his  solici 
tude  for  the  red  men,  and  also  of  the  solicitude  of  his  great  coun 
cil,  as  expressed  during  the  last  year.  You  are  not  now  to 
expect  that  we  will  reply  to  these  subjects.  We  think  it  proper 
now  to  make  but  a  short  talk ;  to  thank  you  for  what  we  have 
heard,  and  to  thank  the  President  for  what  he  has  said  to  us 
through  you,  to  which  we  have  listened  attentively.  We  re 
joice  that  this  council  has  been  made  so  public.  We  are 
pleased  that  so  many  white  men  have  attended.  We  rejoice 
that  your  squaws  have  come  with  you,  and  we  thank  you  that 
they  are  present." 

Then  turning  to  Colonel  Ogden,  he  proceeded  : — 

"  The  Commissioner  has  not  spoken  solely  to  the  red  men. 
You  are  also  interested  in  what  our  Great  Father  has  said,  and 
the  result  of  this  council  will  also  interest  you  as  well  as  us. 
After  our  brother's  talk  you  told  us  this,  and  that  you  wanted 
time  to  reflect  upon  the  propositions,  which  are  serious  and 
important.  We  too,  brother,  have  had  a  short  consultation 
upon  your  proposal  to  meet  the  day  after  to-morrow.  We  wish- 
to  give  you  time,  and  to  have  time  ourselves  to  hold  our  coun 
cils,  and  to  reflect.  We  will  meet  you  again  the  day  after  to 
morrow.  Knowing  that  our  proceedings  are  slow  and  dilatory, 
and  not  like  yours,  we  propose  to  meet  you  at  10  o'clock  on 
that  day." 

The  Commissioner  then  explained  that  he   had  ad- 

38 


298  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

dressed  the  Senecas  more  particularly,  because  his  com 
mission  appointed  him  to  treat  with  that  nation  ;  but  as 
the  Six  Nations  were  assembled,  he  had  also  addressed 
them  jointly ;  and  again  advising  them  to  a  full  and  calm 
deliberation,  the  council  was  adjourned. 

The  council  fire  was  re-kindled  by  Red-Jacket  on  the 
7th  of  July,  who  spoke  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  have  been  preserved  in  health,  strength 
and  spirit,  to  meet  you  again  at  our  council  fire.  The  Great 
Spirit  has  protected  us,  and  we  are  thankful  again  to  meet 
you.  You  will  recollect,  brothers,  that  we  listened  with  atten 
tion  to  what  the  Commissioner  said,  and  to  the  words  of  our 
Great  Father  through  his  mouth.  As  this  council  was  called 
by  the  voice  of  our  Great  Father,  you  barely  told  us  of  his 
care  for  his  red  children.  You  further  promised  us  that  the 
Yorkers,  (meaning  the  pre-emptioners,)  had  communications 
for  us.  We  now  welcome  you  all  to  this  council,  and  are 
ready  to  hear  what  you  have  to  say.  We  see  here  our  brother 
from  Massachusetts.  He,  too,  is  welcome,  and  we  are  ready 
to  hear  from  him. 

"  BROTHERS  : — We  wish  you  to  open  your  minds  to  us.  Let 
us  hear  frankly  all  that  you  have  to  communicate,  that  we 
may  be  ready  to  answer." 

Having  thus  spoken,  Red-Jacket  resumed  his  seat, 
and  Judge  Gorham  addressed  the  council,  approving 
of  the  propositions  in  behalf  of  the  company,  from  the 
President.  Mr.  David  A.  Ogden  succeeded  him,  and 
discussed  at  greater  length  the  views  of  the  pre-emp 
tioners, — explaining  the  nature  and  extent  of  their  rights, 
and  the  relations  subsisting  respectively  between  the 
Indians  and  the  United  States,  the  state  of  Massachu- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  399 

setts,  and  the  company.  In  conclusion,  he  offered  in  be 
half  of  the  company  to  accede  to  the  propositions  that 
had  been  submitted  by  the  commissioner  at  the  first 
meeting.  Red-Jacket  then  addressed  the  council  and 
said : — 

"  We  have  now  heard  our  great  Father  and  Mr.  Ogden. 
"We  must  take  time  to  deliberate  upon  these  propositions  and 
agreements.  When  we  are  ready  we  will  send  you  word. 
We  are  slow,  and  the  subjects  are  important.  We  have 
nothing  farther  to  decide  at  this  council  fire." 

The  council  convened  again  on  the  9th  of  July,  when 
Red- Jacket,  first  addressing  the  commissioner,  spoke  at 
large  as  follows  : — 

"  BROTHER  :  We  understand  that  you  have  been  appointed 
by  our  great  Father  the  President  to  make  these  communica 
tions  to  us.  We  thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  this  pleasant  day 
given  us  for  our  reply,  and  we  beg  you  to  listen. 

"  BROTHER:  Previous  to  your  arrival  at  this  council  fire,  we 
were  told  that  our  great  Father  had  appointed  a  commissioner 
to  meet  us.  You  have  produced  your  commission,  and  it 
has  been  read  and  explained  to  us.  You  have  also  explained 
the  object  of  your  mission,  and  the  wishes  of  the  President  in 
sending  you  to  the  council  fire  of  the  Six  Nations.  We  do 
not  doubt  that  the  sealed  document  you  produced  contained 
the  words  of  the  President,  our  great  Father.  When  first  in 
formed  of  your  appointment,  we  supposed  that  you  were 
coming  to  meet  us  on  a  very  different  subject.  Since  the  war 
of  the  revolution  we  have  held  various  councils  with  our  white 
brothers,  and  in  this  same  manner.  We  have  made  various 
speeches  and  entered  into  several  treaties,  and  these  things 
are  well  known  to  our  great  Father ;  they  are  lodged  with 
him.  We,  too,  perfectly  understand  them  all.  The  same  in? 


300  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

terpreters  were  then  present  as  now.       In  consequence  of 
what  took  place  during  the  late  war,  we  made  it  known  to  our 
great  Father,  through  our  interpreter,  that  we  wished  to  have 
a  talk.     Our  application  was  not  complied  with.     We  sent  a 
messenger  to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship  with  our  great 
Father,  but  he  would  not  meet  around  the  council  fire,  and  we 
were  disappointed.     We  had  supposed  that  the  commissioner 
he  has  now  sent  came  forward  to  brighten  the  chain  of  friend 
ship,  to  renew  former  engagements.     When  we  made  a  treaty 
at  Canandaigua  with  Colonel  Pickering,  in  1794,  we  were  told 
and  thought  that  it  was  to  be  permanent,  and  to  be  lasting  be 
tween  us  and  the  United  States  forever.     After  several  treaties 
had  been  entered  into  under  our  great  Father,  General  Wash 
ington,  large  delegations  from  the  Six  Nations  were  invited  to 
meet  him.      We  went   and   met  him  in  Philadelphia.     We 
kindled  a  council  fire.     A  treaty  was  then  made,  and  General 
Washington  then  declared  that  it  should  be  permanent  be 
tween  the  red  and  white  brothers  :  that  it  should  be  spread 
out  on  the  largest  and  strongest  rocks  that  nothing  could  un 
dermine  or  break ;  that  it  should  be  exposed  to  the  view  of  all. 
"  BROTHER  :  We  shall  now  see  what  has  been  done  by  the 
United  States.     After  this  treaty  had  been  formed,  I  then  said 
that  I  did  not  doubt  but  that  the  United  States  would  faith 
fully  perform  their  engagements.     But  I  told  our  white  bro 
thers  at  that  time,  that  I  feared  eventually  they  would  wish  to 
disturb  those  contracts.     You  white  brothers  have  the  faculty 
to  burst  the  stoutest  rocks.     On  our  part  we  would  not  have 
disturbed  those  treaties.     Shortly  after  our  interview  with  our 
great  Father,  General  Washington,  at  Philadelphia,  a  treaty 
was  made  at  Canandaigua,  by  which  we  widened  our  former 
engagements  with  our  white  brothers,  and  made  some  new 
ones.     The  commissioner, — Colonel  Pickering, — then  told  us 
that  this  treaty  should  be  binding  and  should  last  without  alte 
ration  for  two  lives.     We  wished  to  make  it  extend  much  far 
ther,  and  the  Six  Nations  then  wished  to  establish  a  lasting 
chain  of  friendship.     On  our  part,  we  wished  the  treaty  to 


OF  RED-JACKET.  301 

last  as  long  as  trees  grow  and  waters  run.     Our  brother  told 
us  that  he  would  agree  to  it. 

"  BROTHER  :  I  have  reminded  you  what  had  taken  place  be 
tween  our  confederates,  the  Six  Nations,  and  our  white  bro 
thers,  down  to  the  treaty  of  Canandaigua.  At  the  close  of 
that  treaty  it  was  agreed, — it  being  as  strong  and  binding  as 
by  my  former  comparisons  I  have  explained,:- — that  if  any  dif 
ficulty  should  occur,  if  any  monster  should  cross  the  chain  of 
friendship,  that  we  would  unite  to  remove  those  difficulties,  to 
drive  away  the  monster ;  that  we  would  go  hand  in  hand  and 
prolong  the  chain.  So  it  was  agreed. 

"  BROTHER  :  Many  years  ago  we  discovered  a  cloud  rising 
that  darkened  the  prospect  of  our  peace  and  happiness.  We 
heard  eventful  things  from  different  quarters,  from  different 
persons,  and  at  different  times,  and  foresaw  that  the  period 
was  not  very  distant,  when  this  threatening  cloud  would  burst 
upon  us. 

"BROTHER:  During  the  late  war  we  intended  to  take  no 
part.  Yet  residing  within  the  limits  of  the  United  States,  and 
with  the  advice  of  General  Porter,  we  agreed  around  our 
council  fire  that  it  was  right,  and  we  took  a  part.  "We  thought 
it  would  help  to  promote  our  friendship  with  our  white 
brothers,  to  aid  the  arms  of  the  United  States,  and  to  make 
our  present  seats  still  stronger.  These  were  our  reasons. 
WTiat  were  the  results  ?  We  lost  many  of  our  warriors.  We 
spilt  our  blood  in  a  cause  between  you  and  a  people  not  of 
our  color. 

"  BROTHER  :  These  things  may  be  new  to  you,  but  they  are 
not  new  to  your  government.  Records  of  these  things  are 
with  our  great  Father  the  President.  You  have  come,  there 
fore,  for  a  very  different  purpose  from  the  one  we  expected. 
You  come  to  tell  us  of  our  situation,  of  our  reservations,  of 
the  opinions  of  the  President  that  we  must  change  our  o!4 
customs  for  new  ones  ;  that  we  must  concentrate  in  order  to 
enjoy  the  fair  means  you  offer  of  civilization  and  improvement 
in  the  arts  of  agriculture. 


302  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  BROTHER  :  At  the  treaty  of  Canandaigua  we  were  pro 
mised  that  different  kinds  of  mechanics, — blacksmiths  and  car 
penters, — should  be  sent  among  us  ;  and  farmers  with  their 
families,  that  our  women  might  learn  to  spin.  We  agreed  to 
receive  them.  We  even  applied  for  these  benefits.  We  were 
told  that  our  children  were  too  young  to  be  taught.  Neither 
farmers  nor  mechanics  were  sent. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  had  thought  that  the  promises  made  by 
one  president  were  handed  down  to  the  next.  We  do  not 
change  our  chiefs  as  you  do.  Since  these  treaties  were  made 
you  have  had  several  presidents.  We  do  not  understand  why 
the  treaty  made  by  one  is  not  binding  on  the  other.  On  our 
part,  we  expect  to  comply  with  our  engagements. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  told  us  when  the  country  was  surrounded 
by  whites,  and  in  possession  of  Indians,  that  it  was  unproduc 
tive,  not  being  liable  to  taxes,  nor  to  make  roads  and  improve 
ments,  it  was  time  to  change.  As  for  the  taxing  of  Indians, 
this  is  extraordinary ;  and  was  never  heard  of  since  the  settle 
ment  of  America.  The  land  is  ours  by  the  gift  of  the  Great 
Spirit.  How  can  you  tax  it  1  We  can  make  such  roads  as 
we  want,  and  did  so  when  the  land  was  all  ours.  We  are  im 
proving  in  our  condition.  See  these  large  stocks  of  cattle, 
and  those  fences.  We  are  surrounded  by  the  whites,  from 
whom  we  can  procure  cattle  and  whatever  is  necessary  for 
our  improvement.  Now  that  we  are  confined  to  narrow 
limits,  we  can  easily  make  our  roads  and  improve  our  lands. 
Look  back  to  the  first  settlement  by  the  whites,  and  then  look 
at  our  present  condition.  Formerly,  we  continued  to  grow 
in  numbers  and  in  strength.  What  has  become  of  the  Indians 
who  extended  to  the  salt  waters  1  They  have  been  driven 
back  and  become  few,  while  you  have  been  growing  numer 
ous  and  powerful.  This  land  is  ours  from  the  God  of  Heaven. 
It  was  given  to  us.  We  cannot  make  land.  Driven  back  and 
reduced  as  we  are,  you  wish  to  cramp  us  more  and  more. 
You  tell  us  of  a  pre-emptive  right.  Such  men,  you  say,  own 
one  reservation,  and  such  another.  But  they  are  all  ours, — 


OF  RED-JACKET.  303 

ours  from  the  top  to  the  bottom.  If  Mr.  Ogden  had  come 
from  heaven,  with  flesh  on  his  bones,  as  we  now  see  him,  and 
said  that  the  Heavenly  Father  had  given  him  a  title,  we  might 
then  believe  him. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  say  that  the  President  has  sent  us  word 
that  it  is  for  our  interest  to  dispose  of  our  lands.  You  tell  us 
that  there  is  a  good  tract  of  land  at  Alleghany.  This,  too,  is 
very  extraordinary.  Our  feet  have  covered  every  inch  of  that 
reservation.  A  communication  like  this  has  never  been  made 
to  us  at  any  of  our  councils.  The  President  must  have  been 
disordered  in  mind,  when  he  offered  to  lead  us  off  by  the  arms 
to  the  Alleghany  reservation.  I  have  told  you  of  the  treaty 
we  made  with  the  United  States.  Here  is  the  belt  of  wam 
pum  that  confirmed  that  treaty.  Here,  too,  is  the  parchment. 
You  know  its  contents.  I  will  not  open  it.  Now  the  tree  of 
friendship  is  decaying  ;  its  limbs  are  fast  falling  off.  You  are 
at  fault. 

"  Formerly,  we  called  the  British  brothers.  Now  we  call 
the  President  our  Father.  Probably  among  you  are  persons 
with  families  of  children.  We  consider  ourselves  the  chil 
dren  of  the  President.  What  would  be  your  feelings  were 
you  told  that  your  children  were  to  be  cast  upon  a  naked 
rock,  there  to  protect  themselves.  The  different  claims  you 
tell  us  of  on  our  lands,  I  cannot  understand.  We  are  placed 
here  by  the  Great  Spirit  for  purposes  known  to  him.  You 
have  no  right  to  interfere.  You  told  us  that  we  had  large 
and  unproductive  tracts  of  land.  We  do  not  view  it  so.  Our 
seats,  we  consider  small ;  and  if  we  are  left  here  long  by  the 
Great  Spirit  we  shall  stand  in  need  of  them.  We  shall  be  in 
want  of  timber.  Land  after  many  years'  use  wears  out ;  our 
fields  must  be  renewed,  and  new  ones  improved,  so  that  we 
have  no  more  land  in  our  reservations  than  we  want.  Look  at 
the  white  people  around  us  and  back.  You  are  not  cramped 
for  lands.  They  are  large.  Look  at  that  man.*  If  you  want 

*  Mr.  Ellicott,  the  agent  of  the  Holland  Land  Company. 


304  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

to  buy  apply  to  him.  He  has  lands  enough  to  sell.  We  have 
none  to  part  with.  You  laugh,  but  do  not  think  I  trifle.  I  am 
sincere.  Do  not  think  we  are  hasty  in  making  up  our  minds. 
We  have  had  many  councils,  and  thought  for  a  long  time  upon 
this  subject.  We  will  not  part  with  any, — not  with  one  of  our 
reservations. 

"  We  recollect  that  Mr.  Ogden  addressed  his  speech  to  you, 
therefore  I  have  spoken  to  you.  Now  I  will  speak  to  Mr. 
Ogden. 

"  BROTHER  :  You  recollect  when  you  first  came  to  this 
ground  that  you  told  us  you  had  bought  the  pre-emptive  right, 
— a  right  to  purchase,  given  you  by  the  government.  Hemem- 
ber  my  reply.  I  told  you,  you  had  been  unfortunate  in  buy 
ing.  You  said  you  would  not  disturb  us.  I  then  told  you  as 
long  as  I  lived,  you  must  not  come  forward  to  explain  that 
right.  You  have  come.  See  me  before  you.  You  have 
heard  our  reply  to  the  commissioner  sent  by  the  President.  I 
again  repeat  that,  one  and  all,  chiefs  and  warriors,  we  are  of 
the  same  mind.  We  will  not  part  with  any  of  our  reserva 
tions.  Do  not  make  your  application  anew,  nor  in  any  other 
shape.  Let  us  hear  no  more  of  it.  Let  us  part  as  we  met, — 
in  friendship.  You  discover  white  people  on  our  reservations. 
It  is  my  wish,  and  the  wish  of  all  of  us,  to  remove  every  white 
man.  We  can  educate  our  children.  Our  reservation  is 
small.  The  white  people  are  near.  Such  as  wish  can  send 
their  children  to  the  white  people's  schools.  The  school 
master  and  the  preacher  must  withdraw.  The  distance  is 
short  for  those  who  wish  to  go  after  them.  We  wish  to  get 
rid  of  all  the  whites.  They  make  disturbances.  We  wish 
our  reservations  clear  of  them." 

Colonel  Ogden  and  Judge  Miller  both  made  replies  to 
Red-Jacket,  correcting  him  in  several  particulars  wherein 
he  had  misunderstood  them,  as  well  as  the  views  of  the 
President,  Mr.  Monroe.  It  is  but  just,  moreover,  to  say, 


OF  RED-JACKET.  395 

that  these  replies  were  made  with  a  degree  of  feeling 
and  frankness  carrying  with  it  the  conviction  of  a 
sincere  desire  that  the  Indians  should  be  dealt  with 
justly  and  generously.  But  their  breath  was  expended 
to  no  good  purpose.  The  counsels  of  Red- Jacket  pre 
vailed,  and  the  treaty  was  broken  off  without  even  an 
approach  to  success. 

The  speech  of  Red- Jacket,  it  will  have  been  observed, 
in  some  respects  bordered  upon  rudeness,  and  in  one 
instance  upon  irreverence  to  heaven.  Great  pains  had 
been  taken  by  his  people  that  he  should  be  well  pre 
pared  for  this  council,  and  that  he  should  appear  in  his 
best  condition.  The  consequence  was,  that  whatever 
excesses  might  have  marked  his  conduct  before  or  after 
the  council,  there  was  on  this  occasion  no  evidence  of 
intemperance.  On  the  contrary,  his  personal  conduct 
was  marked  throughout  by  the  utmost  propriety,  and  his 
manner  was  calm,  deliberate  and  decided.  Still,  there 
had  been  intemperate  expressions  in  his  speech,  which 
gave  pain  to  some  of  the  most  considerate  and  respect 
able  of  the  chiefs,  and  which  they  feared  would  be  sources 
of  unpleasant  reflection,  if  not  of  irritation,  to  the  com 
missioner  and  the  other  white  gentlemen  of  his  company. 
It  must  be  here  remarked  that  the  Senecas  had,  some 
time  before  the  holding  of  this  treaty,  become  divided 
into  two  bodies, — the  Pagan  and  Christian  parties.  At 
the  head  of  the  former  was  Red- Jacket,  of  the  latter,  that 
fine  old  chief  Captain  Pollard.*  It  was  this  latter  party, 

*  Captain  Pollard,  or  Ka-o-un-do-wand,  is  yet  living,  (1841,)  avenerable  look 
ing  old  man, — with  a  finely  developed  head  which  would  form  a  noble  subject  of 

39 


306  WFE  AND  TIMES 

of  course,  that  felt  chagrined  at  some  of  Red-Jacket's 
remarks,  and  they  determined  that  an  apology  or  expla 
nation  ought  to  be  tendered  to  the  commissioner.  On 
the  day  after  the  adjournment  of  the  council,  therefore, 
the  commissioner  received  a  message  from  Captain  Pol 
lard,  informing  him  that  thirteen  of  their  chiefs  were  then 
in  council  deliberating  upon  the  occurrences  of  yester 
day,  and  that  they  wished  to  make  a  communication  to 
him.  In  the  afternoon  a  deputation  of  chiefs  presented 
themselves,  consisting  of  Young  King,  Pollard,  De- 
stroy-Town,  Jim  Nickerson,  White  Seneca  and  Captain 
Johnson,  when  Pollard,  addressing  the  commissioner, 
said : — 

"  BROTHER  :  You  recollect  what  took  place  in  council  yes 
terday.  The  speaker  first  made  a  reply  to  you,  and  then  to 
the  proprietors.  You  must  have  discovered  some  things  in 
that  reply  that  were  not  correct,  and  some  that  were  impro 
per.  You  must  also  have  observed  from  our  different  meet 
ings  that  there  was  a  division  among  ourselves.  This  is  true. 
It  has  been  so  for  a  long  time.  We,  although  a  minority, 
have  been  reflecting,  for  a  long  time,  how  we  could  adopt  the 
advice  of  good  white  men,  and  how  it  could  be  possible  that 
you  would  have  told  us  any  thing  that  did  not  come  from  the 
President  our  great  Father,  when  you  said  it  came  from  him. 
An  intimation  of  this  kind,  you  might  have  perceived,  was 
given.  The  speaker  yesterday  acknowledged  your  authority, 
and  that  your  commission  contained  the  President's  words ; 
but  he  did  not  admit  that  your  subsequent  words  came  from 

study  for  Dr.  Combe.  The  author  visited  him  in  the  autumn  of  1838,  to  make 
certain  historical  inquiries  connected  with  the  invasion  of  Wyoming1.  Pollard 
was  a  young  chief  in  that  bloody  expedition.  He  declares  that  neither  Brant 
nor  the  Mohawks  were  there. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  397 

our  great  Father.  One  expression  grieved  us.  He  said 
that  the  President,  our  great  Father,  must  have  been  dis 
ordered  in  mind  to  offer  to  lead  us  off  to  the  Alleghany.  This 
remark  made  us  very  unhappy.  Another  expression  of  his 
was  very  extraordinary, — one  that  we  are  not  accustomed  to. 
He  said  that  if  Mr.  Ogden  should  come  from  heaven  with  life 
and  with  flesh  on  his  bones,  and  tell  us  he  had  a  title  to  these 
lands,  then  we  might  believe  him.  This  we,  as  Christians, 
think  very  wrong ;  and  it  gave  us  much  pain.  After  the  coun 
cil  dispersed,  the  followers  of  the  speaker  collected  around 
him,  and  took  him  to  task  for  these  things.  They  proposed 
that  an  apology  should  be  made  for  him.  But  he  said  no  ;  it 
has  gone  forth,  let  it  stand.  This  gives  us  an  opportunity  to 
come  forward.  He  told  you  also  of  many  treaties  down  to 
Pickering's.  Speaking  of  that,  he  exhibited  the  wampum  in 
confirmation,  with  the  parchment.  He  would  not  open  the 
parchment,  saying  that  you  had  a  copy  at  Washington,  and 
had  misrepresented  it.  This  we  consider  improper,  rude  and 
indecorous.  He  spoke,  too,  of  our  great  Father  the  Presi 
dent, — calling  him  President.  We  call  him  and  consider  him 
as  father,  friend  and  protector.  The  speaker  has  attempted 
to  explain  what  he  meant  by  the  disordered  mind  of  the  Pre 
sident,  but  as  we  think,  he  has  made  the  matter  worse, — because 
he  casts  aspersions  upon  the  Quakers,  and  others  who  have 
been  long  praying  for  our  good.  We  view  the  commissioner  as 
coming  from  a  father  to  his  children.  Your  advice  to  concen 
trate  and  improve  in  our  mode  of  agriculture  we  approve  of. 
We  see  that  the  time  has  come  when  we  should  change  our  con 
dition  and  improve  our  husbandry.  But  we  all  agree  in  what 
he  said  about  parting  with  our  lands ;  and  we  all  agree  that 
his  harsh  and  rude  language  was  improper. 

"  Another  motive  for  asking  this  interview  is,  to  make  you 
acquainted  with  our  peculiar  views  and  feelings.  We,  the 
Senecas,  are  divided.  The  Tuscaroras  are  all  united  and 
wish  to  receive  instruction  and  civilization.  The  Alleghanies 
are  divided,  but  are  principally  with  our  party,—- wishing  to 
receive  instruction  from  the  whites. 


308  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  When  I  look  back  among  our  forefathers,  I  see  no 
thing  to  admire,  nothing  I  should  follow,  nothing  to  induce 
me  to  live  as  they  did.  On  the  contrary,  to  enjoy  life 
I  find  we  must  change  our  condition.  We  who  are 
present  have  families  and  children;  we  wish  them  to  be 
instructed  and  enlightened, — if  we  have  not  been, — that 
their  eyes  may  be  opened  to  see  the  light,  if  our's  have  not 
been.  We  are  getting  old  arid  cannot  receive  the  instruction 
we  wish  our  children  to  have.  We  wish  them  to  know  how 
to  manage  their  affairs.  After  we  are  dead  and  gone, — are 
covered  with  the  dust, — they  will  bless  us  for  giving  them  in 
struction  that  our  fathers  had  not  given  us.  The  Tuscaroras 
have  for  a  long  time  received  instruction,  and  they  continue  to 
improve.  They  see  and  know  the  advantage  of  it,  and  their 
children  will  enjoy  it.  We  wish  our  great  Father  the  Presi 
dent  to  know  of  this  interview  and  our  explanations.  Here 
after  when  he  makes  communications  to  the  Senecas,  we  wish 
to  have  them  made  to  us,  the  Christian  party.  This  we  think 
would  do  good,  and  be  a  lesson  to  our  children.  We  wish  to 
adopt  his  advice  in  improving  our  condition,  because  we  see 
that  by  following  Indian  habits  we  must  decay  and  sink  to 
nothing.  We  are  sensible  that  we  cannot  remain  indepen 
dent,  and  would  therefore  wish  to  undergo  a  gradual  change. 
In  cases  of  crimes  committed  we  are  not  independent  now. 
We  are  punished,  and  this  is  right. 

"  One  cause  of  division  among  us  is,  that  one  party  will 
school  their  children, — the  other  will  not.  Another  cause  is, 
the  placing  of  white  men  on  our  lands  as  tenants.  I  did  so, 
because  advised  by  a  white  friend,  and  because  I  wished  to 
show  our  people  how  the  white  men  farmed  the  land."* 

*  The  author  is  indebted  entirely  to  the  kindness  of  Major  Joseph  Delafield 
for  the  speeches  at  this  council,  by  whom  they  were  taken  down  from  the  lips  of 
the  interpreter.  Major  Delafield  remarks  in  a  note  at  the  close  of  his  report, 
•which  has  never  before  met  the  public  eye,  that  the  speeches  were  taken  down 
as  nearly  in  the  language  of  the  interpreter  as  was  possible,— such  corrections 
as  were  obviously  necessary  having  been  made  at  the  time.  The  only  liberty 


OF  RED-JACKET.  309 

The  hopes  of  the  pre-emptioners  were  thus  again  de 
ferred  ;  but  they  ceased  not  in  their  efforts  to  accomplish 
their  purposes  by  proposing  treaties,  and  using  such  ap 
pliances  as  were  within  their  power.  Indeed  such  were 
their  perseverance  and  pertinacity  in  pushing  their  de 
signs,  that  the  Indians,  in  their  ignorance,  were  at  times 
apprehensive  that  means  would  be  found  to  dispossess 
them  of  their  lands  without  their  own  free  consent.  A 
strong  and  eloquent  address  from  the  Senecas  to  the 
President  of  the  United  States,  upon  this  subject,  was 
transmitted  to  Washington  in  January,  previous  to  the 
council  held  by  Judge  Miller,  and  two  years  afterward 
another  appeal  was  made  to  the  executive  of  the  state  of 
New- York, — Governor  De  Witt  Clinton.  In  his  reply  to 
their  memorial,  dated  February  9, 1820,  Governor  Clinton 
said : — 

"  All  the  right  that  Ogden  and  his  company  have,  [to  your 
reservations,]  is  the  right  of  purchasing  them  when  you  think 
it  expedient  to  sell  them, — that  is,  they  can  buy  your  lands, 
but  no  other  person  can.  Yon  may  retain  them  as  long  as 
you  please,  and  you  may  sell  them  to  Ogden  as  soon  you 
please.  You  are  the  owners  of  these  lands  in  the  same  way 
that  your  brethren,  the  Oneidas,  are  of  their  reservations. 
They  are  all  that  is  left  of  what  the  Great  Spirit  gave  to  your 
ancestors.  No  man  shall  deprive  you  of  them  without  your 

taken  in  transcribing  them,  has  been  to  omit  the  repetitions  for  which  both  Red- 
Jacket's  and  Pollard's  speeches  were  remarkable.  The  interpreter  stated  that 
he  could  not  translate  some  of  Red-Jacket's  figurative  flights, — they  were  too  wild 
and  difficult  to  appear  in  English, — and  he  did  not  attempt  it.  Should  his 
speech  be  improved  by  omitting  its  tautology,  it  has  no  doubt  lost  much  of  its 
most  characteristic  beauty  and  interest  from  the  acknowledged  omissions  of  the 
interpreter. 


310  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

consent.  The  State  will  protect  you  in  the  full  enjoyment  of 
your  property.  We  are  strong,  and  willing  to  shield  you  from 
oppression.  The  Great  Spirit  looks  down  on  the  conduct  of 
mankind,  and  will  punish  us  if  we  permit  the  remnant  of  the 
Indian  nations  which  is  with  us  to  be  injured.  We  feel  for 
you,  brethren  :  we  shall  watch  over  your  interests.  We  know 
that  in  a  future  world  we  shall  be  called  upon  to  answer  for 
our  conduct  to  our  fellow  creatures."* 

But  the  Anglo-Saxon  race  is  seldom  diverted  from  its 
purpose,  especially  if  that  purpose  be  tbe  acquisition  of 
territory.  Treaty  after  treaty  succeeded  the  abortive 
council  held  by  Judge  Miller ;  and  although  at  all  these 
treaties,  so  long  as  he  lived,  Red-Jacket  exerted  himself 
to  the  utmost  to  prevent  the  sale  of  another  rood  of 
ground,  yet  tbe  arts  and  appliances  of  the  Ogden  Com 
pany  and  its  agents,  by  degrees  prevailed  over  tbe  pa 
triotism  of  the  Indians,  and  tbe  chief,  already  stricken 
in  years,  lived  yet  long  enough  to  mourn  the  loss,  by 
piece-meal,  of  almost  the  entire  of  that  beautiful  region 
which  he  loved  so  well,  and  over  which  he  had  been 
wont  to  roam,  free  as  the  air  he  breathed,  with  so  much 
delight. 

A  distinguished  gentleman,  long  a  resident  of  Buffalo, 
has  supplied  a  few  notes  of  one  of  the  treaties  just  re 
ferred  to,  between  the  Senecas  and  the  Ogden  Com 
pany,  and  of  the  part  borne  thereat  by  Red-Jacket, 
which  is  both  spirited  and  interesting.  According  to  the 

*  Manuscript  answer  of  Governor  Clinton,  to  a  speech  from  the  Senecas. 
Would  that  the  elevated  morality  of  that  great  philanthropist  had  governed 
every  American  negotiation  with  the  children  of  the  forest. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

memoranda  of  that  gentleman,*  this  treaty,  or  council, 
was  holden  at  the  Seneca  village  near  Buffalo,  in  1822 
or  1823.  The  council  having  been  addressed  by  the 
commissioner,  and  also  by  Governor  Ogden,  Red- Jacket, 
in  a  single  speech,  replied  to  both.  After  a  concise  and 
appropriate  exordium,  addressing  himself  to  the  com 
missioner,  and  repeating  in  form  the  speech  in  which  the 
desire  of  the  United  States  had  been  communicated,  that 
the  Senecas  should  sell  their  lands,  he  gave  a  succinct 
but  connected  history  of  the  transactions  between  the  In 
dians  and  the  whites,  from  the  first  settlement  of  the 
country,  down  to  that  day.  Some  of  his  figurative  illus 
trations  were  very  happy. 

"  "We  first  knew  you,"  said  he,  "  a  feeble  plant  which 
wanted  a  little  earth  whereon  to  grow.  We  gave  it  you, — 
and  afterward,  when  we  could  have  trod  you  under  our  feet, 
we  watered  and  protected  you; — and  now  you  have  grown  to 
be  a  mighty  tree,  whose  top  reaches  the  clouds,  and  whose 
branches  overspread  the  whole  land ;  whilst  we,  who  were 
then  the  tall  pine  of  the  forest,  have  become  the  feeble  plant, 
and  need  your  protection." 

Again,  enforcing  the  same  idea,  he  said  : — 

"  When  you  first  came  here,  you  clung  around  our  knee, 
and  called  us  father.  We  took  you  by  the  hand  and  called 
you  BROTHERS.  You  have  grown  greater  than  we,  so  that  we 
no  longer  can  reach  up  to  your  hand.  But  we  wish  to  cling 
round  your  knee  and  be  called  YOUR  CHILDREN." 

*  The  Hon.  Albert  H.  Tracy. 


312  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Referring  to  their  services  in  the  then  recent  war  with 
England,  he  said  : — 

"  Not  long  ago  you  raised  the  war-club  against  him  who 
was  once  our  great  Father  over  the  waters.  You  asked  us  to 
go  with  you  to  the  war.  It  was  not  our  quarrel.  We  knew 
not  that  you  were  right.  We  asked  not :  we  cared  not :  it 
was  enough  for  us  that  you  were  our  brothers.  We  went 
with  you  to  .the  battle.  We  fought  and  bled  for  you  : — and 
now,"  said  he  with  great  feeling,  pointing  to  some  Indians 
who  had  been  wounded  in  the  contest,  "  dare  you  pretend  to 
us  that  our  Father  the  President,  while  he  sees  our  blood  run 
ning  yet  fresh  from  the  wounds  received  while  fighting  his 
battles,  has  sent  you  with  a  message  to  persuade  us  to  relin 
quish  the  poor  remains  of  our  once  boundless  possessions, — to 
sell  the  birth-place  of  our  children,  and  the  graves  of  our 
fathers.  No !  Sooner  than  believe  that  he  gave  you  this 
message,  we  will  believe  that  you  have  stolen  your  commis 
sion,  and  are  a  cheat  and  a  liar." 

In  reply  to  an  explanation  as  to  the  nature  of  the  pre 
emptive  claim  of  the  company  to  their  lands,  and  an 
assurance  that  the  object  was  not  to  wrong  them  in  the 
purchase,  but  to  pay  the  full  value,  he  referred  to  the 
different  treaties, — the  great  cessions  the  Indians  had 
made, — the  small  equivalents  they  had  "received, — and 
the  repeated  solemn  assurances  given  by  the  govern 
ment  that  they  should  not  be  importuned  to  relinquish 
the  reservations  remaining  to  them. 

"  You  tell  us,"  said  he,  "  of  your  claim  to  our  land,  and 
that  you  have  purchased  it  from  your  State.  We  know 
nothing  of  your  claim,  and  we  care  nothing  for  it.  Even  the 
whites  have  a  law,  by  which  they  cannot  sell  what  they  do  not 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

own.  How,  then,  has  your  state,  which  never  owned  our 
land,  sold  it  to  you  ?  We  have  a  title  to  it,  and  we  know  that 
our  title  is  good ;  for  it  came  direct  from  the  Great  Spirit,  who 
gave  it  to  us,  his  red  children.  When  you  can  ascend  to 
where  He  is," — pointing  toward  the  skies, — "  and  will  get 
His  deed,  and  show  it  to  us,  then,  and  never  till  then,  will 
we  acknowledge  your  title.  You  say  that  you  came  not  to 
cheat  us  of  our  lands,  but  to  buy  them.  Who  told  you  that 
we  have  lands  to  sell  ?  You  never  heard  it  from  us,." 

Then  drawing  up,  and  giving  Mr.  Ogden  a  look  of 
earnestness,  if  not  of  indignation,  he  said  : — 

"  Did  I  not  tell  you,  the  last  time  we  met,  that  whilst  Red- 
Jacket  lived  you  would  get  no  more  lands  of  the  Indians  ? 
How,  then,  while  you  see  him  alive  and  strong,"  (striking  his 
hand  violently  on  his  breast,)  "  do  you  think  to  make  him  a 
liar  r* 

Red-Jacket  was  doubtless  sincere,  at  this  time,  and 
during  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  in  his  opposition  to  any 
farther  disposition  of  their  already  contracted  territory, 

*  Speaking  in  reference  to  the  real  eloquence  of  Red-Jacket,  the  gentleman 
referred  to  in  the  last  note  remarks : — "  It  is  evident  that  the  best  translations  of 
Indian  speeches  must  fail  to  express  the  beauty  and  sublimity  of  the  originals, — 
especially  of  such  an  original  as  Red-Jacket.  It  has  been  my  good  fortune  to 
hear  him  a  few  times,  but  only  of  late  years,  and  when  his  powers  were  enfeebled 
by  age,  and  still  more  by  intemperance.  But  I  shall  never  forget  the  im 
pression  made  on  me  the  first  time  that  I  saw  him  in  council : — 

Deep  on  his  front  engraven, 
Deliberation  sate,  and  public  care, 
And  princely  counsel  in  his  face  yet  shone, 
Majestic,  though  in  ruin. 

I  can  give  no  adequate  idea  of  the  strong  impression  it  made  upon  my  mind, 
though  conveyed  to  it  through  the  medium  of  an  illiterate  interpreter.  Even  in 
this  mangled  form,  I  saw  the  disjecta  membra  of  a  regular  and  splendid  oration, 

40 


314  ^IFE  AND  TIMES 

although,  as  has  been  seen  at  an  earlier  stage  of  his 
life,  he  could  speak  with  a  "  forked  tongue"  upon  the 
subject, — declaring  eloquently  in  open  council  against  the 
selling  of  an  acre,  and  meeting  the  agent  of  the  purchase 
by  night  to  facilitate  his  operations.  But  however  sin 
cere  at  the  last  mentioned  and  at  subsequent  councils, 
in  his  opposition  to  the  views  of  the  pre-emption  com 
pany,  their  persuasives  were  stronger  than  his, — less 
eloquent,  but  far  more  effective.  It  is  believed  that  no 
sales  of  land  were  made  at  either  of  the  two  councils 
last  mentioned ;  but  shortly  afterward,  viz.,  in  the  sum 
mer  of  1826,  another  negotiation  was  opened,  which  was 
attended  by  better  success  for  the  company.  The  com 
missioner  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  was  the  Hon. 
Oliver  Forward,  of  Buffalo.  The  agent  for  the  com 
monwealth  of  Massachusetts  was  the  Hon.  Nathaniel 
Gorham.  The  agent  of  the  company  was  John  Greig, 
Esq.,  of  Canandaigua,  who  succeeded  in  extinguishing 
the  Indian  title  to  about  eighty  thousand  acres  of  their 
smaller  reservations  along  the  course  of  the  Genesee 
River,  of  which  there  were  several.  Red-Jacket  par 
ticipated  largely  in  the  proceedings  of  the  council,  and 
opposed  every  cession  step  by  step.  Yet  his  eloquence, 
though  earnest  as  ever,  was  exerted  to  but  little  pur 
pose  ; — the  Indians  acceded  to  the  terms  proposed  to 
them.  After  the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  its  terms  were 
reduced  to  writing,  Mr.  Greig  remarked  to  Red- Jacket 
that  as  he  had  opposed  the  sales  he  need  not  sign  the 
paper.  But  the  chief  would  listen  to  no  such  proposi 
tion.  He  was  proud  of  having  his  name  appear  upon 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

every  document  connected  with  the  fortunes  of  his  peo 
ple,  whether  he  approved  of  them  or  not,  and  insisted 
on  signing  the  instrument,  which  he  accordingly  did.* 
Still,  although  this  negotiation  was  conducted  with  the 
utmost  fairness  in  respect  to  the  Indians,  loud  complaints 
were  made  against  it  by  Red- Jacket  and  the  non-con 
tents,  and  a  commission  was  subsequently  instituted  by 
President  Adams,  to  inquire  into  the  true  character  of 
the  transaction.  This  duty  was  confided  to  Richard 
Montgomery  Livingston,  of  Saratoga.  A  powerful  effort 
was  made  by  Red- Jacket  to  cause  the  treaty  to  be  set 
aside  as  fraudulent,  but  without  success,  and  it  was  al 
lowed  to  be  carried  into  effect.f 

Another  negotiation  was  instituted  in  the  year  1828, 
and  others  still  have  followed,  until,  yielding  to  the  per 
tinacity  of  the  company,  in  the  autumn  of  1839  the  In 
dians  so  far  relinquished  the  contest  that  a  treaty  was 
concluded,  by  virtue  of  which  all  the  remaining  territory 
of  the  Senecas  in  the  state  of  New- York  was  conveyed 

*  Conversations  of  the  Author  with  Mr.  Greig. 

t  The  treaty  here  referred  to  was  concluded  on  the  31st  of  August,  1826.  By 
it  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indians  sold  to  the  proprietors  of  the  pre-emptive  right 
87,526  acres  of  their  reservations,  being  33,637  from  the  Buffalo,  33,409  from 
the  Tonnewanta,  5,120  from  the  Cattaraugus,  all  of  the  Caneadea,  (10,240,)  and 
all  of  the  Gardow,SquackyHill,  Big  Tree  and  Canawagus  reservations,  containing 
1,280  acres  each.  The  last  four  were  situated  in  the  county  of  Livingston,  and  con 
tain  each  a  portion  of  the  Genesee  river  flats.  The  papers  connected  with  this 
treaty  were  once  partially  examined  by  the  author,  at  the  house  of  the  late  Mr.  Liv 
ingston,  but  they  were  subsequently  burnt  with  his  office-building.  Red-Jacket 
was  again  active  and  eloquent  in  opposition  to  the  views  of  the  company ;  but  he 
was  out-voted  in  council,  and  compelled  to  yield  to  the  overpowering  numbers  of 
"  democracy, — savage  and  wild,"  literally — as  Governeur  Morris  once  pronounced 
it  in  another  place. 


316  LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c. 

to  the  company  that  had  so  long  and  intently  been 
striving  to  grasp  the  prize.*  This  treaty  was  ratified  by 
the  Senate  of  the  United  States  in  March,  1840 ;  but 
although  yet  unexecuted,  and  doomed,  perhaps,  to  en 
counter  opposition  in  regard  to  the  appropriations  neces 
sary  for  its  fulfilment,  still  it  requires  no  special  gift  of 
prophecy  to  foretell  that  the  remains  of  the  once  proud 
and  powerful  Senecas,  comprising  now  but  a  few  scat 
tered  and  dissolving  bands,  must  soon  turn  their  backs 
upon  the  fair  region  which  they  have  possessed  for  cen 
turies,  to  seek  out  a  new  home  toward  the  setting  sun. 
Lost  amid  the  boundless  regions  beyond  the  Mississippi, 
and  mingled  with  nations  of  their  own  race  more  nume 
rous  than  themselves,  not  many  years  will  elapse  before 
the  Senecas  will  be  numbered  as  among  the  nations  that 
were. 

*  There  remained  to  the  Senecas  after  the  treaty  of  1826,  at  Buffalo  49,920 
acres,  at  Tonnewanta  12,800,  at  Allegany  30,469,  at  Cattaraugus  21,760,  and  at 
Tuscarora  1,920, — in  all  116,869  acres,  all  of  excellent  quality.  With  the  ex 
ception  of  the  Tuscarora  reservation,  which  is  small,  all  have  now  been  sold  by 
the  Indians.  For  an  account  of  the  provisions  of  the  last  mentioned  treaty,  and 
a  history  of  the  arts  and  management  by  which  it  was  obtained,  see  Appendix  F. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

WITCHCRAFT — The  case  of  Tommy-Jemmy  indicted  for  murder — Red-Jacket 
takes  part  in  the  trial — His  attention  to  the  government  of  his  people — Mis 
sionary  enterprise  among  the  Senecas-^Red-Jacket's  opposition  and  hatred 
of  Christianity — His  letter  to  Captain  Parish,  appealing  to  Governor  Clinton 
against  the  black-coats — Legislative  action,  unwittingly,  against  the  mission 
aries — Rev.  Mr.  Harris  and  his  labors — Their  success — Conversion  of  0-qui- 
ye-sou,  or  Captain  Strong — The  schools — Mr.  Harris  driven  away  under  the 
law — Conduct  of  the  white  pagans— Application  to  the  legislature  in  behalf  of 
the  missionaries — Letter  of  Red-Jacket  to  Governor  Clinton — The  mission 
aries  and  teachers  sustained — -Beneficent  labors  of  the  Quakers — Remarkable 
interview  between  Red-Jacket  and  Rev.  Dr.  Breckinridgc,  as  detailed  in  a  let 
ter  from  the  latter — Outlines  of  another  anti-christian  speech — His  eloquence. 

NEITHER  civilized  nor  savage  wars  occurring  again  in 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Seneca  country  during  the  resi 
due  of  Red-Jacket's  life,  few  public  events  with  which 
his  name  is  associated  remain  to  be  discussed.  The 
most  considerable  exception  to  this  remark  is  to  be  found 
in  the  celebrated  case  of  Tommy-Jemmy,  a  chief  of  the 
Senecas,  who,  in  the  year  1821,  was  tried  for  murder  at 
Buffalo.  The  case  was  substantially  this  : — In  the  spring 
of  the  year  just  mentioned,  a  Seneca  Indian  fell  into  a 
state  of  languishment,  and  died.  The  character  and 
course  of  the  disease  were  such  that  the  Indian  medi 
cine-men  did  not  understand  it ;  and  from  a  variety  of 
strange  circumstances  attending  the  sick  man's  decline 
and  death,  it  was  sagely  concluded  that  he  had  been 


318  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

destroyed  by  sorcery.  Nay  more,  the  woman  who  had 
nursed  him,  and  anxiously  watched  him  at  his  bed-side, 
was  fixed  upon  as  the  beldam  who,  by  the  aid  of  an  evil 
spirit,  had  compassed  his  death.  The  woman  fled  the 
territory  and  crossed  into  Canada,  but  was  followed 
thither  by  the  sachems  and  others,  arrested,  and  tried 
by  a  council,  in  due  form,  according  to  the  immemorial 
usages  of  her  people  in  such  cases  made  and  provided. 
She  was  proved  guilty,  and  sentenced  to  death.  But  the 
Indians  were  too  well  informed,  and  too  wary,  to  carry 
the  execution  into  effect  beyond  the  confines  of  their 
own  territory,  either  in  Canada  or  the  United  States. 
The  poor  culprit  was  therefore  artfully  inveigled  back 
to  the  American  side  of  the  Niagara,  and  thence  within 
the  bounds  of  their  own  jurisdiction,  where  it  was  de 
termined  she  should  meet  her  doom.  Still  the  Indian 
who  had  been  designated  as  the  executioner  faltered  in 
his  duty.  Either  his  heart  or  his  hand  failed,  or  his  con 
science  smote  him,  and  he  declined  the  fulfilment  of  his 
bloody  commission.  In  this  emergency,  a  chief  named 
So-on-on-gise,  but  who  was  usually  called  Tommy- 
Jemmy,  seized  a  knife,  and  despatched  the  sorceress  by 
cutting  her  throat.  The  white  inhabitants  of  the  neigh 
borhood  were  shocked  at  the  deed  ;  and  forgetting  that, 
to  a  certain  extent  at  least,  the  Indians  constituted  an 
independent  community,  Tommy- Jemmy  was  arres 
ted  by  the  civil  authorities  of  Buffalo,  and  thrown  into 
prison.  In  due  time  he  was  indicted  for  the  capital 
crime  of  murder,  and  arraigned  at  the  bar  of  the  oyer 
and  terminer  to  take  his  trial.  This  trial,  interesting 
in  itself,  became  in  its  progress  both  curious  and  instruc- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  319 

live ;  and  before  the  close  of  all  the  proceedings  had  in 
connexion  therewith,  attracted  very  general  attention 
throughout  the  state,  especially  with  the  legal  profession. 
The  death  of  the  woman,  by  the  hand  of  the  accused,  of 
course  was  not  denied.  But  the  prisoner,  by  his  coun 
sel,  pleaded  to  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court,  that  the 
Seneca  Indians  were  a  sovereign  and  independent  na 
tion,  exercising  exclusive  jurisdiction  of  all  offences  com 
mitted  by  any  of  its  members  within  their  own  territory, 
and  that  the  prisoner,  as  well  as  the  person  killed,  was 
a  member  of  the  Seneca  nation,  and  the  offence,  if  any, 
was  committed  within  their  own  territory.  The  woman, 
it  was  held,  had  been  judicially  executed,  according  to 
their  own  laws  and  usages,  and  it  was  therefore  insisted 
that  it  was  a  matter  of  which  the  tribunals  of  the  state  of 
New- York  could  take  no  cognizance.  To  this  plea  a 
replication  was  filed  by  the  public  prosecutor,*  denying 
the  allegations,  and  an  issue  to  the  country  tendered. 
In  this  issue  the  prisoner  joined,  and  a  jury  was  sworn 
to  try  the  same.  Among  the  witnesses  introduced  to 
support  the  plea  of  the  accused  was  Red-Jacket,  who 
was  examined  at  large  touching  the  laws  and  usages  of 
his  people.  The  eminent  counsel  who  conducted  the 
prosecution  wished  to  exclude  his  testimony,  and  to  that 
end  inquired  whether  he  believed  in  the  existence  of  a 
God.  "  More  truly  than  one  can  who  could  ask  me 
such  a  question,"  with  an  indignant  look,  was  the  instant 
reply.f  Afterward,  on  his  cross-examination,  the  chief 

*  The  Hon.  John  C.  Spencer,  now,  (1841,)  Secretary  of  the  state  of  New- 
York. 

t  Letter  to  the  author  from  the  Hon.  Albert  H.  Tracy. 


320  LIFE  AND  TIMES    ' 

was  asked  by  one  of  the  counsel,  what  rank  he  'held  in 
his  nation :  to  which  he  answered  with  a  contemptuous 
sneer, — "  Look  at  the  papers  which  the  white  people 
keep  the  most  carefully," — (meaning  the  treaties  ceding 
their  lands,) — "  they  will  tell  you  what  I  am  !"* 

The  testimony  of  the  orator,  as  also  did  that  of  the 
other  Indian  witnesses,  went  to  show  that  in  the  appre 
hension  of  the  Indians  the  woman  was  clearly  a  witch, 
and  that  she  had  been  tried  by  a  properly  constituted 
council,  and  executed,  in  pursuance  of  their  laws,  which 
had  been  established  for  a  time  whereof  the  memory  of 
the  white  people,  at  least,  ran  not  to  the  contrary,  inas 
much  as  these  laws  were  in  force  long  before  the  English 
came  to  this  island.  In  the  course  of  his  examination, 
perceiving  that  their  superstition  on  the  subject  of  witch 
craft  was  the  theme  of  ridicule,  as  well  with  the  legal 
gentlemen  as  among  the  bystanders,  Red-Jacket  found 
an  opportunity  to  break  forth  as  follows  :— 

"  What !  Do  you  denounce  us  as  fools  and  bigots,  because  we 
still  believe  that  which  you  yourselves  believed  two  centuries 
ago  1  Your  black-coats  thundered  this  doctrine  from  the  pul 
pit,  your  judges  pronounced  it  from  the  bench,  and  sanctioned 
it  with  the  formalities  of  law  ;  and  you  would  now  punish  our 
unfortunate  brother  for  adhering  to  the  faith  of  his  fathers 
and  of  yours  !  Go  to  Salem  !  Look  at  the  records  of  your 
own  government,  and  you  will  find  that  hundreds  have  been 
executed  for  the  very  crime  which  has  called  forth  the  sen 
tence  of  condemnation  against  this  woman,  and  drawn  down 
upon  her  the  arm  of  vengeance.  What  have  our  brothers 
done  more  than  the  rulers  of  your  people  have  done  ?  And 

*  Drake's  Book  of  the  Indians. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

what  crime  has  this  man  committed,  by  executing,  in  a  sum 
mary  way,  the  laws  of  his  country,  and  the  command  of  the 
Great  Spirit  1"* 

The  appearance  of  Red-Jacket,  when  delivering  this 
sarcastic  philippic,  was  noted  as  remarkable,  even  for 
him.  When  fired  with  indignation,  or  burning  for  re 
venge,  the  expression  of  his  eye  was  terrible,  and  when 
he  chose  to  display  his  powers  of  irony,  which  were 
rarely  excelled,  the  aspect  of  his  keen  sarcastic  glance 
was  irresistible.!  The  result  of  the  trial  was  a  verdict 
that  the  allegations  contained  in  the  prisoner's  plea  were 
true.  The  court  suspended  giving  judgment,  and  the 
proceedings  were  removed  by  certiorari  into  the  Su 
preme  Court.  At  the  August  term  of  that  tribunal,  in 
the  same  year,  a  motion  was  made  by  the  attorney- 
general  for  judgment  that  the  prisoner  answer  farther, 
notwithstanding  the  verdict  of  the  jury.  The  argument 
was  opened,  in  behalf  of  the  people,  by  Mr.  Spencer, 
who  was  followed  by  Mr.  Oakley ,|  in  behalf  of  the  pri 
soner.  Mr.  Samuel  A.  Talcott,  attorney-general,  closed 
the  argument,  which  was  sustained  throughout,  on  both 
sides,  with  great  ability.  The  discussion  produced  a 
very  thorough  examination  of  all  the  laws,  treaties, 
documents,  and  public  history  relating  to  the  Indians, 
from  the  time  of  the  discovery ;  and  the  court,  intima- 

*  Albany  Argus,  1821,— one  of  the  editors  of  which  paper,  at  that  day,  was 
present  at  the  trial. 

t  William  J.  Snelling,  who  was  also  present  at  the  trial.  Vide  Drake's  Book 
of  the  Indians. 

t  Thomas  J.  Oakley,  formerly  attorney-general,  and  now  (1841,)  one  of  the 
judges  of  the  Superior  Court  of  the  city  of  New-York. 

41 


322  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ting  that  there  was  considerable  difficulty  in  the  ques 
tion,  took  time  for  mature  consideration.  The  conclu 
sion  of  the  whole  matter  was  the  discharge  of  the  pri 
soner  by  consent.  The  court,  not  liking  to  make  a  de 
cision  recognizing  the  independent  jurisdiction  of  the 
Indians  in  such  cases,  and  yet  being  unable  to  deny  to 
them  the  existence  of  a  qualified  sovereignty, — perceiv 
ing,  moreover,  very  clearly  that  the  case  was  not  one 
of  murder,  as  the  Indians  "  understood  it," — took  the 
middle  course,  and  allowed  the  liberation  of  the  prisoner. 
After  the  close  of  the  war  between  the  United  States 
and  Great  Britain,  in  1815,  the  whole  attention  of  Red- 
Jacket  was  devoted  to  the  government  of  his  people,  and 
the  advancement  of  what  he  doubtless  honestly  conceived 
to  be  their  true  interests.  The  leading  feature  of  his  policy 
was  to  exclude  the  white  people  from  mingling  with  his 
nation,  and  to  prevent  Christain  missionaries  and  school 
masters  from  coming  amongst  them ;  in  furtherance  of 
which  design,  all  his  influence,  and  all  that  remained  of 
his  power,  were  exerted  to  the  utmost.  In  a  word,  he 
labored  with  all  his  energies  to  shut  out  every  thing  like 
moral  and  social  improvement,  and  to  preserve  his  peo 
ple  in  their  primitive  Indian  character.  But  his  arm 
was  too  feeble  to  check  the  advances  of  the  Anglo- 
Saxon  race,  and  the  residue  of  the  Six  Nations  at  length 
found  themselves  hemmed  closely  within  the  compara 
tively  narrow  reservations  yet  remaining  to  them.  Both 
school-masters  and  missionaries,  also,  the  objects  of  the 
chieftain's  peculiar  hate,  were  still  insinuating  themselves 
among  them ;  for  the  New- York  Missionary  Society,  no- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  333 

thing  daunted  by  the  repulse  of  Mr.  Alexander,  in  1811, 
had  succeeded  in  establishing  several  missionary  sta 
tions.     Indeed,  the  Tuscarora  Indians  had  received  the 
missionaries  as  early  as  the  year  1805,  and  the  conse 
quence  had  been  a  rapid  improvement  of  their  moral 
and  social  condition.     A  missionary  house  had  likewise 
been  opened  at  the  Seneca  village,  about  five  miles  from 
Buffalo,  and  another  upon  the  Cattaraugus  reservation.* 
These  humble  efforts  in  the  cause  of  Christian  civiliza 
tion  were  crowned  with  very  considerable  success,  so 
that  previous  to  the  year  1820  the  Senecas  had  become 
divided  into  two  distinct  parties,  Christian  and  Pagan, 
— as   mentioned   incidentally  in  a   preceding   chapter. 
The  former  was  headed  by  the  veteran  Captain  Pollard, 
or  Ka-oun-doo-wand,  Gishkaka,  commonly  called  Little- 
Billy,  and  several  other  chiefs  of  note,  and  the  latter  by 
Rec1 -Jacket  and  the  Young  Cornplanter,  who,  notwith 
standing  the  conversion  of  his  father  to  the  Christian  faith, 
and  his  own  education  in  Philadelpha,  adhered  still  to 
the  heathenism  of  his  ancestors.     There  were  likewise 
other  pagan  chiefs  acting  in  concert  with  Red-Jacket, 
who,  with  their  followers,  probably  at  that  period  com 
posed  considerably  more  than  half  the  nation.      The 
hostility  of  this  pagan  party  to  these  inroads  of  civiliza 
tion  was  uncompromising,  and  at  the  close  of  the  year 
1819,  or  early  in  1820,  an  appeal  was  made  to  Governor 
Clinton  for  protection  against  the  "  black-coats."     This 
appeal  was   embodied  in  a  letter,   dictated   by  Red- 
Jacket,  and  addressed  to  Mr.  Parish,  their  favorite  in- 

*  Reports  from  the  missionary,  in  the  Missionary  Herald. 


324  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

terpreter,  then  on  a  visit  to  the  seat  of  the  state  govern 
ment,  upon  business  appertaining  to  the  Indians  : — 

RED-JACKET  TO  CAPTAIN  PARISH. 

"  BROTHER  PARISH  :  I  address  myself  to  you,  and  through 
you  to  the  governor.  The  chiefs  of  Onondaga  have  accompa 
nied  you  to  Albany,  to  do  business  with  the  governor ;  I,  also, 
was  to  have  been  with  you,  but  I  am  sorry  to  say  that  bad 
health  has  put  it  out  of  my  power.  For  this  you  must  not 
think  hard  of  me.  I  am  not  to  blame  for  it.  It  is  the  will  of 
the  Great  Spirit  that  it  should  be  so.  The  object  of  the  Onon- 
dagas  is  to  purchase  our  lands  at  Tonnewanta.  This  and  an 
other  business  that  they  may  have  to  do  at  Albany,  must  be 
transacted  in  the  presence  of  the  governor.  He  will  see  that 
the  bargain  is  fairly  made,  so  that  all  parties  may  have  reason 
to  be  satisfied  with  what  is  done  ;  and  when  our  sanction  shall 
be  wanted  to  the  transaction,  it  will  be  freely  given.  I  much 
regret  that,  at  this  time,  the  state  of  my  health  should  prevent 
me  from  accompanying  you  to  Albany,  as  it  was  the  wish  of 
the  nation  that  I  should  state  to  the  governor  some  circum 
stances  which  show  that  the  chain  of  friendship  between  us 
and  the  white  people  is  wearing  out,  and  wants  brightening. 
But  I  will  proceed  now  to  lay  them  before  you  by  letter, 
that  you  may  mention  them  to  the  governor,  and  solicit 
redress.  He  is  appointed  to  do  justice  to  all,  and  the  In 
dians  fully  confide  that  he  will  not  suffer  them  to  be  wronged 
with  impunity. 

"  The  first  subject  to  which  we  would  call  the  attention  of 
the  governor,  is  the  depredations  that  are  daily  committed  by 
the  white  people  upon  the  most  valuable  timber  on  our  reser 
vations.  This  has  been  a  subject  of  complaint  with  us  for 
many  years ;  but  now,  and  particularly  at  this  season  of  the 
year,  it  has  become  an  alarming  evil,  and  calls  for  the  imme 
diate  interposition  of  the  governor  in  our  behalf.  Our  next 
subject  of  complaint  is,  the  frequent  thefts  of  our  horses  and 
cattle  by  the  white  people ;  and  their  habit  of  taking  and 


OF  RED-JACKET.  325 

using  them  whenever  they  please,  and  without  our  leave. 
These  are  evils  which  seem  to  increase  upon  us  with  the  in 
crease  of  our  white  neighbors,  and  they  call  loudly  for  redress. 

"  Another  evil  arising  from  the  pressure  of  the  whites  upon 
us,  and  our  unavoidable  communication  with  them,  is  the  fre 
quency  with  which  our  chiefs,  and  warriors,  and  Indians,  are 
thrown  into  jail,  and  that,  too,  for  the  most  trifling  causes. 
This  is  very  galling  to  our  feelings,  and  ought  not  to  be  per 
mitted  to  the  extent  to  which, — to  gratify  their  bad  passions, — 
our  white  neighbors  now  carry  this  practice. 

"  In  our  hunting  and  fishing,  too,  we  are  greatly  interrupted 
by  the  whites.  Our  venison  is  stolen  from  the  trees  where  we 
have  hung  it  to  be  reclaimed  after  the  chase.  Our  hunting 
camps  have  been  fired  into,  and  we  have  been  warned  that 
we  shall  no  longer  be  permitted  to  pursue  the  deer  in  those 
forests  which  were  so  lately  all  our  own.  The  fish,  which,  in 
the  Buffalo  and  Tonnewanta  creeks,  used  to  supply  us  with 
food,  are  now,  by  the  dams  and  other  obstructions  of  the 
white  people,  prevented  from  multiplying,  and  we  are  almost 
entirely  deprived  of  that  accustomed  sustenance.  Our. great 
Father  the  President  has  recommended  to  our  young  men  to 
be  industrious, — to  plough  and  to  sow.  This  we  have  done, 
and  we  are  thankful  for  tbe  advice,  and  for  the  means  he  has 
afforded  us  of  carrying  it  into  effect.  We  are  happier  in  con 
sequence  of  it. 

"  But  another  thing  recommended  to  us  has  created  great 
confusion  among  us,  and  is  making  us  a  quarrelsome  and  divi 
ded  people  ;  and  that  is,  the  introduction  of  preachers  into  our 
nation.  These  black-coats  contrive  to  get  the  consent  of  some 
of  the  Indians  to  preach  among  us,  and  wherever  this  is  the 
case,  confusion  and  disorder  are  sure  to  follow :  and  the  en 
croachments  of  the  whites  upon  our  lands  are  the  invariable 
consequence.  The  governor  must  not  think  hard  of  me  for 
speaking  thus  of  the  preachers.  I  have  observed  their  pro 
gress,  and  when  I  look  back  to  see  what  has  taken  place  of 
old,  I  perceive  that  whenever  they  came  among  the  Indians, 


326  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

they  were  the  forerunners  of  their  dispersion;  that  they  always 
excited  enmities  and  quarrels  among  them ;  that  they  intro 
duced  the  white  people  on  their  lands,  by  whom  they  were 
robbed  and  plundered  of  their  property  ;  and  that  the  Indians 
were  sure  to  dwindle  and  decrease  and  be  driven  back,  in  pro 
portion  to  the  number  of  preachers  that  came  among  them. 
Each  nation  has  its  own  customs  and  its  own  religion.  The 
Indians  have  theirs, — given  to  them  by  the  Great  Spirit, — un 
der  which  they  were  happy.  It  was  not  intended  that  they 
should  embrace  the  religion  of  the  whites,  and  be  destroyed 
by  the  attempt  to  make  them  think  differently  on  that  subject 
from  their  fathers. 

"  It  is  true,  these  preachers  have  got  the  consent  of  some  of 
the  chiefs  to  stay  and  preach  among  us,  but  I  and  my  friends 
know  this  to  be  wrong,  and  that  they  ought  to  be  removed  ; 
besides,  we  have  been  threatened  by  Mr.  Hyde, — who  came 
among  us  as  a  school-master  and  a  teacher  of  our  children,  but 
has  now  become  a  black-coat,  and  refused  to  teach  them  any 
more, — that  unless  we  listen  to  his  preaching  and  become 
Christians,  we  will  be  turned  off  our  lands.  We  wish  to 
know  from  the  governor  if  this  is  to  be  so ;  and  if  he  has  no 
right  to  say  so,  we  think  he  ought  to  be  turned  off  our  lands, 
and  not  allowed  to  plague  us  any  more.  We  shall  never  be 
at  peace  while  he  is  among  us.  Let  them  be  removed,  and 
we  will  be  happy  and  contented  among  ourselves.  We  now 
cry  to  the  governor  for  help,  and  hope  that  he  will  attend  to 
our  complaints,  and  speedily  give  us  redress. 

"  SA-G-O-YE-WAT-HA,  or  Red-Jacket."* 

In  consequence  of  tbis  representation,  and  others  of 
corresponding  import,  an  act  was  passed  by  the  legisla- 

*  This  letter  was  dictated  by  Red-Jacket,  and  interpreted  by  Henry  O'Bail, 
in  the  presence  of  the  following  Indians:  Red-Jacket's  son,  Cornplanter,  John- 
Cobb,  Peter,  Young-King's-Brother,  Tom-the-Infant,  (Onnonggaiheko,)  Blue- 
sky,  (Towyocauna,)  John-Sky,  Jemmy-Johnson,  Marcus,  Big-fire,  Captain- 
Jemmy. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  327 

ture  of  New- York,  during  the  session  of  1821,  for  the 
more  effectual  prevention  of  encroachments  upon  the 
lands  of  the  Senecas.  The  enactments  of  this  law  were 
peremptory, — requiring  the  district-attorney  and  sheriff 
of  the  county,  on  complaint  being  made,  to  remove  from 
the  reservation  "  all  persons  other  than  Indians."  Re 
sistance  to  the  mandate  for  such  removal  was  punishable 
by  imprisonment.  It  is  not  supposed  that  in  the  enact 
ment  of  this  law  the  legislature  intended  to  molest  the 
missionaries,  or  to  interfere  with  their  schools.  The  de 
sign  was  to  afford  more  efficient  protection  to  the  In 
dians  against  intruders  in  general,  who  were  crowding 
upon  them  in  considerable  numbers,  destroying  their  tim 
ber,  and  endamaging  them  in  other  respects.  Against 
such  it  was  occasionally  enforced  ;  but  in  regard  to  the 
missionaries  its  energies  were  allowed  to  slumber  for 
two  or  three  years.  Meantime  the  New- York  Mission 
ary  Society  had  transferred  its  stations  to  the  care  of  the 
American  Board  of  Foreign  Missions,  by  which  latter 
association  the  Seneca  missions  had  been  re-organized 
upon  a  more  efficient  and  commanding  basis.  In  1821, 
the  Rev.  Thompson  S.  Harris,  with  an  augmented  mis 
sion  family,  had  been  stationed  at  the  Seneca  village,  with 
a  commission  as  superintendent  of  the  stations  in  the 
several  cantons.  A  church  was  soon  afterward  organized, 
and  schools,  male  and  female,were  opened.  In  the  year 
1822,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Thayer,  with  his  family  and  suitable 
teachers  for  schools,  was  stationed  at  the  Cattaraugus 
reservation.  The  labors  of  both  of  these  families, — mis 
sionaries  and  teachers, — were  greatly  blessed ;  and  Red- 


328  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Jacket  and  his  pagan  adherents  were  doomed  to  the 
mortification  of  beholding  a  rapid  increase  of  the  Chris 
tian  party  at  the  expense  of  their  own.  The  children 
were  flocking  to  the  schools,  and  the  adults  almost  daily 
renouncing  their  heathen  rites  and  superstitions,  and 
avowing  themselves  Christians.  Among  the  notables  of 
the  tribe  who  came  out  from  among  the  pagans,  was  the 
principal  chief  of  the  Cattaraugus  clan,  O-qui-ye-sou, 
well  known  in  English  as  Captain  Strong.  He  was  a 
chief  of  talent  and  great  influence  among  his  people, — 
a  sober,  deep-thinking  man,  who  for  judgment  and  pene 
tration  surpassed  most  others  of  his  nation.  His  family 
was  connected  with  that  of  Red-Jacket  by  ties  of  con 
sanguinity,  and,  with  all  the  members  of  that  family,  he 
remained  a  pagan  until  1823.  Red- Jacket  himself  had 
not  been  more  decided  in  his  opposition  to  the  mission 
aries  than  Captain  Strong,  down  to  the  period  just  men 
tioned.  But  observing  the  salutary  influences  which  the 
missionaries  and  their  schools  were  exerting  upon  his 
people,  he  was  brought  to  reflect  seriously  upon  the  sub 
ject.  His  pagan  friends  became  alarmed  at  the  symp 
toms  they  discovered  of  a  change  in  his  views,  and  a 
council  was  convened,  at  which  the  most  strenuous 
efforts  were  put  in  requisition  to  prevent  his  defection. 
But  their  efforts  were  vain.  To  the  disappointment  and 
grief  of  the  pagans,  after  they  had  exhausted  their 
stock  of  dissuasives,  O-qui-ye-sou  rose  and  in  a  manly 
speech  abjured  his  pagan  creed,  and  avowed  himself  a 
member  of  the  Christian  party, — to  which  he  has  sted- 
fastly  adhered  until  this  day.  Alarmed  at  the  loss  of 


OF  RED-JACKET.  329 

such  a  chief  as  Captain  Strong,  and  at  the  rapid  dimi 
nution  of  his  adherents,  foreshadowing  his  own  loss  of 
influence  and  power,  the  project  of  a  forcible  ejectment 
of  the  missionaries  and  school-teachers,  under  the  act  of 
1821,  was  conceived  by  Red- Jacket,  and  by  the  aid  of 
several  white  pagans  in  Buffalo,  who  were  ever  on  the 
qui  vive  to  facilitate  his  ariti-christian  purposes,  carried 
into  prompt  execution.  Complaints  having  been  duly 
entered  against  Mr.  Harris  and  his  teachers  at  the 
Seneca  village,  the  district-attorney  and  sheriff,  having 
no  discretion  in  the  premises,  were  compelled  to  pro 
ceed  against  them,  and  the  mission  at  the  Seneca  village 
was  broken  up  in  March,  1824.  There  were  forty-three 
children  in  the  school  at  the  time,  who,  with  their  teach 
ers  and  assistants,  were  removed  to  the  Cattaraugus 
station.  Mr.  Harris  and  his  family  retired  to  Buffalo, 
to  watch  the  course  of  events,  and  render  such  offices 
to  the  Indians  of  his  spiritual  charge  as  might  yet  be  in 
his  power.  This  was  a  sad  disappointment  to  the  mis 
sion-family,  and  was  deeply  lamented  by  the  Christian 
Indians,  upon  whom  the  happiest  influences  had  been 
exerted.  A  lively  concern  had  been  awakened  in  their 
bosoms  for  the  salvation  of  their  souls,  and  they  were  in 
the  habit  of  resorting  to  the  woods  for  their  private  de 
votions.  They  therefore  felt  deeply  the  loss  of  their 
minister,  to  whom  they  owed  so  much,  not  only  for  his 
instructions  in  religion,  but  for  his  labors  in  the  improve 
ment  of  their  social  condition.  The  American  Board 
had  no  sooner  heard  of  these  transactions,  than  an  ap 
peal  was  made  to  the  legislature  for  such  a  modification 

42 


330  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

of  the  law  of  1821  as  would  allow  the  missionaries  to 
resume  their  labors.  The  people  of  Buffalo,  also,  with 
the  exception  of  a  small  knot  of  unbelievers  in  alliance 
upon  this  subject  with  Red-Jacket,  sustained  the  appli 
cation.  Judge  Wilkinson,  then  a  senator  from  Buffalo, 
made  a  strong  speech  in  favor  of  the  proposed  modifica 
tion  of  the  law,  and  bore  powerful  testimony  to  the  advan 
tages  that  had  resulted  to  the  Indians  from  the  labors  of 
the  missionaries.  In  this  posture  of  affairs,  while  the 
question  was  yet  pending,  Red-Jacket  addressed  the 
following  letter  to  Governor  Clinton  :— 

"  TO  THE  CHIEF  OF  THE  COUNCIL  FIRE  AT  ALBANY. 

"  BROTHER  :  About  three  years  ago,  our  friends  of  the  great 
council  fire  at  Albany  wrote  down  in  their  book  that  the  priests 
of  white  people  should  no  longer  reside  on  our  lands,  and  told 
their  officers  to  move  them  off  whenever  we  complained.  This 
was  to  us  good  news,  and  made  our  hearts  glad.  These  priests 
had  a  long  time  troubled  us,  and  made  us  bad  friends  and  bad 
neighbors.  After  much  difficulty  we  removed  them  from  our 
lands ;  and  for  a  short  time  we  have  been  quiet,  and  our  minds 
easy.  But  we  are  now  told  that  the  priests  have  asked  liberty 
to  return ;  and  that  our  friends  of  the  great  council  fire  are 
about  to  blot  from  their  book  the  law  which  they  made,  and 
leave  their  poor  red  brethren  once  more  a  prey  to  hungry 
priests. 

"  BROTHER  :  Listen  to  what  we  say.  These  men  do  us  no 
good.  They  deceive  every  body.  They  deny  the  Great  Spi 
rit,  which  we,  and  our  fathers  before  us,  have  looked  upon  as 
our  creator.  They  disturb  us  in  our  worship.  They  tell  our 
children*  they  must  not  believe  like  our  fathers  and  mothers, 
and  tell  us  many  things  we  do  not  understand  and  cannot  be 
lieve.  They  tell  us  we  must  be  like  white  people, — but  they 

*  Several  of  Red-Jacket's  children  had  joined  the  Christian  party. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  331 

are  lazy  and  won't  work,  nor  do  they  teach  our  young  men  to 
do  so.  The  habits  of  our  women  are  worse  than  they  were 
before  these  men  came  amongst  us,  and  our  young  men  drink 
more  whiskey.  We  are  willing  to  be  taught  to  read,  and 
write,  and  work,  but  not  by  people  who  have  done  us  so  much 
injury. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  wish  you  to  lay  before  the  council  fire  the 
wishes  of  your  red  brethren.  We  ask  our  brothers  not  to  blot 
out  the  law  which  has  made  us  peaceable  and  happy ;  and  not 
to  force  a  strange  religion  upon  us.  We  ask  to  be  let  alone, 
and,  like  the  white  people,  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  as  we 
think  best.  We  shall  then  be  happy  in  fulfilling  the  little 
share  in  life  which  is  left  us,  and  shall  go  down  to  our  fathers 
in  peace. 

"  SA-GO-YE-WAT-HA."* 

In  one  of  the  parables  of  the  Great  Author  of  Chris 
tianity,  it  is  said  that  on  a  certain  occasion,  when  a  hus 
bandman  had  been  scattering  good  seed  in  his  field, 
"  an  enemy"  came  afterward  and  sowed  tares.  It  was 
even  so  at  the  village  of  the  Senecas.  There  were  a 
few  individual  white  men  in  the  vicinity  of  the  reserva 
tion,  unbelievers  in  the  Christian  religion, — of  whose 
number  was  a  man  of  some  political  notoriety  in  Buf 
falo, — who  labored  with  a  zeal  worthy  of  a  better  cause, 
to  thwart  the  efforts  of  the  missionary  and  teachers  at 
the  Seneca  village.  By  these  men  the  prejudices  of 
Red-Jacket  and  his  pagan  adherents  were  fomented, 
and  their  hands  strengthened.  No  man  labored  with 

*  The  original  of  this  document  is  in  the  office  of  the  Secretary  of  State,  at 
Albany.  It  was  subscribed  with  the  mark  of  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha,  or  Red- Jacket, 
first,  and  then  follow  those  of  the  Young  Cornplanter,  Green-Blanket,  Big-Kettle, 
Robert  Bob,  Twenty  Canoes,  senior  and  junior,  Two-Guns,  Fish-Hook,  Hot- 
Bread,  Bare-Foot,  and  several  others  of  the  pagan  party. 


332  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

greater  industry  in  sowing  the  good  seed  than  Mr.  Har 
ris.  None  could  have  labored  with  greater  assiduity  in 
sowing  tares  in  the  same  field  than  the  persons  referred 
to.  And  these  men  were  doubtless  the  counsellors  of 
Red- Jacket,  as  they  had  been  on  other  similar  occasions, 
in  the  composition  of  the  foregoing  letter  to  Governor 
Clinton.  It  was  a  grievous  libel  upon  the  character  and 
conduct  of  the  missionaries,  and  probably  was  not  with 
out  its  influence  for  temporary  evil,  inasmuch  as  the  ap 
plication  in  their  behalf  was  not  at  that  time  sustained 
by  the  legislature.  But  at  a  period  not  long  subsequent, 
the  rigors  of  the  law  were  meliorated,  and  both  mission 
aries  and  teachers  were  allowed  to  resume  and  con 
tinue  their  labors  without  farther  molestation. 

There  is  indeed,  in  one  passage  of  the  letter  under 
consideration,  an  apparent  qualification  of  the  old  chief 
tain's  hostility  to  the  introduction  of  the  arts  of  reading 
and  writing  among  the  Indians  ;  but  he  was  nevertheless 
averse  to  the  acquisition  of  those  accomplishments  from 
Mr.  Harris  and  his  assistants.  But  toward  the  Quakers, 
who  had  exercised  a  watchful  guardianship  over  the 
Alleghany  clan  of  the  Senecas,  by  means  of  boards  of 
visiters  and  resident  agents,  almost  from  the  hour  of 
their  laying  down  the  hatchet  in  1783,  Red-Jacket  was 
much  better  disposed.  He  made  an  earnest  appeal  to 
them,  at  about  the  same  time,  for  assistance,  or  for  the 
exertion  of  their  influence  in  keeping  the  missionaries  at 
a  distance.  In  his  communications  with  the  Quakers 
upon  this  subject,  he  was  more  grievously  libellous 
against  the  missionaries  even  than  in  the  letter  to  Go- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  333 

vernor  Clinton,  charging  them  with  stealing  the  horses  of 
the  Indians,  driving  away  their  cattle,  and  with  other 
grave  offences.  Charges  like  these,  against  men  holding 
the  commissions  of  the  American  Board  of  Foreign  Mis 
sions,  stationed,  as  it  were,  under  the  very  eye  of  the 
Board  itself,  carried  their  own  contradiction  upon  their 
face.  Still  it  may  be  possible, — barely  possible, — that 
miscreants  may  have  assumed  the  missionary  garb  in 
order  to  accomplish  some  sinister  purpose  against  this 
much-abused  race.  And  when  the  orator  told  the  Qua 
kers,  as  it  is  alleged  he  did  by  at  least  one  authority, 
that  such  of  the  Senecas  as  were  nominally  converted 
from  heathenism  to  Christianity  by  those  pretended 
teachers,  only  disgraced  themselves  by  paltry  attempts 
to  cover  the  profligacy  of  the  one  with  the  hypocrisy  of 
the  other,*  he  must  either  have  adverted  to  some  isolated 
instance  of  imposture  and  affected  conversion,  or  coined 
the  libel  with  malignant  intent. 

But  his  hostility  to  Christianity  and  its  teachers  was 
implacable,  and  broke  forth  on  every  possible  occasion. 
About  the  year  1824,  a  gentleman  who  had  much  official 
and  personal  intercourse  with  the  Senecas,  and  with 
Red- Jacket  in  particular,  while  in  conversation  with  him 
in  company  with  the  late  Colonel  Chapin,  asked  the 
question  why  he  was  so  much  opposed  to  the  mission 
aries.  The  inquiry  awakened  feelings  of  real  or  affected 
surprise  in  the  bosom  of  the  chief,  and  after  a  brief 
pause  as  though  for  reflection,  he  replied  with  a  sarcastic 
smile,  and  an  emphasis  peculiar  to  himself: — 

*  Thatcher's  Indian  Biography. 


334  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

"  Because  they  do  us  no  good.     If  they  are  not  useful  to 
the  white  people,  why  do  they  send  them  among  the  Indians  ? 
If  they  are  useful  to  the  white  people,  and  do  them  good,  why 
do  they  not  keep  them  at  home  ]    They  are  surely  bad  enough 
to  need  the  labor  of  every  one  who  can  make  them  better. 
These  men  know  we  do  not  understand  their  religion.     We 
cannot  read  their  book, — they  tell  us  different  stories  about 
what  it  contains,  and  we  believe  they  make  the  book  talk  to 
suit  themselves.     If  we  had  no  money,  no  land,  and  no  coun 
try  to  be  cheated  out  of,  these  black-coats  would  not  trouble 
themselves  about  our  good  hereafter.     The  Great  Spirit  will 
not  punish  us  for  what  we  do  not  know.     He  will  do  justice  to 
his  red  children.     These  black-coats  talk  to  the  Great  Spirit, 
and  ask  for  light,  that  we  may  see  as  they  do,  when  they  are 
blind  themselves,  and  quarrel  about  the  light  which  guides 
them.     These  things  we  do  not  understand,  and  the  light  they 
give  us  makes  the  straight  and  plain  path  trod  by  our  fathers 
dark  and  dreary.     The  black-coats  tell  us  to  work  and  raise 
corn  :  they  do  nothing  themselves,  and  would  starve  to  death 
if  somebody  did  not  feed  them.     All  they  do  is  to  pray  to  the 
Great  Spirit ;  but  that  will  not  make  corn  or  potatoes  grow ; 
if  it  will  why  do  they  beg  from  us  and  from  the  white  people  ? 
The  red  men  knew  nothing  of  trouble  until  it  came  from  the 
white  men;  as  soon  as  they  crossed  the  great  waters  they 
wanted  our  country,  and  in  return  have  always  been  ready  to 
teach  us   to   quarrel  about  their  religion.     Red-Jacket  can 
never  be  the  friend  of  such  men.     The  Indians  can  never  be 
civilized, — they  are  not  like  white  men.     If  they  were  raised 
among  the  white  people,  and  learned  to  work,  and  to  read,  as 
they  do,  it  would  only  make  their  situations  worse.     They 
would  be  treated  no  better  than  negroes.     We  are  few  and 
weak,  but  may  for  a  long  time  be  happy  if  we  hold  fast  to 
our  country  and  the  religion  of  our  fathers  !"* 

*  Colonel  M'Kenney's  Indian  Biography. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  335 

It  need  scarcely  be  added  that  this  outpouring  of  in 
vective  against  the  missionaries  was  no  more  bitter  than 
unjust;  and  were  it  not  for  the  close  resemblance  it 
bears  to  the  preceding  letter  to  Governor  Clinton,  it 
would  be  charitable  to  hope  that  the  reporter  imparted 
to  the  language  of  the  speaker  a  tone  of  severity  beyond 
his  design.  No  doubt  can  exist  that  his  feelings  of  hatred 
to  Christianity  were  at  that  time  settled  and  deep ;  but, 
as  has  been  previously  intimated,  there  were  white  pa 
gans  in  the  Seneca  neighborhood,  who,  with  a  vigilance 
that  never  slumbered,  were  watching  for  opportunities 
to  infuse  into  the  bosom  of  Red-Jacket  a  portion  of  the 
poison  rankling  in  their  own.  Such  may  have  been  the 
fact  in  regard  both  to  the  last  mentioned  speech  and  the 
letter.  Perhaps,  therefore,  a  more  just  conception  of  the 
old  chieftain's  general  views  upon  this  important  sub 
ject, — his  manner  of  reasoning  respecting  it, — and  the 
position  in  which  he  supposed  the  Indians  stood  in  regard 
to  it, — may  be  formed  by  a  perusal  of  the  notes  of  a  pro 
tracted  colloquy  between  him  and  a  young  candidate  for 
clerical  orders, — now  an  eminent  divine,* — which  occur 
red  at  about  the  period  of  his  life  now  under  consideration. 
These  notes,  or  more  properly  sketches,  in  addition  to 
their  dramatic  interest,  will  serve  as  vivid  illustrations 
of  the  manners  of  the  orator  in  his  old  age,  and  the  cha 
racter  of  his  mind  ; — while  the  missionaries  are  at  the 
same  time  vindicated. 

*  The  Rev.  John  Breckenridge,  D.  D. 


336  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

REV.  DR.  BRECKENRIDGE  TO  THE  AUTHOR. 

"  The  first  opportunity  I  ever  enjoyed  of  seeing  that 
deservedly  celebrated  Indian  chief  Red- Jacket,  was  in  the 
year  1821,  at  the  residence  of  General  PETER  B.  PORTER, 
Black  Rock,  New- York.  Being  on  a  visit  to  the  General 
and  his  family,  it  seemed  a  peculiarly  fit  occasion  to  be 
come  acquainted  with  the  great  Seneca  orator,  whose 
tribe  resided  within  a  few  miles  of  Black  Rock.  Gene 
ral  Porter  embraced  the  Indian  warriors  who  fought 
with  us  on  that  line,  during  the  late  war  with  Great 
Britain,  in  his  command.  From  this  cause ;  from  his 
high  character;  his  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
chiefs  ;  and  his  known  attachment  to  these  interesting 
people,  he  had  great  influence  over  them  ; — and  his  la 
mented  lady,  who  it  is  not  indelicate  for  me  to  say 
was  my  sister,  had  by  her  kindness  won  the  rugged 
hearts  of  all  their  leading  men.  So  that  their  united  in 
fluence,  and  my  near  relationship  to  them,  secured  to 
me  at  once  access  to  the  chiefs,  and  their  entire  confi 
dence. 

"  I  had  not  only  a  great  desire  to  see  Red- Jacket,  but 
also  to  use  this  important  opportunity  to  correct  some 
of  his  false  impressions  in  regard  to  Christianity  and 
the  missionaries  established  in  his  tribe.  To  this  end  it 
was  agreed  to  invite  Red-Jacket  and  the  other  chiefs  of 
the  Senecas,  to  visit  Co-na-shus-tah,*  and  meet  his 
brother  at  his  house.  The  invitation  was  accordingly 
given,  and  very  promptly  and  respectfully  accepted. 

"  On  the  appointed  day  they  made  their  appearance 

*  The  name  given  to  General  Porter  by  Red-Jacket. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  337 

in  due  form,  headed  by  Red-Jacket,  to  the  number  of 
perhaps  eight  or  ten,  besides  himself.  Red-Jacket  was 
dressed  with  much  taste,  in  the  Indian  costume  through 
out.  He  wore  a  blue  dress,  the  upper  garment  cut  after 
the  fashion  of  a  hunting-shirt,  with  blue  leggings,  very 
neat  moccasins,  a  red  jacket,  and  a  girdle  of  red  about 
his  waist.  I  have  seldom  seen  a  more  dignified  or 
noble  looking  body  of  men  than  the  entire  group.  It 
seems, — though  no  such  impression  was  designed  to  be 
made  by  the  terms  of  the  invitation, — that  some  indefi 
nite  expectation  had  been  excited  in  their  minds  of 
meeting  an  official  agent  on  important  business.  And 
they  have  been  so  unworthily  tampered  with,  and  so 
badly  treated  by  us,  as  a  people,  and  many  of  their 
most  important  treaties  have  been  so  much  the  result  of 
private  and  corrupting  appeals,  that  they  very  naturally 
look  for  some  evil  design  in  every  approach  to  them, — 
however  open  and  simple  it  may  be.  So  it  was  on  this 
occasion.  As  soon  as  the  ceremonies  of  introduction 
had  passed,  with  the  civilities  growing  out  of  it,  the  old 
orator  seated  himself  in  the  midst  of  the  circle  of  chiefs, 
and  after  a  word  with  them,  followed  by  a  general 
assent,  he  proceeded  in  a  very  serious  and  commanding- 
manner, — always  speaking  in  his  own  nervous  tongue, 
through  an  interpreter,  to  address  me  in  substance  as 
follows  : — 

"  '  We  have  had  a  call  from  our  good  friends/  (pointing  to 
the  general  and  his  lady,)  '  to  come  down  to  Black  Rock  to 
meet  their  brother.  We  are  glad  to  break  bread  and  to  drink 
the  cup  of  friendship  with  them.  They  are  great  friends  to 

43 


338  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

our  people,  and  we  love  them  much.  Co-na-shus-tah  is  a 
great  man.  His  woman  has  none  like  her.  We  often  come 
to  their  house.  We  thank  them  for  telling  us  to  come  to-day. 
But  as  all  the  chiefs  were  asked  we  expected  some  important 
talk.  Now,  here  we  are  : — What  is  your  business  V  ' 

11  This,  as  may  be  readily  supposed,  was  an  embar 
rassing  position  to  a  young  man  just  out  of  college.  I 
paused.  Every  countenance  was  fixed  upon  me,  while 
Red- Jacket  in  particular  seemed  to  search  me  with  his 
arrowy  eye,  and  to  feel  that  the  private  and  informal 
nature  of  the  meeting,  and  the  extreme  youth  of  the 
man,  were  hardly  in  keeping  with  the  character  and 
number  of  the  guests  invited  ; — and  his  whole  manner 
implied,  '  that  but  for  the  sake  of  the  general  and  his 
good  viands,  I  should  have  waited  for  you  to  come  to 
us.'  With  these  impressions  of  his  feelings,  I  proceeded 
to  say  in  reply : — • 

"  '  That  I  should  have  thought  it  very  presumptuous  in  me 
to  send  for  him  alone, — and  still  more  for  all  the  chiefs  of  his 
tribe, — to  come  so  far  to  see  me  ; — that  my  intention  had  been 
to  visit  him  and  the  other  chiefs  at  his  town ; — but  the  gene 
ral  and  his  lady  could  not  go  with  me  to  introduce  me. 
Nor  were  we  at  all  certain  that  we  should  find  him  and  the 
other  chiefs  at  home ;  and  at  any  rate  the  general's  house  was 
more  convenient.  He  intended,  when  he  asked  them,  to  keep 
them  as  long  as  they  could  stay,  and  to  invite  them  to  break 
his  bread,  and  drink  his  cup,  and  smoke  his  pipe ; — that 
his  woman,  and  he  as  well  as  I,  desired  to  see  them  at  their 
house  ;_that  as  to  myself,  I  was  a  young  man,  and  had  no 
business  with  them,  except  that  I  had  heard  a  great  deal  of 
Red-Jacket,  and  wished  to  see  him  and  hear  him  talk  ; — and 
also  that  I  had  some  things  to  say  to  him  when  we  were  better 


OF  RED-JACKET.  339 

acquainted,  which,  though  not  business,  were  important  to  his 
people ; — and  I  thought  it  would  be  interesting  to  him,  as  I 
knew  he  loved  his  people  much  ; — and  finally  that  I  would  re 
turn  his  visit,  and  show  him  that  it  was  not  out  of  disrespect, 
but  out  of  great  regard  for  him,  and  great  desire  to  see  him, 
that  we  had  sent  for  him, — this  being  the  way  that  white  men 
honor  one  another.' 

"  Mrs.  Porter  immediately  confirmed  what  I  had  said, 
and  gave  special  point  to  the  hospitality  of  the  house, 
and  the  great  desire  I  had  to  see  Red-Jacket.  Her  ap 
peal,  added  to  the  reply,  relaxed  the  rigor  of  his  man 
ner  and  that  of  the  other  chiefs,  while  it  relieved  our  in 
terview  of  all  painful  feelings. 

"  After  this  general  letting  down  of  the  scene,  Red- 
Jacket  turned  to  me  familiarly  and  asked  : — '  What  are 
you  ?  You  say  you  are  not  a  government  agent, — are 
you  a  gambler  ?*  or  a  black-coat  ?  or  what  are  you  ?' 
I  answered  :  '  I  am  yet  too  young  a  man  to  engage  in 
any  profession ;  but  I  hope  some  of  these  days  to 
be  a  black-coat.'  He  lifted  up  his  hands  accompa 
nied  by  his  eyes,  in  a  most  expressive  way,  and  though 
not  a  word  was  uttered,  every  one  fully  understood  that 
he  very  distinctly  expressed  the  sentiment, — <  What  a 
fool !'  I  had  too  often  been  called  to  bear  from  those 
reputed  *  great  and  wise'  among  white  men,  the  shame 
of  the  cross,  to  be  surprised  by  his  manner ;  and  I  was 
too  anxious  to  conciliate  his  good  feelings  to  attempt 

*  By  the  term  "  gambler,"  Red-Jacket  meant  a  land  speculator,  and  by  the 
way  not  a  bad  definition, — especially  of  those  base  men  who  have  so  long  con 
spired  to  cheat  the  poor  Indians  out  of  their  little  remaining  lands. 


340  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

any  retort, — so  that  I  commanded  my  countenance,  and 
seeming  not  to  have  observed  him,  I  proceeded  to  tell 
him  something  of  our  colleges,  &c.,  &c.  That  gradu 
ally  led  his  mind  away  from  the  ideas  with  which  it  was 
filled  and  excited  when  he  arrived. 

"  A  good  deal  of  general  conversation  ensued, — ad 
dressed  to  one  and  another  of  the  chiefs, — and  we  were 
just  arriving  at  the  hour  of  dinner,  when  our  conference 
was  suddenly  broken  up  by  the  arrival  of  a  breathless 
messenger,  saying  that  an  old  chief,  whose  name  I  for 
get,  had  just  died,  and  the  other  chiefs  were  immediate 
ly  needed,  to  attend  his  burial.  One  of  the  chiefs  shed 
tears  at  the  news ; — all  seemed  serious  ;  but  the  others 
suppressed  their  feelings  and  spent  a  few  moments  in 
a  very  earnest  conversation,  the  result  of  which  Red- 
Jacket  announced  to  us.  They  had  determined  to  re 
turn  at  once  to  their  village ;  but  consented  to  leave 
Red-Jacket  and  his  interpreter.  In  vain  were  they 
urged  to  wait  until  after  dinner,  or  to  refresh  themselves 
with  something  eaten  by  the  way.  With  hurried  fare 
well  and  quick  steps  they  left  the  house,  and  by  the 
nearest  foot-path  returned  home. 

"  This  occurrence  relieved  me  of  one  difficulty.  It 
enabled  me  to  see  Red-Jacket  at  leisure,  and  alone.  It 
seemed  also  to  soften  his  feelings,  and  make  him  more 
affable  and  kind. 

"  Soon  after  the  departure  of  the  chiefs,  we  were 
ushered  to  dinner.  Red-Jacket  behaved  with  great 
propriety,  in  all  respects ;  his  interpreter,  Major  Berry, 
though  half  a  white  man  and  perhaps  a  chief,  like  a  true 


OF  RED-JACKET.  341 

savage.  After  a  few  awkward  attempts  at  the  knife 
and  fork,  he  found  himself  falling  behind,  and  repeating 
the  old  adage  which  is  often  quoted  to  cover  the  same 
style  among  our  white  urchins  of  picking  a  chicken- 
bone,  '  that  fingers  were  made  before  knives  and,  forks?  he  pro 
ceeded  with  real  gusto,  and  much  good  humor,  to  make 
up  his  lost  time  upon  all  parts  of  the  dinner.  It  being 
over,  I  invited  Red- Jacket  into  the  general's  office, 
where  we  had  for  four  hours  a  most  interesting  conver 
sation  on  a  variety  of  topics,  but  chiefly  connected  with 
Christianity  ;  the  government  of  the  United  States  ;  the 
missionaries  ;  and  his  loved  lands. 

"  So  great  a  length  of  time  has  passed  since  that  in 
terview  that  there  must  be  supposed  to  be  a  failure  in 
the  attempt  perfectly  to  report  what  was  said.  I  am 
well  assured  I  cannot  do  justice  to  his  language,  even  as 
diluted  by  the  ignorant  interpreter  ;  and  his  manner  can 
not  be  described.  But  it  was  so  impressive  a  conversa 
tion,  and  I  have  so  often  been  called  on  to  repeat  it,  that 
the  substance  of  his  remarks  has  been  faithfully  retained 
by  my  memory.  It  is  only  attempted  here  to  recite  a 
small  part  of  what  was  then  said,  and  that  with  parti 
cular  reference  to  the  illustration  of  his  character,  mind 
and  opinions. 

"  It  has  already  been  mentioned  and  is  largely  known, 
that  Red-Jacket  cherished  the  most  violent  antipathy 
toward  the  American  missionaries  who  had  been  located 
among  his  people.  This  led  to  very  strenuous  resistance 
of  their  influence,  and  to  hatred  of  their  religion,  but  of 
the  true  character  of  which  he  was  totally  ignorant.  His 


342  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

deep  attachment  to  his  people,  and  his  great  principle 
that  their  national  glory  and  even  existence  depended 
upon  keeping  themselves  distinct  from  white  men,  lay 
at  the  foundation  of  his  aversion  to  Christianity.  Though 
a  pagan,  yet  his  opposition  was  political,  and  he  cared 
very  little  for  any  religion  except  so  far  as  it  seemed  to 
advance  or  endanger  the  glory  and  safety  of  the  tribe. 

"He  had  unfortunately  been  led  by  designing  and 
corrupt  white  men,  who  were  interested  in  the  result, 
falsely  to  associate  the  labors  of  the  missionaries  with 
designs  against  his  nation ;  and  those  who  wished  the 
Senecas  removed  from  their  lands  that  they  might  profit 
by  the  purchase, — and  who  saw  in  the  success  of  the 
mission  the  chief  danger  to  their  plans,  artfully  enlisted 
the  pagan  party,  of  which  Red-Jacket  was  the  leader, 
to  oppose  the  missionaries, — and  thus  effectually  led  to 
the  final  frustration  of  Red- Jacket's  policy, — in  and  by 
the  defeat  of  the  missionary  enterprise.     But  as  this 
question  is  discussed  in  the  sequel,  I  will  not  anticipate. 
Thus  much  it  was  necessary  to  premise,  in  order  to  ex 
plain  the  nature  and  ends  of  my  interview  with  Red- 
Jacket.     My  object  was  to  explain  the  true  state  of  the 
case  to  him,  and  after  this  to  recommend  the  doctrine  of 
Christ  to  his  understanding  and  heart.     My  first  step, 
therefore,  was  to  ask  him  why  he  so  strongly  opposed 
the  settlement  and  labors  of  the  missionaries  ?  He  re 
plied,  because  they  are  the  enemies  of  the  Indians,  and 
under  the  cloak  of  doing  them  good  are  trying  to  cheat 
them  out  of  their  lands.     I  asked  him  what  proof  he  had 
of  this.     He  said  he  had  been  told  so  by  some  of  his 


OF  RED-JACKET.  343 

wise  and  good  friends  among  the  white  men,  and  he  ob 
served  that  the  missionaries  were  constantly  wanting 
more  land, — and  that  by  little  and  little,  for  themselves, 
or  those  who  hired  them  to  do  it,  they  would  take  away 
all  their  lands,  and  drive  them  off. 

"  I  asked  him  if  he  knew  that  there  was  a  body  of 
white  men  who  had  already  bought  the  exclusive  right 
to  buy  their  lands  from  the  government  of  New- York, 
and  that  therefore  the  missionaries  could  not  hold  the 
lands    given  or  sold    them  by  the  Indians  a  moment 
after  the  latter  left  the  lands  and  went  away.      He 
seemed  to  be  startled  by  the  statement,  but  said  nothing. 
I  proceeded  to  tell  him  that  the  true  effect  of  the  mis 
sionary  influence  on  the  tribe  was  to  secure  to  them  the 
possession  of  their  lands,  by  civilizing  them  and  making 
them  quit  the  chase  for  the  cultivation  of  the  soil,  build 
ing  good  houses,  educating  their  children,  and  making 
them   permanent  citizens  and  good  men.      This  was 
what  the    speculators   did  not  wish.     Therefore  they 
hated   the   missionaries.      He   acknowledged   that  the 
Christian  party  among  the  Indians  did  as  I  said ;  but 
that  was  not  the  way  for  an  Indian  to  do.     Hunting, 
war  and  manly  pursuits,  were  best  fitted  to  them.     But, 
said  I,  your  reservation  of  land  is  too  little  for  that  pur 
pose.     It  is  surrounded  by  the  white  people  like  a  small 
island  by  the   sea;   the  deer,   the   buffalo    and    bear, 
have  all  gone.     This  wont  do.     If  you  intend  to  live  so 
much  longer,  you  will  have  to  go  to  the  great  western 
wilderness  where  there  is  plenty  of  game,  and  no  white 
men  to  trouble  you.     But  he  said,  we  wish  to  keep  our 


344  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

lands,  and  to  be  buried  by  our  fathers.  I  know  it, — and 
therefore  I  say  that  the  missionaries  are  your  best 
friends  ;  for  if  you  follow  the  ways  they  teach  you  can 
still  hold  your  lands, — -though  you  cannot  have  hunting 
grounds  ;  and  therefore  you  must  either  do  like  white 
men,  or  remove  from  your  lands, — very  soon.  Your 
plan  of  keeping  the  Indians  distinct  from  the  white  peo 
ple  is  begun  too  late.  If  you  would  do  it  and  have 
large  grounds,  and  would  let  the  missionaries  teach  you 
Christianity  far  from  the  bad  habits  and  big  farms  of 
the  white  people,  it  would  then  be  well :  it  would  keep 
your  people  from  being  corrupted  and  swallowed  up  by 
our  people  who  grow  so  fast  around  you,  and  many  of 
whom  are  very  bad.  But  it  is  too  late  to  do  it  here,  and 
you  must  choose  between  keeping  the  missionaries  and 
being  like  white  men,  and  going  to  a  far  country  :  as  it  is,  I 
continued,  Red-Jacket  is  doing  more  than  any  body  else 
to  break  up  and  drive  away  his  people. 

"  This  conversation  had  much  effect  on  him.  He 
grasped  my  hand  and  said  if  that  were  the  case  it  was 
new  to  him.  He  also  said  he  would  lay  it  up  in  his 
mind,  [putting  his  hand  to  his  noble  forehead,]  and  talk 
of  it  to  the  chiefs  and  the  people. 

"  It  is  a  very  striking  fact,  that  the  disgraceful  scenes 
now  passing  before  the  public  eye  over  the  grave  of 
Red-Jacket,  so  early  and  so  sadly  fulfil  these  predictions ; 
and  I  cannot  here  forbear  to  add  that  the  thanks  of  the 
nation  are  due  to  our  present  chief  magistrate,*  for  the 

*  This  letter  was  written  in  January,  1841,  and  the  President  alluded  to  is 
Mr.  Van  Buren.     W.  L.  S. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  345 

firmness  with  which  he  has  resisted  the  recent  efforts  to 
force  a  fraudulent  treaty  on  the  remnant  of  this  injured 
people ;  and  drive  them  against  their  will,  and  against 
law  and  treaties  sacredly  made,  away  from  their  lands, 
to  satisfy  the  rapacity  of  unprincipled  men. 

"  It  may  be  proper  here  to  say  likewise,  that  I  do  by 
no  means  intend  to  justify  all  that  may  possibly  have 
been  done  by  the  missionaries  to  the  Senecas.  It  is 
probable  the  earliest  efforts  were  badly  conducted  ;  and 
men  of  more  ability  ought  to  have  been  sent  to  that  pe 
culiar  and  difficult  station.  But  it  is  not  for  a  moment 
to  be  admitted,  nor  is  it  credible  that  the  authors  of  the 
charges  themselves  believe  it,  that  the  worthy  men  who 
at  every  sacrifice  went  to  the  mission  among  the  Senecas, 
had  any  other  than  the  purest  purposes.  I  visited  the 
station,  and  intimately  knew  the  chief  missionary.  I 
marked  carefully  their  plan  and  progress,  and  do  not 
doubt  their  usefulness  any  more  than  their  uprightness  ; 
and  beyond  all  doubt  it  was  owing  chiefly  to  malignant 
influence  exerted  by  white  men,  that  they  finally  failed 
in  their  benevolent  designs.  But  my  business  is  to 
narrate,  not  to  discuss. 

"  My  next  object  was  to  talk  with  Red- Jacket  about 
Christianity  itself.  He  was  prompt  in  his  replies,  and 
exercised  and  encouraged  frankness  with  a  spirit  be 
coming  a  great  man. 

"  He  admitted  both  its  truth  and  excellence,  as  adap 
ted  to  white  men.  He  said  some  keenly  sarcastic 
things  about  the  treatment  that  so  good  a  man  as  Jesus 
had  received  from  white  men.  The  white  men,  he  said, 

44 


346  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ought  all  to  be  sent  to  hell  for  killing  him ;  but  as  the 
Indians  had  no  hand  in  that  transaction,  they  were  in 
that  matter  innocent.  Jesus  Christ  was  not  sent  to 
them  ;  the  atonement  was  not  made  for  them ;  nor  the 
Bible  given  to  them  ;  and  therefore  the  Christian  religion 
was  not  meant  for  them.  If  the  Great  Spirit  had  in 
tended  that  the  Indians  should  be  Christians,  he  would 
have  made  his  revelation  to  them  as  well  as  to  the  white 
men.  Not  having  done  so,  it  was  clearly  his  will  that 
they  should  continue  in  the  faith  of  their  fathers.  He 
said  that  the  red  man  was  of  a  totally  different  race, — 
and  needed  an  entirely  different  religion, — and  that  it 
was  idle  as  well  as  unkind,  to  try  to  alter  their  religion 
and  give  them  ours.  I  asked  him  to  point  out  the  differ 
ence  of  the  races,  contending  that  they  were  one,  and 
needed  but  one  religion,  and  that  Christianity  was  that 
religion  which  Christ  had  intended  for,  and  ordered  to 
be  preached  to,  all  men.  He  had  no  distinct  views  of 
the  nature  of  Christianity  as  a  method  of  salvation,  and 
denied  the  need  of  it.  As  to  the  unity  of  the  races,  I 
asked  if  he  ever  knew  two  distinct  races,  even  of  the 
lower  animals,  to  propagate  their  seed  from  generation 
to  generation.  But  do  not  Indians  and  white  men  do 
so  ?  He  allowed  it ;  but  denied  that  it  proved  the  matter 
in  hand.  I  pressed  the  points  of  resemblance  in  every 
thing  but  color, — and  that  in  the  case  of  the  Christian 
Indians  there  was  a  common  mind  on  religion.  He 
finally  waived  this  part  of  the  debate  by  saying  "  that  one 
thing  was  certain  whatever  else  was  not, — that  white 


OF  RED-JACKET.  347 

men  had  a  great  love  for  Indian  women,  and  left  their 
traces  behind  them  wherever  they  could."* 

"  On  the  point  of  needing  pardon,  from  being  wicked, 
he  said  the  Indians  were  good  till  the  white  man  cor 
rupted  them.  "  But  did  not  the  Indians  have  some  wick 
edness  before  that  ?"  "  Not  so  much."  "  How  was  that 
regarded  by  the  Great  Spirit  ?  Would  He  forgive  it  ?" 
He  hoped  so, — "  did  not  know."  "  Jesus,"  I  rejoined, 
"  came  to  tell  us  He  would,  and  to  get  that  pardon  for 
us." 

"  As  to  suffering  and  death  among  the  Indians,  did 
not  they  prove  that  the  Great  Spirit  was  angry  with 
them,  as  well  as  with  white  men  ?  Would  He  thus  treat 
men  that  were  good  ?  He  said  they  were  not  wicked  be 
fore  white  men  came  to  their  country  and  taught  them 
to  be  so.  But  they  died  before  that  ?  And  why  did  they 
die,  if  the  Great  Spirit  was  not  angry,  and  they  wicked  ? 
He  could  not  say,  and  in  reply  to  my  explanation  of  the 
gospel  doctrine  of  the  entrance  of  death  by  sin,  he 
again  turned  the  subject  by  saying  he  was  a  "  great 
doctor,"  and  could  cure  any  thing  but  death. 

"  The  interpreter  had  incidentally  mentioned  that 
the  reason  the  chiefs  had  to  go  home  so  soon,  was  that 
they  always  sacrificed  a  white  dog  on  the  death  of  a  great 
man.  I  turned  this  fact  to  the  account  of  the  argument, 
and  endeavored  to  connect  it  with,  and  explain  by  it, 
the  doctrine  of  atonement,  by  the  blood  of  Christ,  and 

*  In  another  conversation  upon  this  subject,  I  believe  with  Dr.  Breckenridge, 
Red-Jacket  expressed  this  idea  more  pungently,  as  may  be  seen  by  referring 
back  to  page  186.  W.  L.  S. 


348  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

also  pressed  him  on  the  questions,  how  can  this  please 
the  Great  Spirit,  on  your  plan  ?  Why  do  you  offer  such  a 
sacrifice,  for  so  it  is  considered  ?  And  where  they  got  such 
a  rite  from  ?  He  attempted  no  definite  reply. 

"  Many  other  topics  were  talked  over.  But  these 
specimens  suffice  to  illustrate  his  views,  and  mode  of 
thinking. 

"  At  the  close  of  the  conversation  he  proposed  to  give 
me  a  name,  that  henceforth  I  might  be  numbered  among 
his  friends,  and  admitted  to  the  intercourse  and  regards 
of  the  nation.  Supposing  this  not  amiss,  I  consented. 
But  before  he  proceeded  he  called  for  some  whiskey. 
He  was  at  this  time  an  intemperate  man, — and  though 
perfectly  sober  on  that  occasion,  evidently  displayed 
toward  the  close  of  the  interview  the  need  of  stimulus, 
which  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  say  we  carefully  kept 
from  him.  But  he  insisted  now,  and  after  some  time  a 
small  portion  was  sent  to  him  at  the  bottom  of  a  de 
canter.  He  looked  at  it, — shook  it, — and  with  a  sneer 
said, — "  Why,  here  is  not  whiskey  enough  for  a  name 
to  float  in."  But  no  movement  being  made  to  get  more, 
he  drank  it  off,  and  proceeded  with  a  sort  of  pagan  or 
gies,  to  give  me  a  name.  It  seemed  a  semi-civil,  semi- 
religious  ceremony.  He  walked  around  me  again  and 
again,  muttering  sounds  which  the  interpreter  did  not 
venture  to  explain ;  and  laying  his  hand  on  me  pro 
nounced  me  "  Con-go-gu-wah,"  and  instantly,  with  great 
apparent  delight,  took  me  by  the  hand  as  a  brother.  I 
felt  badly  during  the  scene,  but  it  was  beyond  recall, — 
and  supposing  that  it  might  be  useful  in  a  future  day, 
submitted  to  the  initiation. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  349 

"  Red- Jacket  was  in  appearance  nearly  sixty  years 
old  at  this  time.  He  had  a  weather-beaten  look ;  age 
had  done  something  to  produce  this, — probably  intempe 
rance  more.  But  still  his  general  appearance  was  stri 
king,  and  his  face  noble.  His  lofty  and  capacious  fore 
head,  his  piercing  black  eye,  his  gently  curved  lips,  fine 
cheek,  and  slightly  aquiline  nose,  all  marked  a  great 
man,  and  as  sustained  and  expressed  by  his  dignified 
air,  made  a  deep  impression  on  every  one  that  saw  him. 
All  these  features  became  doubly  expressive  when  his 
mind  and  body  were  set  in  motion  by  the  effort  of 
speaking, — if  effort  that  may  be  called  which  flowed 
like  a  free  full  stream  from  his  lips.  I  saw  him  in  the 
wane  of  life,  and  I  heard  him  only  in  private,  and 
through  a  stupid  and  careless  interpreter.  Yet  notwith 
standing  these  disadvantages,  he  was  one  of  the  greatest 
men  and  most  eloquent  orators  I  ever  knew.  His  ca 
dence  was  measured  and  yet  very  musical.  In  ordi 
nary  utterance  it  amounted  to  a  sort  of  musical  mono 
tony.  But  when  excited  he  would  spring  to  his  feet, 
elevate  his  head,  expand  his  arms,  and  utter  with  inde 
scribable  effect  of  manner  and  tone,  some  of  his  noblest 
thoughts. 

"  After  this  interesting  conference  had  closed,  the  old 
chief  with  his  interpreter  bade  us  a  very  civil  and  kind 
farewell,  and  set  forth  on  foot  for  his  own  wigwam. 

"  It  was  four  years  after  this  before  I  had  the  plea 
sure  of  again  seeing  my  old  friend.  I  was  then  on  a 
flying  visit  to  Black  Rock.  At  an  early  day  I  repaired 
to  his  village,  but  he  was  not  at  home.  Ten  days  after, 


350  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

as  we  were  just  leaving  the  shore  in  the  steam-boat  to 
go  up  the  lake,  he  suddenly  presented  himself.  It  was 
unhappily  too  late  to  return.  He  hailed  me  by  name, 
and  pointed  with  much  animation  to  such  parts  of  his 
person  as  were  decorated  with  some  red  cloth  which  I  had 
at 'parting  presented  to  him,  and  which,  though  not  worn 
as  a  jacket,  was  with  much  taste  otherwise  distributed 
over  his  person.  These  he  exhibited  as  proofs  of  his 
friendly  recollection. 

"  The  last  time  I  ever  saw  him,  was  at  the  close  of 
Mr.  Adams's  administration.  He,  with  a  new  interpreter, 
(Major  Berry  having  been  removed  by  death,)  had  been 
on  a  visit  to  his  old  friend  Co-na-shus-tah, — then  Secre 
tary  of  War.  After  spending  some  time  at  the  capital, 
where  I  often  met  him,  and  had  the  horror  to  see  his 
*  dignity  often  laid  in  the  dust,'  by  excessive  drunken 
ness,  he  paid  me  by  invitation  a  final  visit  at  Baltimore, 
on  his  way  home.  He  took  only  time  enough  to  dine. 
He  looked  dejected  and  forlorn.  He  and  his  interpre 
ter  had  each  a  suit  of  common  infantry  uniform,  and  a 
sword  as  common,  which  he  said  had  been  presented  to 
him  at  the  war  department.  He  was  evidently  ashamed 
of  them.  I  confess  I  was  too.  But  I  forbear.  He 
was  then  sober,  and  serious.  He  drank  hard  cider, 
which  was  the  strongest  drink  I  could  conscientiously 
offer  him, — so  I  told  him.  He  said  it  was  enough.  I 
said  but  little  to  him  of  religion, — urged  him  to  prepare 
to  meet  the  Great  Spirit,  and  recommended  him  to  go  to 
Jesus  for  all  he  needed.  He  took  it  kindly, — said  he 
should  see  me  no  more, — and  was  going  to  his  people  to 


OF  RED-JACKET.  351 

die.     So  it  was, — not  long  after  this,  he  was  called  to 
his  last  account.  JOHN  BRECKENRIDGE." 

On  another  occasion,  at  no  great  distance  of  time  from 
his  first  interview  with  Doctor  Breckenridge,  the  supe 
rior  benefits  of  husbandry,  education,  the  enjoyments 
and  refinements  of  civilized  life,  and  the  blessings  of 
Christianity  having  been  urged  upon  him  by  a  benevo 
lent  gentleman  with  great  earnestness,  Red-Jacket  re 
plied  in  the  following  strain  : — 

"  As  to  civilization,  among  white  people,  I  believe  it  is  a 
good  thing,  and  that  it  was  so  ordered  that  they  should  get 
their  living  in  that  manner.  I  believe  in  a  God,  and  that  it 
was  ordered  by  him  that  we,  the  red  people,  should  get  our 
living  in  a  different  way,  viz :  from  the  wild  game  of  the 
woods  and  the  fishes  of  the  waters.  I  believe  in  the  Great 
Spirit  who  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth.  He  peopled 
the  forests,  and  the  air  and  the  waters.  He  then  created 
man,  and  placed  him  as  the  superior  animal  of  this  crea 
tion,  and  designed  him  as  governor  over  all  other  created  be 
ings  on  earth.  He  created  man  differing  from  all  other  ani 
mals.  He  created  the  red  man,  the  white,  the  black,  and 
yellow.  All  these  he  created  for  wise,  but  inscrutable  pur 
poses,"  &c.* 

To  prove  this  he  reasoned  from  analogy,  from  the 
varieties  in  the  same  species,  and  from  the  different 
species  under  a  common  genus  in  all  other  animals, 
whether  quadruped,  fowl,  or  fish, — pointed  out  their 
different  modes  of  living,  and  showed  that  they  each 
had  a  distinct  designation  assigned  to  them  in  the  grand 

*  MS.  collection  of  Joseph  W,  Moulton. 


352  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

arrangement  of  the  animal  economy  by  the  Great  Spirit. 
He  proceeded  : — 

"  This  being  so,  what  proof  have  we  that  he  did  not  make 
a  similar  arrangement  with  the  human  species,  when  we  find 
so  vast,  so  various,  and  so  irreconcileable  a  variety  among 
them,  causing  them  to  live  differently,  and  to  pursue  different 
occupations.  As  to  religion,  we  all  ought  to  have  it.  We 
should  adore  and  worship  our  Creator  for  his  great  favors  in 
placing  us  over  all  his  works.  If  we  cannot  with  the  same 
fluency  of  speech,  and  in  the  same  flowing  language,  wor 
ship  as  you  do,  we  have  our  mode  of  adoring,  which  we  do 
with  a  sincere  heart, — then  can  you  say  that  our  prayers  and 
thanksgivings,  proceeding  from  grateful  hearts  and  sincere 
minds,  are  less  acceptable  to  the  Great  God  of  the  heavens 
and  the  earth,  though  manifested  either  by  speaking,  dancing, 
or  feasting,  than  your's,  uttered  in  your  own  manner  and 
style  r* 

Doctor  Breckenridge  laments,  in  the  preceding  letter, 
his  inability  to  make  even  an  approach  to  justice  as  to 
the  language  and  figures  in  which  Red-Jacket  clothed 
his  thoughts,  and  by  which  he  illustrated  and  enforced 
them.  The  same  confession  has  been  uniformly  elicited 
from  every  writer  who  enjoyed  opportunities  of  listening 
to  the  chief  or  conversing  with  him.  General  Porter, 

*  In  their  mode  of  worship,  the  Six  Nations  addressed  the  Great  Spirit  with 
thanks  and  prayer  by  particular  speakers.  They  then  feasted,  or  celebrated  a 
thanksgiving,  closing  with  dancing  and  other  amusements  and  recreations. 
Their  great  religious  festivals,  when  the  convocations  were  general,  were  semi 
annual,  and  continued  from  three  to  six  days.  While  prayer  is  offered,  the  dust 
of  tobacco  is  sprinkled  on  live  coals  of  fire,  that  the  incense  may  ascend  with 
their  supplications.  Thanks  are  returned  for  all  their  temporal  mercies, — their 
lives,  health,  crops,  game,  and  in  a  word  for  all  the  bounties  received  from  the 
Great  Spirit. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  353 

than  whom  no  one  knew  him  better,  speaks  of  him  as 
a  man  "endowed  with  great  intellectual  powers,  and 
who,  as  an  orator,  was  not  only  unsurpassed,  but  un 
equalled,  longo  intervallo,  by  any  of  his  cotemporaries. 
Although  those  who  were  ignorant  of  his  language  could 
not  fully  appreciate  the  force  and  beauty  of  his  speeches, 
when  received  through  the  medium  of  an  interpretation, 
— generally  coarse  and  clumsy, — yet  such  was  the  pecu 
liar  gracefulness  of  his  person,  attitudes  and  action,  and 
the  mellow  tones  of  his  Seneca  dialect,  and  such  the 
astonishing  effects  produced  on  that  part  of  the  audito 
ry  who  did  fully  understand  him,  and  whose  souls  ap 
peared  to  be  engrossed  and  borne  away  with  the  orator, 
that  he  was  listened  to  by  all  with  perfect  delight."* 
He  drew  his  arguments  from  the  natural  relations  and 
fitness  of  things.  His  mind  glanced  through  the  visi 
ble  creation,  and  from  analogy  he  reasoned  in  a  way 
that  often  baffled  and  defied  refutation.  His  figures 
were  from  the  same  inexhaustible  fountain,  and  were 
frequently  so  sublime,  so  apposite,  and  so  beautiful,  that 
the  interpreters  often  said  the  English  language  was  not 
rich  enough  to  allow  of  doing  him  justice.  Such,  at 
least,  have  been  the  representations  of  those  who  knew 
him  well,  and  who  have  had  the  best  opportunities  of 
arriving  at  correct  conclusions.  Nevertheless,  the  cha 
racter  of  nearly  all  his  speeches  that  have  been  pre 
served,  as  they  have  been  preserved,  bears  evidence 
rather  of  the  enthusiasm  of  his  admirers,  than  of  their 
judgment. 

*  MS.  letter  to  the  author  from  General  Porter. 

45 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

RED-JACKET'S  domestic  relations — Loss  of  his  children  by  consumption — His 
second  wife  becomes  a  Christian — Separation  from  her,  and  union  with  an 
other — Returns  to  his  lawful  wife — Is  received  and  lives  in  harmony — Red- 
Jacket  and  Lafayette — Red-Jacket  and  the  French  Count — Scornful  behavior 
to  a  visitor  from  Albany — Anecdotes  of  Red-Jacket  and  Colonel  Pickering — 
His  vanity — Launch  of  a  sloop  bearing  his  name — His  tact — Anecdote  of  a 
dinner  party — Red-Jacket  at  a  trial  at  Batavia — His  notions  of  law,  and  his 
humor — Anecdote  of  Red-Jacket  and  Captain  Jones — Red-Jacket  and  the 
execution  of  the  Thayers — Anecdote  of  Hot-Bread — Opinion  of  Thomas  Mor 
ris  of  his  character  and  oratory — Paintings  of  Red-Jacket — His  love  of  the 
woods. 

THE  domestic  relations  of  Red-Jacket  have  thus 
far  scarcely  been  adverted  to.  Indeed,  the  materials 
for  his  family  history  are  very  slender.  The  orator  had 
two  wives.  The  first,  after  having  borne  him  a  large 
family  of  children,  he  forsook,  for  an  alleged  breach  of 
.conjugal  fidelity,  and  never  received  her  to  his  favor 
again.  In  William  Savary's  journal  of  the  treaty  of 
Canandaigua,  in  1794,  that  excellent  Friend  gave  an  ac 
count  of  a  visit  to  Red-Jacket's  lodge,  and  spoke  of  his 
children,  in  regard  to  their  appearance  and  manners,  in 
terms  of  gratified  commendation.  But  a  large  number 
of  his  children  by  the  first  wife  died  of  consumption 
while  yet  "  in  the  dew  of  their  youth."  In  a  conversa 
tion  with  that  eminent  medical  practitioner,  Doctor  John 
W.  Francis,  of  New-York,  a  few  years  before  the  chief- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c.  355 

tain's  death,  on  the  subject  of  the  diseases  incident  to  the 
Indians,  Red -Jacket  refuted  the  popular  notion  that  they 
were  not  equally  obnoxious  with  others  to  pulmonary 
complaints.  In  support  of  his  position  he  instanced  the 
case  of  his  own  family,  of  which  he  said  seventeen  had 
died  of  consumption,  ten  or  eleven  of  whom  were  his 
children.  He  felt  the  bereavement  deeply,  and  some 
times  evinced  strong  emotion  when  conversing  upon  the 
subject.  On  one  occasion,  when  visiting  an  aged  lady 
of  his  acquaintance  at  Avon,  who  had  known  him 
almost  from  his  youth,*  and  who  was  aware  of  his 
domestic  afflictions,  she  inquired  whether  any  of  his 
children  were  living.  He  fixed  his  eyes  upon  her  with 
a  sorrowful  expression  of  countenance  and  replied  : — 

"  Red-Jacket  was  once  a  great  man,  and  in  favor  with  the 
Great  Spirit.  He  was  a  lofty  pine  among  the  smaller  trees  of 
the  forest.  But  after  years  of  glory  he  degraded  himself  by 
drinking  the  fire-water  of  the  white  man.  The  Great  Spirit 
has  looked  upon  him  in  anger,  and  his  lightning  has  stripped 
the  pine  of  its  branches  !" 

For  his  second  wife  Red-Jacket  married  the  widow 
of  a  deceased  chief,  whose  English  name  was  "  Two- 
Guns."  She  was  one  of  the  most  amiable  and  respect 
able  women  of  her  tribe.  Her  mind  was  of  a  superior 
order,  and  the  dignity  of  her  manners  and  fine  personal 

*  The  late  Mrs.  Berry,  of  the  Genesee  Valley,  wife  of  Gilbert  R.  Berry,  one 
of  the  earliest  settlers  of  western  New-York,  and  a  trader  at  the  Indian 
town,  once  standing  near  the  place  where  the  turnpike  crosses  the  Genesee  river 
at  Avon.  Mrs.  Berry  was  the  mother  of  Mrs.  George  Hosmer,  from  whom  I 
received  this  touching  incident.  Mrs.  B.  was  a  great  friend  of  the  Senecas,  and 
spoke  their  language,  (as  does  Mrs.  Hosmer,)  fluently. 


356  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

appearance  rendered  her  a  very  suitable  counterpart  to 
the  noble  form  and  bearing  of  her  husband.  It  is  an  in 
teresting,  if  not  remarkable  fact,  that  notwithstanding 
the  inveterate  hostility  of  Red- Jacket  to  the  missionaries, 
and  his  confirmed  paganism,  his  wife  became  a  Christian, 
and  several  of  his  children  were  believed  to  have  died 
in  the  same  faith. 

It  was  in  the  year  1826  that  his  wife  first  became 
interested  in  the  subject  of  religion.  She  was  frequent 
ly  seen  in  the  Christian  assembly,  an  attentive  listener 
to  the  truths  of  the  gospel,  as  presented  from  Sabbath 
to  Sabbath  in  the  plain  familiar  address  of  the  mission 
ary.  She  at  length  abandoned  her  pagan  worship  alto 
gether,  became  a  constant  attendant  at  the  mission 
chapel,  and  in  the  following  year  proposed  connecting 
herself  with  the  little  church  then  under  the  pastoral 
charge  of  the  Rev.  Mr.  Harris.  This  proposal  was  strong 
ly  resisted  on  the  part  of  Red- Jacket.  He  represented 
to  her  "  that  they  had  hitherto  ever  lived  in  peace  and 
harmony,  and  had  been  prosperous  and  happy;  and 
now  if  she  was  going  to  leave  him  and  go  over  and 
join  herself  to  the  company  of  his  political  and  personal 
opponents,  one  thing  was  certain,  that  he  should  leave 
her  for  ever  ;  he  should  never  come  to  see  her  again." 
Soon  after  this  somewhat  arbitrary  communication,  she 
went  one  day  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Harris,  apparently  in 
much  distress,  to  ask  counsel  as  to  the  course  she  ought 
to  pursue.  The  advice  can  readily  be  anticipated.  She 
was  told  that  God  required  her  to  be  a  Christian  under 
all  possible  circumstances  ; — that  it  was  best  to  follow 


OF  RED-JACKET.  357 

the  dictates  of  her  conscience  and  the  commands  of 
Jesus  Christ ; — and  that  if  she  would  humbly  look  to  the 
Saviour  for  grace,  He  would  strengthen  and  comfort 
her  under  this  trial,  and  cause  it  "  to  work  for  her 
good."  Still,  although  holding  the  course  thus  indicated 
to  be  the  path  of  duty,  the  missionary  very  properly  ob 
served  to  her  that  she  must  be  governed  in  her  decision 
by  the  voice  of  conscience,  and  the  dictates  of  her  own 
judgment. 

Her  resolution  was  soon  taken  to  abjure  the  dark  and 
senseless  superstitions  of  her  people  ;  and  in  a  short 
time  thereafter  she  was  received  on  the  profession  of 
her  faith  into  the  fellowship  of  the  Christian  church. 
True  to  his  threat,  Red- Jacket  left  her ;  and  retiring  to 
the  Tonnewanta  reservation,  connected  himself  with  a 
woman  of  that  nation.  No  one  questioned  the  sincerity 
or  the  strength  of  the  attachment  of  the  woman  thus 
abandoned  for  her  husband,  yet  she  followed  not  after 
him,  nor  made  any  efforts  to  induce  his  return.  The 
injury  was  borne  with  a  meek  and  submissive  spirit, — 
so  much  so  as  to  endear  her  greatly  to  the  members 
of  the  mission  family,  to  whom  she  became  much  at 
tached,  and  with  whom  she  was  wont  to  spend  several 
hours  almost  every  week,  in  Christian  conversation 
and  prayer. 

Red- Jacket  continued  absent,  in  his  new  alliance,  for 
six  or  seven  months,  by  which  time  he  repented  of  his 
folly  and  returned  to  his  lawful  wife,  whom  he  urgently  so 
licited  to  receive  him  back.  She  did  receive  him, with  the 
same  meek  and  forgiving  spirit  that  marked  her  character 


358  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

and  conduct  during  her  desertion.  But  it  was  with  the 
condition  that  she  should  be  unmolested  in  regard  to  her 
religious  opinions,  and  the  discharge  of  her  Christian 
duties, — a  condition  to  which  Red- Jacket  willingly  ac 
ceded.  Their  conjugal  relations  having  been  thus  re 
established,  the  chieftain  and  his  wife  continued  to  live 
together  with  their  usual  harmony,  until  a  divorce  was 
pronounced  by  a  summons  from  another  world.* 

When,  in  the  year  1825,  General  Lafayette,  as  the 
guest  of  the  nation,  was  making  his  memorable  tour 
of  the  United  States,  being  at  Buffalo,  Red-Jacket  was 
among  the  visitors  who  in  throngs  paid  their  respects  to 
the  veteran.  Having  been  presented  to  the  General,  the 
orator  inquired  whether  he  remembered  being  at  the 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  Six  Nations,  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
in  1784.  Lafayette  answered  that  he  had  not  forgotten 
that  great  council,  and  asked  his  interrogator  if  he  knew 
what  had  become  of  the  young  chief  who,  on  that  occa 
sion,  opposed  with  so  much  eloquence  "  the  burying  of 
the  tomahawk."  "  He  is  before  you"  was  the  instant  re 
ply.  The  General  remarked  to  him  that  time  had 
wrought  great  changes  upon  both  since  that  memorable 
meeting.  "Ah,"  rejoined  Red-Jacket,  "time  has  not 
been  so  severe  upon  you  as  it  has  upon  me.  It  has  left 
you  a  fresh  countenance,  and  hair  to  cover  your  head  ; 
while  to  me behold !"  and  taking  a  hand 
kerchief  from  his  head,  with  an  air  of  much  feeling, 
he  disclosed  the  fact  that  he  was  nearly  bald.  It  is 

*  I  have  derived  the  facts  of  this  relation  respecting  Red-Jacket  and  his  second 
wife,  directly  from  Mr.  Harris,  the  missionary,  himself. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  359 

added  by  M.  Lavasseur,  the  secretary  of  General  La 
fayette,  and  the  French  historian  of  his  tour,  that  the 
people  in  attendance  could  not  help  laughing  at  the  sim 
plicity  of  the  Indian,  who  appeared  to  be  ignorant  how 
to  repair  the  ravages  of  age  in  this  respect.  But  his 
simplicity  was  presently  enlightened  by  the  disclosure 
of  the  fact  that  the  General  was  furnished  with  a  wig, — 
whereupon  the  chief,  confounding  a  wig  with  a  scalp, 
conceived  the  idea  of  regarnishing  his  own  head  by  an 
operation  truly  Indian,  at  the  expense  of  some  one  of 
his  neighbors.  But  this  was  a  suggestion  of  pleasantry. 
M.  Lavasseur  remarked  of  the  appearance  of  Red- Jack 
et  at  that  time, — "  This  extraordinary  man,  although 
much  worn  down  by  time  and  intemperance,  preserves 
yet,  in  a  surprising  degree,  the  exercise  of  all  his  facul 
ties.  He  obstinately  refuses  to  speak  any  language  but 
that  of  his  own  people,  and  affects  a  great  dislike  to  all 
others,  although  it  is  easy  to  discern  that  he  perfectly 
understands  the  .English.  He  refused,  nevertheless,  to 
reply  to  the  General  before  his  interpreter  had  translated 
his  questions  into  the  Seneca  language."* 

Red- Jacket  was  ever  gratified  with  the  attentions  of 
distinguished  men,  with  whom,  no  matter  for  the  height 
of  their  elevation,  he  felt  himself  upon  a  footing  of  perfect 
equality.  It  is  related  that  "  about  the  year  1820,  a 
young  French  nobleman,  who  was  making  the  tour  of 
the  United  States,  visited  the  town  of  Buffalo.  Hearing 

*  Lavasseur — Drake — B.  B.  Thatcher.  M.  Lavasseur  was  perfectly  correct 
in  this  last  suggestion.  Red-Jacket  understood  the  English  language  very  wellr 
as  the  author  had  occasion  to  ascertain.  But  he  could  not  speak  it  well. 


360  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

of  the  fame  of  Red-Jacket,  and  learning  that  his  residence 
was  but  seven  miles  distant,  he  sent  him  word  that  he 
was  desirous  to  see  him,  adding  a  request  that  the  chief 
would  visit  him  in  Buffalo  the  next  day.  Red-Jacket 
received  the  message  with  much  contempt,  and  replied : — 
"  Tell  the  young  man  that  if  he  wishes  to  visit  the  old 
chief,  he  may  find  him  with  his  nation,  where  other 
strangers  pay  their  respects  to  him ;  and  Red-Jacket 
will  be  glad  to  see  him."  The  count  sent  back  his  mes 
senger,  to  say  that  he  was  fatigued  with  his  journey,  and 
could  not  go  to  the  Seneca  village  ;  that  he  bad  come  all 
the  way  from  France  to  see  the  great  orator  of  the 
Senecas,  and  after  having  put  himself  to  so  much  trouble 
to  see  so  distinguished  a  man,  the  latter  could  not  refuse 
to  meet  him  at  Buffalo.  "  Tell  him,"  said  the  sarcastic 
chief,  "  that  it  is  very  strange  he  should  come  so  far  to 
see  me,  and  then  stop  short  within  seven  miles  of  my 
lodge."  The  retort  was  richly  merited.  The  count 
visited  him  at  his  wigwam,  and  then  Red-Jacket  accepted 
an  invitation  to  dine  with  him  at  his  lodgings  in  Buffalo. 
The  young  nobleman  was  greatly  pleased  with  him,  de 
claring  that  he  considered  him  a  greater  wonder  than  the 
Falls  of  Niagara.  This  remark  was  the  more  striking, 
as  it  was  made  within  view  of  the  great  cataract.  "  But," 
adds  the  relator,*  "  it  was  just.  He  who  made  the  world, 
and  filled  it  with  wonders,  has  declared  man  to  be  the 
crowning  work  of  the  whole  creation." 

But  the  chieftain  did  not  always  stand  so  sternly  upon 
his  dignity,  and  in  the  case  just  related,  it  is  quite  pos- 

*  Rev.  Dr.  Breckenridge — vide  M'Kenney's  Indian  Sketches. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  35 1 

sible  that  he  was  more  particular  because  of  the  rank  of 
the  stranger,  and  because  he  was  a  stranger  to  the  country. 
On  one  occasion,  not  many  years  before  his  death,  a  gen 
tleman  from  Albany  on  a  visit  to  Buffalo,  being  desirous 
of  seeing  the  chief,  sent  a  message  to  that  effect.  The 
gentleman  was  affluent  in  money,  and  in  words,  the  lat 
ter  flowing  forth  with  great  rapidity,  and  in  an  inverse 
ratio  to  his  ideas.  He  had  also  a  habit  of  approaching 
very  near  to  any  person  with  whom  he  was  conversing, 
and  chattering  with  almost  unapproachable  volubility. 
On  receiving  the  message,  Red-Jacket  dressed  himself 
with  the  utmost  care,  designing,  as  he  ever  did  when 
sober,  to  make  the  most  imposing  impression,  and  came 
over  to  the  village.  Being  introduced  to  the  stranger, 
he  soon  measured  his  intellectual  capacity,  and  made  no 
effort  to  suppress  his  disappointment,  which  indeed  was 
sufficiently  disclosed  in  his  features.  After  listening  for 
a  few  moments  to  the  chatter  of  the  gentleman,  Red- 
Jacket,  with  a  look  of  mingled  chagrin  and  contempt, 
approached  close  to  him  and  exclaimed, — "  cha,  cha, 
cha !"  as  rapidly  as  utterance  would  allow.  Then  draw 
ing  himself  to  his  full  height,  he  turned  proudly  upon  his 
heel,  and  walked  away  in  the  direction  of  his  own  domicil, 
"  as  straight  as  an  Indian,"  nor  deigned  to  look  behind 
while  in  sight  of  the  tavern.  The  gentleman  with  more 
money  than  brains  was  for  once  lost  in  astonishment, 
and  stood  longer  motionless  and  silent  than  he  had  ever 
done  before.* 

A  prominent  trait  in  the  Indian  character  is  vanity. 

*  This  incident  was  related  to  the  author  by  the  Hon.  Mr.  Moseley,  of  Buffalo. 

46 


362  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

The  Indians  are  vain  of  their  dress,  of  their  achieve 
ments,  and  of  their  talents,  whenever  marked  by  supe 
riority  ;  and  it  cannot  have  escaped  the  observation  of 
the  reader,  that  this  weakness  was  prominent  in  the  dis 
position  of  Red-Jacket.  The  organ  of  self-esteem,  ac 
cording  to  the  classification  of  the  phrenologists,  was 
beyond  doubt  strongly  developed  upon  his  head.  A 
few  illustrations  of  this  feature  in  his  character  may  not 
be  amiss. 

In  the  earlier  years  of  his  public  life,  as  the  reader  is 
well  aware,  Red- Jacket  was  frequently  engaged  in 
negotiations  with  Timothy  Pickering,  of  whose  vigorous 
intellectual  powers  there  is  no  occasion  to  speak  in  this 
connexion.  Some  time  after  the  diplomatic  intercourse 
between  the  colonel  and  himself  had  ceased,  the  former 
was  called  to  the  State  Department  of  the  federal  go 
vernment.*  On  meeting  Red-Jacket  soon  afterward, 
the  fact  of  this  appointment  was  mentioned  to  him  by 
his  friend  Thomas  Morris.  "  Yes,"  observed  the  chief: 
"  we  began  our  public  career  about  the  same  time.  He 
knew  how  to  read  and  write,  but  I  did  not,  and  there 
fore  he  has  got  ahead  of  me.  But  had  I  possessed  those 
advantages  I  should  have  been  ahead  of  him."t 

At  the  treaties  held  by  him,  Colonel  Pickering  was 
in  the  practice  of  taking  down  the  speeches  of  the  In^ 
dians,  from  the  lips  of  the  interpreter,  in  writing,  and  in 

*  The  last  treaty  between  the  United  States  and  the  Six  Nations  was  held  at 
Canandaigua,  in  1794.  Colonel  Pickering  was  appointed  Secretary  of  State  by 
Washington,  in  December,  1795. 

t  Letter  of  Thomas  Morris  to  the  author. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  353 

order  to  expedite  business,  he  would  sometimes  write 
while  the  orator  in  chief  was  himself  speaking.  On  one 
occasion,  when  Red-Jacket  occupied  the  forum,  obser 
ving  that  the  colonel  continued  writing,  he  abruptly 
came  to  a  pause.  The  colonel  desired  him  to  proceed. 
"  No,"  said  the  orator, — "not  while  you  hold  down  your 
head."  "  Why,"  inquired  the  commissioner,  "  can  you 
not  go  on  while  I  write  ?"  "  Because,"  replied  the  chief, 
"  if  you  look  me  in  the  eye  you  will  then  perceive 
whether  I  tell  you  the  truth  or  not."* 

On  another  occasion,  Colonel  Pickering  turned  to 
speak  to  a  third  person  while  Red-Jacket  was  address 
ing  him.  The  chief  instantly  rebuked  him  for  his  inat 
tention  with  great  hauteur,  observing,  with  emphasis, 
"  When  a  Seneca  speaks  he  ought  to  be  listened  to  with 
attention  from  one  extremity  of  this  great  island  to  the 
other."t 

On  returning  from  his  visits  to  the  seat  of  the  federal 
government,  where,  at  different  periods,  he  had  several 
interviews  with  General  Washington,  he  would  magnify 
to  the  other  Indians  the  importance  of  his  reception  by 
the  great  chief.  "I  remember  having  seen  him  on  one 
of  those  occasions,  when,  after  having  seated  the  In 
dians  around  him  in  a  semi-circle,  taking  the  cocked-hat 
that  had  been  presented  to  him  by  General  Knox,  then 
Secretary  of  War,  in  his  hand,  he  went  round  bowing 
to  the  Indians,  as  though  they  were  the  company  at  the 
President's  house,  and  himself  the  President.  He 
would  then  repeat  to  one  and  another  all  the  compli- 

*  Letter  of  Thomas  Morris  to  the  author.  t  Idem. 


364  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

ments  which  he  chose  to  suppose  the  President  had  be 
stowed  upon  him,  and  which  his  auditors  and  admiring 
people  supposed  had  been  thus  bestowed."* 

Toward  the  close  of  his  life  he  was  present  by  invita 
tion  at  the  launching  of  a  schooner  at  Black  Rock,  bear 
ing  his  name.  He  made  a  short  address  on  the  occa 
sion,  showing  the  estimation  in  which  he  held  his  own 
high  merit.  In  the  course  of  this  speech,  addressing 
himself  directly  to  the  vessel,  he  said  : — 

"  You  have  had  a  great  name  given  to  you,-; — strive  to  de 
serve  it.  Be  brave  and  daring.  Go  boldly  into  the  great 
lakes,  and  fear  neither  the  swift  winds  nor  the  strong  waves. 
Be  not  frightened  nor  overcome  by  them,  for  it  is  by  resisting 
storms  and  tempests  that  I,  whose  name  you  bear,  obtained 
my  renown.  Let  my  great  example  inspire  you  to  courage 
and  lead  you  to  glory."t 

He  was  not  deficient  in  tact,  and  with  true  Indian  cir 
cumspection,  and  his  own  characteristic  cunning,  was 
careful  to  conceal  his  ignorance  as  to  the  usages  of  so 
ciety  in  the  better  circles  into  which  he  was  occasion 
ally  thrown.  "  He  once,  on  his  return  from  Philadel 
phia,  told  me  that  when  there  he  perceived  many  things 
the  meaning  of  which  he  did  not  understand,  but  he 
would  not  make  inquiry  concerning  them  there,  because 
they  would  be  imputed  to  his  ignorance.  He  therefore 
had  determined  on  his  return  to  ask  me.  He  said  that 
when  he  dined  at  General  Washington's,  a  man  stood 
all  the  time  behind  his  chair,  and  would  every  now  and 

+  Letter  from  Thomas  Morris. 

t  Letter  from  the  Hon.  Albert  H.  Tracy  to  the  author. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  365 

then  run  off  with  his  plate,  and  knife  and  fork,  which  he 
would  immediately  replace  by  others.  *  Now,'  said 
Red- Jacket,  <  what  was  this  for  ?'  I  replied  to  him,  that 
he  must  have  observed  on  the  President's  table  a  variety 
of  dishes,  that  each  dish  was  cooked  in  a  different  man 
ner,  and  that  plates,  and  the  knives  and  forks  of  the 
guests,  were  changed  as  often  as  they  were  helped  from 
a  different  dish.  <  Ah,'  said  he,  after  musing  a  mo 
ment,  l  is  that  it  ?'  I  replied  in  the  affirmative.  '  You 
must  then  suppose,'  he  continued,  '  that  the  plates,  and 
knives  and  forks,  retain  the  taste  of  the  cookery  ?'  Yes, 
I  replied.  '  Have  you  then,'  he  added,  '  any  method 
by  which  you  can  change  your  palates  every  time  you 
change  your  plates  ;  for  I  should  suppose  that  the  taste 
would  remain  on  the  palate  longer  than  on  the  plate  ?'  I 
replied  that  we  were  in  the  habit  of  washing  that  away 
by  drinking  wine.  '  Ah,'  said  he,  4I  now  understand  it. 
I  was  persuaded  that  so  general  a  custom  among  you 
must  be  founded  in  reason,  and  I  only  regret  that  when 
I  was  in  Philadelphia  I  did  not  understand  it, — when 
dining  with  General  Washington  and  your  father.  The 
moment  the  man  went  off  with  my  plate,  I  would  have 
drunk  wine  until  he  brought  me  another ;  for  although  I 
am  fond  of  eating,  I  am  more  so  of  drinking."* 

Red-Jacket  could  never  become  reconciled  to  the 
criminal  law  of  the  white  men,  the  operation  of  which, 
in  many  respects,  he  thought  unequal,  and  consequently 
unjust.  It  has  been  seen  in  a  former  chapter,  on  the 
trial  of  Stiff-armed  George,  indicted  for  murder,  that 

*  MS.  letter  of  Thomas  Morris  to  the  author. 


366  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

the  Indians  supposed  that  drunkenness  might  with  pro 
priety  be  pleaded  in  mitigation  of  a  crime,  whereas  the 
white  men  hold  it  to  be  but  one  crime  superadded  to 
another,  and  therefore  aggravating  the  offence.  In  like 
manner,  he  could  not  understand  the  justice  of  the  law 
that  would  punish  an  offender  by  as  long  an  imprison 
ment  for  stealing  a  trifling  article  as  for  a  larger  one. 
An  incident  in  point  occurred  in  the  county  of  Genesee, 
about  twenty  years  ago,  which  will  at  once  illustrate  his 
views  upon  this  subject,  and  his  humor.  It  happened 
that  an  Indian  was  indicted  at  Batavia,  for  burglary,  in 
breaking  and  entering  the  house  of  Mr.  Ellicott,  agent 
of  the  Holland  Land  Company,  and  stealing  some  tri 
fling  article  of  small  value,  the  punishment  for  which 
was  imprisonment  in  the  state  prison  for  life, — the  crime 
of  petit  larceny  merging  itself  in  the  greater  offence. 
Red-Jacket,  with  other  chiefs,  attended  the  trial  for 
the  purpose  of  rendering  all  the  aid  and  obtaining  all 
the  favor  in  their  power  for  their  brother  in  bonds. 
The  proof  was  clear,  and  a  verdict  of  guilty  followed 
without  hesitation.  When  the  prisoner  was  arraigned 
for  sentence,  and  the  usual  question  propounded,  why 
the  sentence  of  the  law  should  not  be  pronounced, 
Red-Jacket,  who  had  been  watching  the  proceedings 
with  intense  interest,  asked  permission  to  speak  in  his 
behalf.  The  request  being  granted,  he  rose  with  his 
usual  dignity,  and  boldly  questioned  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  court,  and  asserted  the  independence  of  his  na 
tion.  He  contended  that  the  Senecas  were  the  allies, 
not  the  subjects  of  the  whites, — that  his  nation  had  laws 


OF  RED-JACKET.  357 

for  the  punishment  of  theft, — and  that  the  offender  in 
the  present  case  ought  to  be  delivered  up  to  them,  to  be 
tried  according  to  the  usages,  and  suffer  according  to  the 
laws  of  his  own  people,- — assuring  the  court  that,  in  the 
event  of  his  surrender,  the  culprit  should  be  thus  tried 
and  punished.  His  manner  on  the  occasion  was  par 
ticularly  fine,  even  for  him.  But  his  argument  was  not 
sufficiently  powerful  to  avert  the  sentence,  which  was 
pronounced  in  due  form.  The  orator  was  dissatisfied 
at  the  result.  Estimating  the  measure  of  delinquency 
by  the  pecuniary  loss,  he  could  not  perceive  the  justice 
of  incarcerating  a  man  for  life,  who  had  only  stolen  a 
few  spoons  of  small  value,  when  another  offender,  who 
had  stolen  a  horse,  was  sentenced  to  but  a  few  years 
imprisonment.  After  the  proceedings  were  over,  in 
passing  from  the  court-house  to  the  inn,  in  company 
with  a  group  of  lawyers,  Red-Jacket  discerned  upon 
the  sign  of  a  printing-office  the  arms  of  the  state,  with 
the  emblematical  representation  of  Liberty  and  Justice, 
emblazoned  in  large  figures  and  characters.  The  chief 
tain  stopped,  and  pointing  to  the  figure  of  Liberty, 
asked  in  broken  English, — "  What — Jiim — call6?"  He  was 
answered,  "  LIBERTY."  "  Ugh  !"  was  the  significant 
and  truly  aboriginal  response.  Then  pointing  to  the 
other  figure,  he  inquired, — "  What — him — call  ?"  He  was 
answered,  "JUSTICE," — to  which  with  a  kindling  eye  he 
instantly  replied,by  asking, — "  Where — him — live — now?"* 
Captain  Jones,  who  was  so  long  connected  with  the 

*  Related  to  the  author  by  George  Hosmer,  Esq.,  of  Avon,  who  was  present 
at  the  scene  in  the  court-house,  and  also  in  the  street. 


368  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

Indians  as  a  resident  of  their  country,  and  an  inter 
preter,  had  been  adopted  by  Red-Jacket  as  a  son,  ac 
cording  to  the  customs  of  that  people.  On  a  certain 
occasion,  owing  to  the  slanderous  imputations  of  some 
mischief-makers  of  his  nation,  Red-Jacket  entertained  a 
suspicion  that  Jones  was  actuated  by  motives  of  self- 
interest,  and  did  not  regard  the  welfare  of  the  Indians. 
Shortly  after  his  mind  was  thus  poisoned  in  reference  to  his 
friend,  he  met  the  captain  at  the  hotel  of  Timothy  Hos- 
mer,  in  Avon.  Jones  advanced  to  greet  the  chief  with 
his  accustomed  cordiality  of  manner,  but  was  received 
with  haughty  distrust  and  coldness.  After  the  lapse  of 
a  few  minutes,  during  which  time  the  questions  of  Jones 
were  answered  in  monosyllables,  the  captain  asked  an 
explanation  of  Red-Jacket  for  his  conduct.  Fixing  his 
searching  glance  upon  him  as  if  reading  the  secrets  of 
his  soul,  Red- Jacket  told  him  of  the  rumor  circulated  in 
reference  to  his  fidelity  to  the  Indians,  and  concluded  by 
saying  with  a  saddened  expression, — "  And  have  you  at 
last  deserted  us  ?"  The  look,  the  tone,  the  attitude  of 
the  orator,  were  so  touching,  so  despairing,  that  Jones, 
though  made  of  stern  materials,  wept  like  a  child,  at  the 
same  time  refuting  the  calumny  in  the  most  energetic 
terms.*  Convinced  that  Jones  was  still  true,  the  chief, 
forgetful  of  the  stoicism  of  his  race,  mingled  his  tears 
with  his,  and  embracing  him  with  the  cordiality  of  old, 

*  This  incident,  and  the  touching  and  almost  pathetic  inquiry  of  Red-Jacket, 
remind  one  of  the  dying  words  which  the  dramatists  have  put  into  the  mouth  of 
Caesar,  when  he  discovered  Brutus  among  the  conspirators,— "  .E^tt  Brute? 
Wilt  thou  stab  Caesar  too?"  Or  in  the  words  of  another  author;— "And  Brutus 
thou  my  sonne,  whom  erst  I  loved  best." 


OF  RED-JACKET.  369 

the  reconciled  parties  renewed  old  friendships  over  a 
social  glass.* 

Red-Jacket  did  not  relish  being  trifled  with,  even  in 
playfulness.  At  one  of  his  visits  to  the  house  of  Captain 
Jones,  on  taking  his  seat  at  the  breakfast  table  with  the 
family,  Mrs.  Jones,  knowing  his  extreme  fondness  for 
sugar,  mischievously  prepared  his  coffee  without  the 
addition  of  that  luxury.  On  discovering  the  cheat,  the 
chief  looked  at  the  Captain  with  an  offended  expression, 
and  thus  rebuked  him: — "My  son  !" — stirring  his  cup 
with  energy, — "  do  you  allow  your  squaw  thus  to  trifle 
with  your  father  ?"  Perceiving  at  the  same  time  by  the 
giggling  of  the  children,  that  they  had  entered  into  the 
joke,  he  continued, — "  And  do  you  allow  your  children 
to  make  sport  of  their  chief?"  Jones  and  his  wife  there 
upon  apologized,  and  the  latter  made  the  amende  hon 
orable  by  handing  him  the  sugar-bowl,  which  he  took,  and 
writh  half-angry  sarcasm  filled  his  cup  to  the  brim  with 
sugar.  The  liquid  not  holding  so  large  a  quantity  in  so 
lution,  he  ate  the  whole  with  his  spoon.f 

Red-Jacket  was  not  gratified  with  scenes  of  human 
suffering.  Some  four  or  five  years  before  his  death, 
there  was  an  execution  of  three  brothers  at  Buffalo, 
named  Thayer.  They  had  been  convicted  of  murdering 
a  man  several  years  before,  named  Lane,  the  discovery  of 
whose  remains  caused  much  excitement,  and  altogether 
the  extraordinary  circumstances  with  which  the  case 
was  invested,  caused  a  great  sensation  in  Western  New- 

*  Related  to  the  author  by  W.  H.  C.  Hosmer,  of  Avon. 
t  Related  to  Mr.  Hosmer  by  Mrs.  Jones,  in  May,  1840. 

47 


370  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

York.  On  the  day  when  the  unhappy  brothers  were  exe 
cuted,  while  the  whole  civilized  population  of  that  region, 
of  both  sexes,  was  crowding  the  roads  to  Buffalo  to  be 
hold  the  exit  of  three  of  their  fellow  beings  upon  the  scaf 
fold,  Red-Jacket  was  met  by  Judge  Walden,  of  Buffalo, 
wending  his  way  from  the  town  to  his  own  home.  The 
judge  inquired  where  he  was  going,  at  the  same  time 
expressing  his  astonishment  that  he  did  not  join  the  mul 
titude  who  were  pressing  the  other  way  to  see  the  exe 
cution.  The  answer  of  the  chief  was  brief: — "Fools 

enough  there  already Battle  is  the  place  to  see  men 

die."  This  reply  was  a  severe  rebuke,  as  just  as  sen 
tentious,  of  that  strange  and  discreditable  curiosity  un 
accountably  prevailing  among  both  sexes  of  all  nations, 
to  witness  the  awful  spectacles  of  public  executions.* 

Although  fond  of  the  pleasures  of  the  table  himself, 
yet  no  man  had  a  more  thorough  contempt  for  the  mere 
sensualist  or  gourmand  than  Red- Jacket.  Many  years 
ago,  before  the  Indian  towns  were  broken  up  along  the 
valley  of  the  Genesee,  a  clan  of  the  Senecas  resided  at 
Connawaugus,  in  the  vicinity  of  the  present  town  of 
Avon.  The  chief  of  this  clan  was  a  good  easy  man 
named  Hot-Bread.  He  was  a  hereditary  sachem,  not 
having  risen  by  merit, — was  weak  and  inefficient,  and 
of  gluttonous  habits.  On  a  certain  occasion,  when  Mr. 
Hosmer  was  accompanying  Red- Jacket  to  an  Indian  coun 
cil,  in  the  course  of  general  conversation  he  inquired 
the  chief's  opinion  of  Hot-Bread.  "  Waugh !"  exclaimed 

*  Related  to  the  author  by  the  lady  of  George  Hosmer. 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

Red- Jacket :  "  He  has  a  little  place  at  Connawaugus, — 
big  enough  for  him.  Big  man  here,"  (laying  his  left 
hand  upon  his  abdomen,)  "  but  very  small  here,"  bring 
ing  the  palm  of  his  right  hand  with  significant  emphasis 
upon  his  forehead. 

As  to  the  general  manners  of  Red- Jacket,  his  intel 
lectual  character,  his  personal  appearance,  and  the 
power  and  studied  graces  of  his  oratory,  a  gentleman 
who  knew  him  intimately  for  almost  half  a  century  has 
written  thus  : — "  When  I  first  knew  Red- Jacket  he  was 
in  his  prime,  being  probably  about  thirty-six  years  of 
age.  He  was  decidedly  the  most  eloquent  man  amongst 
the  Six  Nations.  His  stature  was  rather  above  than 
below  the  middle  size.  He  was  well  made.  His  eyes 
were  fine,  and  expressive  of  the  intellect  of  which  he 
possessed  an  uncommon  portion.  His  address,  particu 
larly  when  he  spoke  in  council,  was  very  fine,  and  al 
most  majestic.  He  was  decidedly  the  most  graceful 
public  speaker  I  ever  heard.  He  was  fluent,  without 
being  too  rapid.  You  could  always  tell  when  he  meant 
to  speak,  from  the  pains  he  would  take  before  he  arose 
to  arrange  the  silver  ornaments  on  his  arms,  and  the 
graceful  fold  that  he  would  give  to  his  blanket.  On 
rising  he  would  first  turn  toward  the  Indians,  and  be 
speak  their  attention  to  what  he  meant  to  say  in  their 
behalf  to  the  commissioner  of  the  United  States.  He 
would  then  turn  toward  the  commissioner,  and  bending 
toward  him  with  a  slight  but  dignified  inclination  of  the 
head,  proceed.  There  is  much  more  decorum  in  the 
Indian  councils  than  in  any  of  our  public  bodies.  When 


372  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

any  chief  thinks  that  the  speaker  has  omitted  or  forgotten 
any  thing  that  ought  to  be  dwelt  upon,  he  places  himself 
quite  near  to  the  speaker,  and  in  the  most  delicate  and 
quiet  manner,  his  voice  not  louder  than  a  whisper, 
prompts  him,  while  the  whole  assembly  in  their  peculiar 
manner  encourage  by  cheering  the  orator."* 

Deprived  as  were  the  Indians  of  the  unspeakable  ad 
vantages  of  a  written  language,  and  depending  alto 
gether  upon  tradition  for  the  preservation  of  both  their 
official  and  unofficial  history,  the  cultivation  of  the 
memory  was  an  object  of  the  first  importance  among 
them.t  The  provisions  of  their  treaties,  it  is  well  known, 
were  preserved  with  great  accuracy,  and  for  genera 
tions,  by  means  of  belts,  with  strings  of  wampum, — 
each  string,  being  different^  was  in  fact  a  record  of  some 

*  Letter  to  the  author  from  Thomas  Morris. 

t  There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  orators  of  the  Six  Nations  were  as  careful 
in  the  study  of  their  speeches, — those  especially  which  were  to  be  delivered  on 
great  occasions, — as  were  the  orators  of  Greece  and  Rome.  The  author  has  been 
informed  by  that  veteran  legislator,  General  Erastus  Root,  that  he  was  a  member 
of  the  Senate  of  New-York  when  the  celebrated  letter,  or  speech,  of  Farmer's- 
Brother,  containing  the  passage  which  has  been  so  much  admired, — "  The  Great 
Spirit  spake  to  the  whirlwind  and  it  was  still"  was  presented  to  that  body. 
The  General  says  that  it  struck  him  so  forcibly  at  the  time,  that  he  called  for  a- 
second  reading,  which  was  had.  Soon  afterward,  in  a  conversation  with  Mr. 
Parish,  so  long  the  interpreter  of  the  Senecas,  the  General  inquired  of  him  whe 
ther  it  was  not  the  habit  of  the  interpreters  to  embellish  the  speeches  of  the  In 
dian  orators.  His  reply  was  an  exclamation  of  surprise  at  the  suggestion.  So 
far  from  it,  Mr.  Parish  averred  that  it  was  altogether  impossible  for  him  to  impart 
to  the  translations  any  thing  like  the  force  and  beauty  of  the  originals.  He  also 
stated  that  on  great  occasions,  the  Indian  orators,  Red-Jacket  and  Farmer's- 
Brother  in  particular,  not  only  studied  their  speeches,  and  conned  them  well,  but 
would  send  to  him  for  rehearsals,  in  order  that  they  might  be  assured  that  he  un 
derstood  them  fully,  and  could  translate  them  with  accuracy.  They  were  alike 
vain  and  ambitious  of  appearing  well  in  the  reports  of  their  speeches. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  373 

particular  article  or  provision  of  a  treaty.  These 
belts  were  deposited  in  their  council  lodges  with  great 
care,  and  the  signification  of  each  particular  string  was 
carefully  repeated  from  father  to  son,  or  from  chief  to 
chief  in  the  succession,  until  thoroughly  fixed  in  the 
memory.  By  this  process,  the  stipulations  of  every 
treaty  were  so  deeply  impressed  upon  the  mind,  that 
by  the  aid  of  the  belt  they  were  at  any  time,  when  oc 
casion  required,  brought  to  fresh  remembrance.  This 
cultivation  of  the  art  of  mnemonics  would  necessarily 
be  carried  to  its  greatest  perfection  by  a  chief  of  Hed- 
Jacket's  intellectual  powers  and  ambition,  and  the  fol 
lowing  incident  has  been  preserved  as  an  illustration  of 
his  accuracy.  "  In  a  council  which  was  held  with  the 
Senecas  by  Governor  Tompkins,  of  New-York,  a  con 
test  arose  between  that  gentleman  and  Red- Jacket,  as 
to  a  fact  connected  with  a  treaty  of  many  years'  stand 
ing.  The  American  agent  stated  one  thing,  and  the  In 
dian  chief  corrected  him, — insisting  that  the  reverse  of 
his  assertion  was  true.  But  it  was  rejoined  : — l  You 
have  forgotten.  We  have  it  written  down  on  paper.' 

I  The  paper  then  tells  a  lie,'  was  the  confident  answer ; 

I 1  have  it  written  down  here,'  he  added,  placing  his 
hand  with  great  dignity  upon  his  brow.     '  You  Yankees 
are  born  with  a  feather  between  your  fingers,  but  your 
paper  does  not  speak  the  truth.     The  Indian  keeps  his 
knowledge  here, — this  is  the  book  the  Great  Spirit  gave 
them  ;  it  does  not  lie.'     A  reference  was  immediately 
made  to  the  treaty  in  question,  when  to  the  astonish 
ment  of  all  present,  and  the  triumph  of  the  unlettered 


374  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

statesman,  the  document  confirmed  every  word  he  had 
uttered."* 

There  are  no  portraits  of  Red-Jacket  extant,  taken  in 
early  life,  or  even  when  in  the  prime  of  his  manhood, 
although  many  efforts  were  made  by  the  artists  of  New- 
York  and  Philadelphia,  and  also  by  other  gentlemen,  dur 
ing  his  visits  to  those  cities,  to  induce  him  to  sit.  His  re 
ply  to  all  importunities  upon  the  subject,  for  many  years, 
was,  that  when  Red- Jacket  died,  all  that  appertained  to 
him  should  die  with  him.  He  wished  nothing  to  re 
main.  But  this  purpose  was  changed  in  the  autumn  of 
1820,  through  the  interposition  of  the  blacksmith  of  the 
tribe,  and  he  was  induced  to  sit  to  Mr.  Mathies,  a  self- 
taught  artist,  residing  at  Rochester.  Indeed,  his  reluc 
tance  was  readily  overcome  by  an  appeal  to  his  vanity, 
— Mr.  Mathies  having  assured  him  that  his  only  motive 
was  to  obtain  a  likeness  to  be  placed  by  the  side  of  the 
portraits  of  other  great  men  of  the  United  States.  He 
sat  three  times  to  Mathies,  and  the  picture  is  said  to  be 
very  good.  The  Rubicon  having  been  passed,  there 
was  less  difficulty  in  prevailing  upon  him  to  favor  other 
artists,  among  whom  was  the  distinguished  delineator  of 
Indians,  Mr.  George  Catlin,  who  painted  him  twice. 
Henry  Inman  also  made  a  sketch  of  him, — a  head  only, 
— which  is  thought  very  spirited.  But  the  picture  by 
Mr.  Robert  W.  Weir,  taken  in  1828,  at  the  request  of 
Doctor  John  W.  Francis,  of  New- York,  is  of  far  the 
highest  order  of  merit,  and  has  become  the  standard 
likeness  of  "  the  last  of  the  Seneca  orators."  An  ac- 

*  M'Kenney's  Indian  Biography. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  375 

quaintance  of  several  years,  and  the  reception  of  some 
trifling  presents  from  Doctor  Francis,  had  enabled  the 
latter  to  induce  a  promise  from  the  old  chief  to  sit,  on 
his  next  visit  to  New- York.     This  happened  in  the  year 
last  mentioned ;   when,  with  his  interpreter,  Jemison, 
he  very  promptly  repaired  to  the  painting-room  of  Mr. 
Weir.     "For  this  purpose  he  dressed  himself  in  the 
costume  which  he  deemed  most  appropriate  to  his  cha 
racter,  decorated  with   his   brilliant  overcovering   and 
belt,  his  tomahawk  and  Washington  medal.     For  the 
whole  period  of  nearly  two  hours,  on  four  or  five  suc 
cessive  days,  he  was  as  punctual  to  the  arrangements  of 
the  artist  as  any  individual  could  be.     He  chose  a  large 
arm-chair  for  his  convenience,  while  his  interpreter,  as 
well  as  himself,  was  occupied,  for  the  most  part,  in  sur 
veying  the  various  objects  which  decorated  the  artist's 
room.     He  had  a  party  of  several  Senecas  with  him, 
who,  adopting  the  horizontal  position,  in  different  parts 
of  the  room,  regaled  themselves  with  the  fumes  of  to^ 
bacco  to  their  utmost  gratification.     Red-Jacket  occa^ 
sionally  united  in  this  relaxation ;  but  was  so  deeply 
absorbed  in  attention  to  the  work  of  the  painter  as  to 
think,  perhaps,  of  no  other  subject.     At  times  he  mani 
fested  extreme  pleasure,  as  the  outlines  of  the  picture 
were  filled  up.     The  drawing  of  his  costume,  which  he 
seemed  to  prize,    as   peculiarly  appropriate,  and    the 
distant  view  of  the  falls  of  Niagara, — scenery  at  no  great 
distance  from  his  residence  at  the  reservation, — forced 
him  to  an  indistinct  utterance  of  his  satisfaction.     When 
his  medal  appeared  complete   in  the  picture,  he  ad- 


376  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

dressed  his  interpreter,  accompanied  by  striking  ges 
tures  ;  and  when  his  noble  front  was  finished,  he  sprang 
upon  his  feet  with  great  alacrity,  and  seizing  the  artist 
by  the  hand,  exclaimed,  with  great  energy,  "  Good ! 
good!"  The  painting  being  finished,  he  parted  with 
Mr.  Weir  with  a  satisfaction  apparently  equal  to  that 
which  he  doubtless,  on  some  occasions,  had  felt,  on 
effecting  an  Indian  treaty.  Red-Jacket  must  have  been 
beyond  his  seventieth  year  when  the  painting  was 
made.  He  exhibited  in  his  countenance  somewhat  of 
the  traces  of  time  and  trial  on  his  constitution.  Never 
theless  he  was  of  a  tall  and  erect  form,  and  walked  with 
a  firm  gait.  His  characteristics  are  preserved  by  the 
artist  to  admiration  ;  and  his  majestic  front  exhibits  an 
attitude  surpassing  every  other  that  I  have  ever  seen  of 
the  human  skull.  As  a  specimen  for  the  craniologist, 
Red- Jacket  need  not  yield  his  pretensions  to  those  of  the 
most  astute  philosopher.  He  will  long  live  by  the  paint 
ing  of  Weir,  the  poetry  of  Halleck,  and  the  fame  of  his 
own  deeds."* 

Red-Jacket  loved  his  native  forests,  and  no  music  was 
to  him  so  sad  as  the  sounds  of  approaching  civilization, 
before  which  they  were  destined  to  fall.  Every  blow  of 
the  woodman's  axe  sent  a  pang  to  his  heart.  The  crash 
of  a  falling  tree  sounded  more  painfully  upon  his  ears 

*  Letter  from  Doctor  J.  W.  Francis  to  William  Dunlap,  vide  Dunlap's  History 
of  the  American  Arts  of  Design.  Doctor  Francis  held  many  conversations  with 
Red-Jacket,  some  of  which  were  upon  the  subject  of  the  diseases  to  which  the 
Indians  were  subject.  He  was  quite  descriptive  in  his  statements,  and  seemed 
sufficiently  qualified  to  make  a  number  of  very  fair  distinctions  in  relation  to 
the  subject. — Conversations  of  Dr.  Francis  with  the  author. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  377 

than  the  jar  of  an  earthquake.  An  anecdote,  illustra 
tive  of  his  feelings  upon  this  subject,  will  complete  the 
present  chapter.  In  the  days  of  his  youth  he  was  wont 
to  join  the  hunters  in  the  beautiful  valley  of  the  Genesee 
with  great  enthusiasm.  Game  was  then  plenty,  and 
those  were  indeed  the  finest  hunting  grounds  he  could 
traverse.  Toward  the  close  of  his  life  he  went  thither 
to  indulge  once  more  in  the  chase,  where  a  forest,  appa 
rently  of  considerable  extent,  yet  remained.  He  entered 
it,  recognizing  some  of  his  ancient  friends  among  the 
more  venerable  of  the  trees,  and  hoping  yet  to  find 
abundant  game.  But  he  had  not  proceeded  far  before 
he  approached  an  "  opening,"  and  his  course  was  pre 
sently  impeded  by  a  fence,  within  the  enclosure  of 
which  one  of  the  pale-faces  was  engaged  in  guiding  the 
plough !  With  a  heavy  heart  he  turned  in  another  di 
rection,  the  forest  seeming  yet  to  be  deep,  and  where  he 
hoped  to  find  a  deer,  as  in  the  days  when  he  was  young. 
But  he  had  not  travelled  long  before  another  "  opening" 
broke  upon  his  view,  another  fence  impeded  his  course, 
and  another  cultivated  field  appeared  within.  He  sat 
down  and  wept.* 

*  Related  to  the  author  by  a  Seneca  chief. 


48 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

DISQUIETUDE  of  Red-Jacket's  latter  days — Successes  of  the  missionaries — Dis 
affection  of  his  tribe — Formally  deposed — His  chagrin  and  journey  to  Wash 
ington — Interview  with  Colonel  M'Kenney — Returns  to  the  reservation,  pre 
pared  to  make  concessions — Rouses  himself  to  energetic  action — A  great 
council — Another  speech-^His  restoration  to  his  former  rank — Sinks 
into  mental  imbecility — Visits  Washington,  NewrYork,  Boston  and  Albany — 
Exhibits  himself  at  the  museums — Speech  at  Albany,  contrasting  the  charac 
ters  of  Washington  and  Jackson — His  consciousness  of  approaching  death, 
and  preparations  therefor — Relentings  toward  the  missionary — thejast  coun 
cil  convoked  by  Red-Jacket  for  purposes  of  conciliation — Last  sickness,  death 
and  funeral — Conduct  of  the  neighboring  infidels — Speculations  and  reflections 
on  the  fate  of  the  Indians — Lord  Erskine — Opinions  of  Dr.  Ramsay  and  Gene 
ral  Benjamin  Lincoln — Conclusion  of  Red-Jacket — Tablet  to  his  memory. 

THE  last  three  years  of  Red-Jacket's  life  afforded  him 
no  season  of  repose.  For  a  long  period  after  he  obtained 
the  ascendancy  over  the  Cornplanter,  and  especially 
after  the  death  of  Farmer' s-Brother,  which  event  oc 
curred  shortly  after  the  close  of  the  last  war  between 
England  and  the  United  States,  Red-Jacket  had  borne 
almost  undisputed  sway  over  his  people, — those  of  them, 
especially,  whom  he  could  so  far  control  as  to  keep  in  a 
measure  from  what  he  conceived  to  be  the  contamina 
ting  influences  of  Christianity  and  civilization.  But  not 
withstanding  his  vigilance,  his  inflexibility  and  his  en 
ergy,  those  influences  were  too  powerful  for  him  to  re 
sist.  A  dense  white  population  had  by  this  time  sur- 


LIFE  AND  TIMES,  &c.  379 

rounded  each  of  their  several  reservations.  The  mis 
sionaries  and  school-masters  were  indefatigable  in  their 
efforts,  and  his  people,  on  every  hand,  were  at  length  in 
daily  and  necessary  communication  and  association  with 
the  whites.  Those  who  yet  adhered  to  their  paganism 
were  nevertheless  neglecting  to  celebrate  their  feasts  by 
the  usual  rites,  and  were  in  fact  abandoning  their  grosser 
ceremonies  and  superstitions.*  It  may  readily  be  con 
ceived  that,  to  a  mind  like  Red- Jacket's,  at  once  vigorous 
and  clear,  these  superstitions,  or  at  least  the  uncouth 
observances  by  which  they  were  attended,  had  no  in 
trinsic  value  ;  but  he  looked  upon  them  as  conservative 
in  their  operation, — as  potent  and  effectual  barriers 
against  the  tide  of  innovation  which  he  could  not  but 
perceive,  would  in  the  end  prove  fatal  to  his  own  au 
thority,  and  from  which  he  apprehended  the  most  disas 
trous  consequences  to  his  people.  He  was  deeply  im 
pressed  with  the  conviction  that  the  white  and  red  races 
could  not  exist  together ;  and  it  was  his  anxious  policy 
and  wish  to  keep  up  between  them  every  wall  of  separa 
tion  afforded  by  difference  of  habits,  language,  costume 
and  religion.  Therefore  he  deprecated  and  resisted 
to  his  utmost  ability  every  attempt  at  departure  from  the 
ancient  nationality  of  his  race.  The  arts  of  civilization 
were  gradually  advancing  among  them,  though  in  their 

*  Yet  incredible  as  the  statement  may  appear,  in  the  year  1830  there  was  an 
infidel  white  man  in  a  neighboring  town,  who  went  among  the  Indians  at  Catta- 
raugus,  convened  a  meeting  of  them,  and  endeavored  to  persuade  them  against 
Christianity.  He  even  went  so  far  as  to  endeavor  to  induce  them  to  renew  their 
Pagan  dances,  and  other  cast-off  abominations  of  heathenism.  But  the  Indians 
scouted  his  proposals,  and  one  of  them  denounced  him,  not  inaptly,  as  "  the 
Devil's  Minister." — Vide  Missionary  Herald  for  1830. 


380  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

simplest  state  ;  and  the  indomitable  Indian,  who  looked 
with  scorn  upon  these  things,  and  beheld  their  advance 
with  vexation,  was  doomed  to  see  the  ranks  of  his  Pagan 
followers  almost  daily  thinned  by  the  desertion  both  of 
chiefs  and  people  to  the  Christian  party.*  By  this  latter 
party  he  had  for  years  been  looked  upon  with  no  eye  of 
friendship,  much  as  they  admired  his  talents.  Those 
who  had  truly  imbibed  the  principles  of  Christianity 
could  not  longer  repose  confidence  of  any  kind  in  the 
great  champion  of  Paganism  ;  and  those  who  had  be 
gun  to  taste  the  comforts  of  civilization,  having  incurred 
the  hostility  of  the  orator,  by  showing  a  disposition  to 
throw  off  the  savage  state,  could  not  of  necessity  remain 
upon  terms  of  cordiality  with  him.  On  the  contrary, 
by  his  continued  opposition  to  their  moral  and  social  im 
provement,  they  came  to  regard  him  as  an  enemy — or 

*  The  Rev.  Mr.  Harris,  whose  own  particular  station  was  at  the  Seneca 
village — Red-Jacket's  town — was  likewise  the  general  superintendent  of  the 
several  missions  among  the  Six  Nations,  and  his  labors  for  the  nine  years  of  his 
residence  there  were  equally  unwearied  and  effective.  In  the  year  1826  the 
school  at  the  Seneca  village  had  become  so  forward  as  to  be  an  object  of  curiosity 
for  strangers  to  visit.  The  children  had  indeed  made  a  remarkable  degree  of 
proficiency.  At  the  same  date  the  Cattaraugus  mission  had  made  very  en 
couraging  progress.  Not  only  were  the  children  taught  in  the  schools,  but  under 
the  impulse  given  by  the  missionaries,  the  people  were  making  rapid  advances 
in  the  arts  of  husbandry — in  the  fencing  and  general  cultivation  of  their  farms. 
They  had  also,  voluntarily,  and  at  their  own  cost,  built  a  church.  In  the  year 
1827  the  Sunday  school  of  the  Seneca  village  was  attended  numerously,  and 
with  great  interest.  In  addition  to  the  children,  about  eighty  adults  were  in  at 
tendance  upon  these  schools,  receiving  instruction  from  their  own  children,  and  in 
some  instances  from  ibeir  grand-children.  It  was  in  this  year  that  Red-Jacket's 
•wife  began  to  manifest  an  interest  in  Christianity,  as  stated  Jin  the  preceding 
chapter ;  visiting  Mr.  Harris  and  acknowledging  the  struggles  of  her  conscience 
in  conforming  to  heathen  rites.  In  the  year  1828  the  Indians  of  the  Seneca 
village  built  a  comfortable  church,  contributing  one  thousand  dollars  in  money, 
and  supplying  the  lumber  from  their  own  saw-mill.  There  were  at  that  time 


(22 


Q 


H 


; 


Q 
W 


Q 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

at  least  as  a  foe  to  their  best  interests.  Meantime  his 
habits  had  become  so  extremely  dissipated,  that  by  all 
the  better  portion  of  his  people  he  was  considered  as  in 
every  respect  morally  worthless.  Under  these  circum 
stances,  the  Christian  party  determined  upon  his  deposi 
tion, — a  measure  of  exceedingly  rare  occurrence  among 
the  Indians.  The  council  for  this  purpose  was  held  in 
September,  1827,  and  the  following  act  of  deposition 
was  drawn  up,  adopted,  and  signed  by  the  chiefs.  It 
was  written  in  the  Seneca  tongue,  but  translated  into 
English  for  publication,  by  Dr.  Jemison,  himself  a  half- 
breed,  retaining  his  connexion  with  the  Indians  : — 

"  We,  the  chiefs  of  the  Seneca  tribe,  of  the  Six  Nations, 
say  to  you,  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha,  (or  Red-Jacket,)  that  you  have  a 
long  time  disturbed  our  councils ;  that  you  have  procured 

twenty-one  members  of  the  church.  In  1830  the  church  at  Seneca  village  con 
tained  forty-nine  members ;  at  Tuscarora,  fourteen ;  at  Cattaraugus  twenty- 
three.  The  Seneca  school  had  then  fifty  children  j  the  Cattaraugus  thirty-five ; 
the  Tuscarora  twenty.  Temperance  societies  had  also  been  formed,  and  the  use 
of  ardent  spirits  totally  abandoned  by  the  members.  A  white  farmer  among 
them  having  brought  a  barrel  of  whiskey  upon  the  reservation,  for  his  harvest, 
the  Indians  took  possession  thereof,  and  poured  it  upon  the  ground.  Mr.  Harris 
had  translated  the  Gospel  of  Luke  into  the  Seneca  language,  and  also  a  small 
collection  of  prayers,  and  a  spelling-book,  all  of  which  had  been  printed.  In 
cases  of  church  discipline,  there  were  instances  in  which  offending  members, 
their  feelings  softened,  and  their  savage  natures  changed  by  the  spirit  of  the  Gos 
pel,  instead  of  showing  the  implacable  and  revengeful  dispositions  characteristic 
of  their  race,  submitted  to  the  church  authorities  with  the  docility  and  quietness 
inculcated  by  the  principles  of  the  new  religion  they  had  professed.  In  conse 
quence  of  the  improvement  of  their  moral  and  social  condition  their  numbers, 
instead  of  longer  diminishing,  began  to  increase.  On  the  three  reservations  of 
Seneca,  Cattaraugus,  and  Alleghany,  by  a  census  taken  by  order  of  the  Secretary 
of  War,  in  1830,  there  had  been  an  increase  to  the  number  of  294  in  three  years. 
There  was  also  a  corresponding  increase  of  flocks  and  herds,  and  an  augmenta 
tion  of  the  means  of  domestic  comfort. — Consult  the  Missionary  Herald,  from 
1821  to  1831. 


382  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

some  white  men  to  assist  you  in  sending  a  great  number  of 
false  stories  to  our  Father  the  President  of  the  United  States, 
and  induced  our  people  to  sign  those  falsehoods  at  Tonna- 
wanta  as  chiefs  of  our  tribe,  when  you  knew  they  were  not 
chiefs  ;  that  you  have  opposed  the  improvement  of  our  nation, 
and  made  divisions  and  disturbances  among  our  people  ;  that 
you  have  abused  and  insulted  our  great  Father  the  President  ; 
that  you  have  not  regarded  the  rules  which  make  the  Great 
Spirit  love  us,  and  which  make  his  red  children  do  good  to 
each  other ;  that  you  have  a  bad  heart,  because  in  a  time  of 
great  distress,  when  our  people  were  starving,  you  took  and 
hid  the,  body  of  a  deer  you  had  killed,  when  your  starving 
brothers  should  have  shared  their  proportions  of  it  with  you  ; 
that  the  last  time  our  Father  the  President  was  fighting 
against  the  king  across  the  great  waters,  you  divided  us, — you 
acted  against  our  Father  the  President,  and  his  officers,  and 
advised  with  those  who  were  not  friends ;  that  you  have  pre 
vented,  and  always  discouraged  our  children  from  going  to 
school,  where  they  could  learn,  and  abused  and  lied  about  our 
people  who  were  willing  to  learn,  and  about  those  who  were 
offering  to  instruct  them  how  to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  in 
the  manner  Christians  do  ;  that  you  have  always  placed  your 
self  before  them  who  would  be  instructed,  and  have  done  all 
you  could  to  prevent  their  going  to  schools ;  that  you  have 
taken  goods  to  your  own  use,  which  were  received  as  annui 
ties,  and  which  belonged  to  orphan  children,  and  to  old  peo 
ple  ;  that  for  the  last  ten  years  you  have  often  said  the  com 
munications  of  our  great  Father  to  his  red  children  were 
forgeries  made  up  at  New- York  by  those  who  wanted  to  buy 
our  lands ;  that  you  left  your  wife,  because  she  joined  the 
Christians,  and  worshipped  the  Great  Spirit  as  they  do,  know 
ing  that  she  was  a  good  woman  ;  that  we  have  waited  for 
nearly  ten  years  for  you  to  reform  and  do  better ;  but  are 
now  discouraged,  as  you  declare  you  never  will  receive  in 
structions  from  those  who  wish  to  do  us  good,  as  our  great 
Father  advises,  and  induced  others  to  hold  the  same  language. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  333 

"  We  might  say  a  great  many  other  things,  which  make  you 
an  enemy  to  the  Great  Spirit,  and  also  to  your  own  brothers, 
but  we  have  said  enough,  and  now  renounce  you  as  a  chief, 
and  from  this  time  you  are  forbid  to  act  as  such  ; — all  of  our 
nation  will  hereafter  regard  you  as  a  private  man,  and  we  say 
to  them  all,  that  every  one,  who  shall  do  as  you  have  done, 
if  a  chief,  will  in  like  manner  be  disowned,  and  set  back 
where  he  started  from  by  his  brethren." 

Declared  at  the  Council-house  of  the  Seneca 
nation,  Sept.  15, 1827  * 

*  This  remarkable  document  was  signed  by  the  following  chiefs,  among  whom 
it  will  be  observed,  were  Young-King,  Captain  Pollard,  Little  Billy,  Twenty- 
Canoes,  Doxtater,  Two-Guns,  Barefoot,  and  others  who  had  been  partizans  of 
Red-Jacket  in  his  better  days. 

Ga-yan-quia-ton,  or  Young  King,  X  his  mark. 
Ha-lon-to-wa-nen,  or  Captain  Pollard,  X  his  mark. 
Jish-ja-ga,  or  Little  Billy,  X  his  mark. 
Ya-on-yau-go,  or  Seneca  White,  X  his  mark. 
Is-nish-har-de,  or  James  Stevenson,  X  his  mark. 
Go-non-da-gie,  or  Destroy  Town,  X  his  mark. 
Ho-no-ja-cya,  or  Tall  Peter,  X  his  mark. 
Yut-wau-nou-ha,  or  Little  Johnson,  X  his  mark. 

White  Chief,  X  his  mark. 

Ha-sen-nia-wall,  or  White  Seneca,  X  his  mark. 
Yen-nau-qua,  or  Doxtater,  X  his  mark. 
Ha-ja-on-quist,  or  Henry  Two-Guns,  X  his  mark. 
Ska-ta-ga-onyes,  or  Twenty  Canoes,  X  his  mark. 
Ha-squi-sau-on,  or  James  Stevenson,  jun.,  X  his  mark. 
O-qui-ye-sou,  or  Captain  Strong,  X  his  mark. 
Ya-yout-ga-ah,  or  Captain  Thompson,  X  his  mark. 
>  George  Silverheels,  X  his  mark. 

William  Jones,  X  his  mark. 
James  Robinson,  X  his  mark. 
Blue-eyes,  X  his  mark. 
John  Pierce,  X  his  mark. 

Sa-he-o-qui-au-don-qui,  or  Little  Beard,  X  his  mark. 
Barefoot,  X  his  mark. 
Lewis  Rainy,  X  his  mark. 
Captain  Jones,  X  his  mark. 


384  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

A  melancholy  picture  of  fallen  greatness !  Nor  can  it 
be  denied  that  in  many  of  its  lineaments  it  was  drawn 
with  but  too  much  fidelity.  Still,  the  artist  may  have 
been  moved  to  darken  the  portraiture  by  personal  ani 
mosity  or  political  hate.  The  charges  may  have  been 
multiplied  in  the  heat  of  party  asperity,  and  magnified 
by  the  bitterness  of  religious  dissension  ;  while  it  may 
well  be  questioned  whether  one  of  the  most  heinous 
items  in  the  declaration  was  not  positively  untrue.  Cer 
tainly  there  is  no  evidence,  of  antecedent  date,  whereon 
to  found  a  charge  of  treachery  to  the  cause  of  the  United 
States,  by  Red-Jacket,  during  the  last  war  with  Eng 
land.  On  the  contrary,  although  not  often  personally 
valiant  in  fight,  yet,  almost  from  the  day  of  the  declara 
tion  of  that  war  by  the  United  States,  until  its  close, 
Red-Jacket  was  active  and  eloquent  in  their  behalf. 
He  was  no  more  suspected  of  treachery  than  he  was  of 
courage,  by  the  American  officers  in  the  service,  and 
his  character  should  be  relieved  from  that  imputation. 
Yet  there  were  charges  enough  specified  in  the  decla 
ration,  that  were  true,  to  warrant  the  procedure. 

But  the  orator  was  not  prepared  to  submit  to  his  offi 
cial  degradation  without  an  effort  to  regain  his  position  ; 
nor  had  the  energy  of  his  mind  been  so  far  impaired  by 
his  intemperance  as  to  render  him  incapable  of  exer 
tion.  Perhaps  he  yet  felt,  occasionally,  both  the  con 
sciousness  of  his  power  and  the  sting  of  his  shame.* 
Be  it  so  or  not,  he  "  was  greatly  affected  by  this  deci 
sion,  and  made  a  journey  to  Washington  to  lay  his  griefs 

*  Thatcher's  Indian  Biography. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  385 

before  <  his  Great  Father  the  President.'  His  first  call, 
on  arriving  at  the  seat  of  government,  was  upon  Colonel 
M'Kenney,  the  commissioner  then  in  charge  of  the  In 
dian  Bureau.  That  officer  had  previously  been  informed 
of  all  that  had  occurred  upon  the  subject  among  the 
Senecas,  and  of  the  decision  of  the  council,  and  the 
cause  of  it.  After  the  customary  shaking  of  hands,  the 
old  Seneca  thus  opened  his  message : — '  I  have  a  talk  for 
my  Father.'  '  Tell  him,'  answered  Colonel  M'Kenney 
to  the  interpreter, — c  I  have  one  for  him.  I  will  make 
it  first,  and  will  then  listen  to  him.'  The  chief  of  the 
Indian  Bureau  then  proceeded  to  narrate  all  that  had 
passed  between  the  two  parties,  taking  care  not  to  omit 
even  the  minute  incidents  that  had  combined  to  pro 
duce  the  rupture  between  the  Christian  and  Pagan  par 
ties,  and  the  deposition  of  the  chief  of  the  latter.  He 
sought  to  convince  Red- Jacket  that  a  spirit  of  forbear 
ance  on  his  part,  and  the  yielding  to  the  Christian  party 
of  the  right,  which  he  claimed  for  himself,  to  believe  as 
he  pleased  on  the  subject  of  the  Christian  religion,  would 
have  prevented  the  mortifying  result  of  his  expulsion  from 
office  and  power.  At  the  conclusion  of  this  talk,  during 
which  Red- Jacket  never  took  his  eye  from  the  speaker,  the 
chief  turned  to  the  interpreter,  saying,  with  his  finger 
pointing  in  the  direction  of  his  people,—- <  Our  Father 
has  got  a  long  eye  !'  He  then  proceeded  to  vindicate 
himself  and  his  cause,  and  to  pour  out  upon  the  *  black- 
coats'  the  vials  of  his  wrath.  The  result  of  the  confer 
ence  was  an  arrangement  between  the  Indian  commis 
sioner  and  the  chief,  that  the  latter  should  return  home, 

49 


386  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

and  there,  in  a  council  to  be  convened  for  that  purpose, 
express  his  willingness  to  bury  the  hatchet,  and  leave  it 
to  those  who  might  choose  to  be  Christians,  to  adopt  the 
ceremonies  and  creed  of  that  religion  ;  whilst  for  him 
self,  and  those  who  thought  like  him,  he  claimed  the 
privilege  to  follow  the  faith  of  his  fathers.* 

On  his  return  to  the  reservation,  Red- Jacket  entered 
upon  the  work  of  retrieving  his  character,  and  wiping 
off  the  disgrace,  by  regaining  his  position,  in  earnest, 
and  with  an  energy  becoming  the  meridian  of  his  man 
hood.  "  It  shall  not  be  said  of  me,"  thought  the  vene 
rable  orator,  with  the  glearn  of  a  fiery  soul  in  his  eye, 
"it  shall  not  be  said  that  Sa-go-ye-wat-ha  lived  in  in 
significance  and  died  in  dishonor.  Am  I  too  feeble  to 
revenge jny self  of  my  enemies?  Am  not  I  as  I  have 
been  ?"t  In  a  word  he  aroused  himself  to  a  great  effort, 
and  pains  were  taken  to  procure  a  full  attendance  at  a 
Grand  Council,  to  be  composed  of  all  that  could  be 
gathered  from  the  remaining  of  the  whole  Six  Nations. 
The  council  was  holden  at  the  upper  council-house  of 
the  principal  reservation,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Buffalo. 
The  business  for  which  it  was  assembled  having  been 
stated,  and  the  act  of  deposition  by  the  Christian  party 
read,  Half-Town,  a  chief  from  the  Gattaraugus  reserva 
tion,  rose  and  declared  that  there  was  but  one  voice  in 
his  section  of  the  nation,  and  that  of  general  indignation 
at  the  contumely  cast  on  so  great  a  man  as  Red-Jacket. 

*  The  authority  for  this  interview  is  Colonel  M'Kenney  himself,  whose  language 
has  in  part  been  adopted. 

t  Thatcher's  Indian  Biography. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  337 

Several  other  chiefs  addressed  the  council  to  the  same 
effect.*  After  these  declarations,  and  a  farther  inter 
change  of  views,  the  condemned  orator  rose  slowly,  as 
if  grieved  and  humiliated,  and  after  a  solemn  pause, 
but  with  somewhat  of  his  ancient  dignity  and  grandeur 
of  manner,  spoke  as  follows : — - 

"  MY  BROTHERS  !  You  have  this  day  been  correctly  informed 
of  an  attempt  to  make  me  sit  down  and  throw  off  the  authori 
ty  of  a  chief,  by  twenty-six  misguided  chiefs  of  my  nation. 
You  have  heard  the  statements  of  my  associates  in  council  and 
their  explanations  of  the  foolish  charges  brought  against  me. 
I  have  taken  the  legal  and  proper  way  to  meet  those  charges. 
It  is  the  only  way  in  which  I  could  notice  them.  They  are 
charges  which  I  'despise,  and  which  nothing  could  induce  me 
to  notice,  but  the  concern  which  many  respected  chiefs  of  my 
nation  feel  in  the  character  of  their  aged  comrade.  Were  it 
otherwise  I  should  not  be  before  you.  I  would  fold  my  arms, 
and  sit  quietly  under  these  ridiculous  slanders.  The  Chris 
tian  party  have  not  even  proceeded  legally,  according  to  our 
usages,  to  put  me  down.  Ah !  It  grieves  my  heart  when  I 
look  around  me  and  see  the  situation  of  my  people, — in  old 
times  united  and  powerful, — now  divided  and  feeble.  I  feel 
sorry  for  my  nation.  When  I  am  gone  to  the  other  world, — 
when  the  Great  Spirit  calls  me  away, — who  among  my  people 
can  take  my  place  ?  Many  years  have  I  guided  the  nation." 
****** 

In  the   report  of  these  proceedings  the  connected 
speech  ends  thus  abruptly.      But  it  is  added  that  the 

*  Such  is  the  statement  of  Thatcher,  the  only  authority  the  author  has  dis 
covered  for  the  account  of  this  council.  But  the  statement  of  Half-Town  must 
certainly  have  been  exaggerated,  inasmuch  as  O-qui-ye-sou,  or  Captain  Strong, 
always  a  chief  of  consideration  among  the  Cattaraugus  Indians,  was  one  of  the 
signers  of  the  act  of  deposition. 


388  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

chief  proceeded  in  an  artful  manner  to  rehearse  the  his 
tory  of  what  some  have  called  his  "  persecution,"  and 
to  repel  the  various  attacks  that  had  been  made  against 
him.  Recurring  again  to  the  subject  with  which  his 
heart  was  always  full,  viz : — the  evils  befalling  his  peo 
ple  by  reason  of  the  countenance  they  were  giving  to 
Christianity,  and  the  disgrace  which  should  attach  to 
them  for  their  abandonment  of  the  faith  of  their  fathers, 
— he  proceeded  once  more  to  denounce,  with  his  wonted 
vehemence,  the  "  black-coats."  He  said  that  in  a  con 
ference  with  Mr.  Calhoun,  four  years  before,*  he  had 
been  told  that  the  Indians  might  treat  these  black-coats 
just  as  they  thought  proper,  and  the  government  would 
not  interfere.  "I  will  not  consent,"  he  concluded, — sa 
gaciously  identifying  his  disgrace  with  his  opposition  to 
Christianity, — "I  will  not  consent  silently  to  be  trampled 
under  foot.  As  long  as  I  can  raise  my  voice  I  will  op 
pose  the  *  black-coats.'  As  long  as  I  can  stand  in  my 
moccasins  I  will  do  all  I  can  for  my  nation." 

The  result  of  the  council  corresponded  with  the  pro 
mises  made  to  him  at  Washington,  and  he  was  restored 
to  his  former  rank  by  a  unanimous  vote.  But  the  ex 
citement  of  the  occasion  being  over,  the  orator  sank 
rapidly  into  a  state  of  comparative  imbecility, — a  con 
dition,  both  of  body  and  mind,  prematurely  superin 
duced  by  strong  drink.  Indeed,  the  energies  he  had 
put  forth  in  these  proceedings  resembled  rather  the  un- 

*  Mr.  Calhoun  was,  at  the  time  referred  to,  Vice-President  of  the  United 
States.  He  had  been  Secretary  at  War,  in  which  capacity  he  probably  became 
acquainted  with  Red-Jacket, 


OF  RED-JACKET. 

natural  mental  and  bodily  vigor  often  exhibited  by  dying 
people,  arousing  from  stupor  and  exhaustion  just  before 
the  hour  of  dissolution,  than  the  healthful  intellectual 
action  which  characterized  his  better  days. 

He  nevertheless  visited  the  Atlantic  cities  once  or 
twice  after  his  restoration.  His  last  journey  to  the  city 
of  Washington  was  made  in  the  spring  of  1829,  soon 
after  the  accession  of  General  Jackson  to  the  office  of 
President.  On  his  return,  he  travelled  eastward  as  far 
as  Boston,  having  become  so  lost  to  the  pride  of  charac 
ter,  as  to  allow  the  keepers  of  the  museums  in  Boston 
and  Albany  to  exhibit  him  for  money.  At  Albany  great 
pains  were  taken  to  collect  a  political  audience  to  meet 
him  at  the  museum,  and  listen  to  a  speech  which  he  was 
advertised  to  deliver.  The  legislature  was  in  session, 
a  large  majority  of  which  body  was  composed  of  the 
political  friends  of  the  new  President.  It  was  noised 
abroad  that  the  orator  would  speak  of  his  visit  to  the 
President,  and  the  impression  somehow  obtained  cur 
rency,  that  the  savage  orator,  having  been  struck  with 
great  admiration  of  the  character  and  bearing  of  the 
hero  of  New-Orleans,  would  pronounce  a  panegyrick 
upon  his  character  and  services ;  the  loftiest  strains  of 
forest  eloquence  were  anticipated.  The  audience  was 
large,  and  the  majority  consisted  of  the  most  ardent 
friends  of  the  President,  hurrying  with  impatience  to 
hear  him  extolled  from  the  lips  of  an  orator  so  renowned 
as  the  great  Seneca.  But  he  had  not  completed  half  a 
dozen  sentences  of  his  speech,  before  their  kindling  im 
patience  was  changed  into  disappointment,  which  was 


390  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

in  turn  succeeded  by  chagrin ;  for  instead  of  eulogizing 
the  man  who  was  at  that  time  the  popular  idol  of  the 
nation,  he  spoke  of  his  former  visit  to  General  Washing 
ton,  drew  an  outline  of  his  character,  and  then  instituted 
a  comparison  between  it  and  that  of  General  Jackson, 
greatly  to  the  disadvantage  of  the  latter.  The  applause 
with  which  the  orator  was  greeted  on  his  first  appear 
ance,  was  changed  into  rude  manifestations  of  displea 
sure,  and  the  audience  rapidly  grew  thin  by  the  depar 
ture  of  those  who  had  been  the  most  eager  to  come. 
Justice,  moreover,  requires  the  acknowledgment  that 
the  speech  was  feeble  and  puerile  in  itself,  and  delivered 
without  energy  or  grace.  There  was  not  even  enough 
of  the  orator  left  to  show  that  he  had  ever  had  any  valid 
pretensions  to  that  character.* 

But  his  career  was  now  drawing  rapidly  to  a  close, 
and  he  lived  not  to  behold  the  opening  flowers  of  another 
spring.  The  circumstances  of  his  decease  were  striking. 
"For  some  months  previous  to  his  death,  time  had  made 
such  fearful  ravages  on  his  constitution  as  to  render  him 
fully  sensible  of  his  approaching  dissolution.  To  that 
event  he  often  adverted,  and  always  in  the  language  of 
philosophic  calmness.  He  visited  successively  all  his 
most  intimate  friends  at  their  cabins,  and  conversed 
with  them  upon  the  condition  of  their  nation,  in  the  most 
impressive  and  affecting  manner.  He  told  them  that  he 

*  The  author  speaks  not  at  random.  He  was  present  on  the  occasion  refer 
red  to,  and  well  remembers  the  whole  scene, — not  forgetting  the  disappointment 
which  sat  on  the  countenances  of  those  who  had  been  anticipating  a  rich  display 
of  Indian  eloquence  in  behalf  of  their  favorite  President. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  391 

was  passing  away,  and  his  counsels  would  be  heard  no 
more.  He  ran  over  the  history  of  his  people  from  the 
most  remote  period  to  which  his  knowledge  extended, 
and  pointed  out,  as  few  could,  the  wrongs,  the  privations, 
and  the  loss  of  character,  which  almost  of  themselves 
constituted  that  history.  "  I  am  about  to  leave  you," 
he  said,  "  and  when  I  am  gone,  and  my  warnings  shall 
be  no  longer  heard  or  regarded,  the  craft  and  avarice 
of  the  white  man  will  prevail.  Many  winters  have  I 
breasted  the  storm,  but  I  am  an  aged  tree,  and  can  stand 
no  longer.  My  leaves  are  fallen,  my  branches  are 
withered,  and  I  am  shaken  by  every  breeze.  Soon  my 
aged  trunk  will  be  prostrate,  and  the  foot  of  the  exulting 
foe  of  the  Indian  may  be  placed  upon  it  in  safety ;  for  I 
have  none  who  will  be  able  to  avenge  such  an  indignity. 
Think  not  I  mourn  for  myself.  I  go  to  join  the  spirits  of 
my  fathers,  where  age  cannot  come  ;  but  my  heart  fails 
when  I  think  of  my  people,  who  are  so  soon  to  be  scat 
tered  and  forgotten."  These  several  interviews  were 
all  concluded  with  particular  instructions  respecting  his 
domestic  affairs,  and  his  funeral."  "  Bury  me,"  said  he, 
"  by  the  side  of  my  former  wife  ;  and  let  my  funeral  be 
according  to  the  customs  of  our  nation.  Let  me  be 
dressed  and  equipped  as  my  fathers  were,  that  their 
spirits  may  rejoice  at  my  coming.  Be  sure  that  my 
grave  be  not  made  by  a  white  man ;  let  them  not  pursue 
me  there."* 

But  notwithstanding  these  brave  resolutions  in  anticipa 
tion  of  the  time  of  his  departure,  to  die  as  he  had  lived 

*  Sketches  of  Red-Jacket  in  M'Kenney's  Indian  Biography. 


392  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

and  to  be  buried  a  pagan,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that 
he  relented  not  a  little  in  the  bitterness  of  his  hostility 
toward  the  missionary  and  the  religion  he  taught.  The 
conduct  of  his  wife  toward  him  after  her  conversion  to 
Christianity,  during  the  troubles  of  his  latter  years,  not 
withstanding  his  temporary  desertion  of  her,  had  afforded 
a  beautiful  illustration  of  the  spirit  of  her  new  religion ; 
and  this  circumstance  may  have  softened  and  won  upon 
his  feelings. 

While  the  lamp  of  life  was  flickering  in  its  socket, 
he  convened  a  general  council  of  the  nation,  embra 
cing  both  the  Christian  and  Pagan  parties,  for  the  ex 
press  purpose  of  exerting  his  influence  to  cause  a  better 
understanding  between  them.  Not  that  he  spoke,  or 
made  any  direct  movements,  in  favor  of  Christianity, 
but  his  desire  was  to  bring  both  parties  to  a  resolution  to 
quarrel  no  more  respecting  their  religion,  leaving  every 
man  to  choose  for  himself,  without  let  or  hindrance,  and 
to  have  his  children  taught  in  whatever  school  he  might 
prefer.*  He  was  taken  mortally  sick  of  cholera  morbus 
during  the  sittings  of  this  council,  but  he  yet  lived  long 
enough  to  see  his  recommendation  adopted  by  mutual 
resolution,  and  he  spoke  of  the  act  with  great  satisfac 
tion,  a  little  previous  to  his  departure.  Two  days  be 
fore  his  last  sickness,  moreover,  he  sent  a  friendly  mes 
sage  to  the  chief  missionary,  the  Rev.  Mr.  Harris,  de 
siring  him  to  come  and  talk  with  him.  But  there  was 

*  At  this  time  the  pagans  were  sending  their  children  to  a  Quaker  school, 
while  the  Christian  party  sent  their's  to  the  schools  under  the  supervision  of  Mr. 
Harris. 


s 


Sr  I" 

EH  > 

M  I 
o 


OF  RED-JACKET.  393 

an  ecclesiastical  council  sitting  at  the  time,  in  which 
Mr.  Harris  was  engaged ;  and  in  the  multiplicity  and 
confusion  of  business,  the  message  was  not  received  un 
til  after  his  decease.  The  object  of  the  request  was, 
therefore,  not  positively  known ;  but  his  wife  believed 
his  desire  was  to  express  more  friendly  feelings  toward 
the  religious  character  of  the  missionary  than  he  had 
previously  manifested.  He  remarked  "  that  the  minis 
ter  knew  that  he  had  always  been  his  opposer,  and  now, 
as  by  the  resolution  of  the  council  there  was  a  prospect 
of  seeing  his  people  more  united  than  they  had  been  for 
years,  he  desired  to  have  some  talk  with  him." 

When  his  last  attack  of  illness  came  upon  him,  he 
said  he  should  not  survive,  and  refused  all  medical 
assistance.  His  request  of  his  wife  was,  that  at  the 
moment  of  his  departure  she  should  place  in  his  hand  a 
certain  vial  of  water,  possessing,  as  he  supposed,  a 
charm  sufficiently  potent  to  keep  away  the  devil,  should 
the  latter  attempt,  as  he  was  not  without  apprehension 
might  be  the  fact,  to  take  away  his  soul.  That  vial,  he 
believed,  would  be  all-sufficient  to  secure  his  spirit  an 
unobstructed  flight  to  the  fair  hunting-grounds.  He 
died  on  the  20th  of  January,  1830,  at  his  residence, 
near  the  church  and  mission-house  at  the  Seneca  vil 
lage.*  The  management  of  his  funeral  was  committed 

*  The  women  among  the  Indians  regulate  the  household  affairs  altogether, — 
prescribing  the  locations  of  their  cabins,  or  houses,  as  the  case  may  be,  and  dic 
tating  removals  at  their  own  pleasure.  By  virtue  of  this  authority,  after  the 
wife  of  Red-Jacket  embraced  Christianity,  she  removed  the  residence  of  her 
lord  to  the  vicinity  of  the  church  and  the  house  of  the  missionary,  for  the  conve 
nience  of  public  worship,  and  of  conversations  with  her  spiritual  guide.  Here 

50 


394  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

by  himself  to  his  wife's  son-in-law,  William  Jones.  He 
himself  had  not  a  near  kinsman  in  the  world.  His 
friends  of  the  Wolf-clan,  to  which  he  belonged,  deter 
mined  that  his  remains  should  be  carried  to  the  church 
in  which  they  worshipped,  and  buried  in  the  ground  be 
longing  to  the  Christian  party.  The  funeral  was  numer 
ously  attended,  not  only  by  his  own.  race,  but  by  the 
white  people  who  gathered  in  from  the  adjacent  coun 
try.  Among  the  latter  were  some  of  the  leaders  of  the 
infidel  white  men  who  had  acted  in  concert  with  the  de 
ceased  in  his  opposition  to  Christianity.  These  latter 
came  with  high  expectations  of  beholding  a  splendid 
pagan  funeral,  accompanied  by  the  bowlings  of  women, 
and  all  the  barbarous  rites  and  ceremonies  incident  to 
savage  funerals  in  the  days  when  "  darkness  brooded" 
over  the  wilds  of  the  continent.  Great,  therefore,  was 
their  disappointment  on  finding  themselves  in  the  train 
of  a  Christian  funeral,  attended  only  by  its  simple  and 
solemn  observances.*  Thus  died  the  renowned  Sa-go- 

was  the  mission-school,  in  which  her  grand-children  were  receiving  gratuitous  in 
struction  in  the  elementary  principles  of  knowledge.  Here  was  the  chapel,  to 
which,  since  the  change  in  her  religious  views,  she  had  become  very  much  at 
tached  ;  and  here  were  the  missionary  and  his  family,  whose  instruction  and 
counsels  she  had  for  some  time  been  accustomed  to  regard  as  those  of  friends  to 
her  people. 

*  My  authority  for  the  preceding  account  of  the  last  days  of  Red-Jacket's 
life,  including  the  last  council  summoned  by  him,  and  his  funeral,  is  the  Rev.  Mr. 
Harris,  with  whom  I  have  had  repeated  and  full  conversations  upon  the  subject, 
and  whose  report,  written  at  the  time,  and  published  in  the  Missionary  Herald, 
vol.  xxvi.,  I  have  consulted.  Very  grievous  misrepresentations  in  regard  to  the 
conduct  of  this  gentleman  at  the  death  and  funeral  of  the  chief  were  sent  abroad 
by  the  disappointed  white  pagans,  referred  to  in  the  text,  some  of  which  unfor 
tunately  found  their  way  into  the  sketch  published  in  the  Indian  Biography  of 
Colonel  M'Kenney.  I  quote  a  few  passages : — "  There  had  long  been  a  mis- 


OF  RED-JACKET.  395 

ye-wat-ha,  whose  great  talents,  and  matchless  gifts  of 
oratory,  had  so  long  exerted  such  a  powerful  influence 
over  the  councils  of  his  nation. 

Some  of  the  speeches  of  Red-Jacket,  as  noted  down 
in  the  closing  conversations  of  his  life,  were  prophetic, 
and  have  already  been  fulfilled.  "  The  craft  and  ava 
rice  of  the  white  man  will  prevail,"  said  he.  And  they 
have,  prevailed.  Less  than  nine  years  had  elapsed 
after  his  decease,  when  every  remaining  foot  of  the  an 
cient  inheritance  of  the  Senecas  was  ceded  to  the  white 
man,  in  exchange  for  a  tract  of  country  west  of  the  Mis 
sionary  among  the  Senecas,  who  was  sustained  by  the  party  among  the  natives 
who  had  procured  the  deposition  and  disgrace  of  Red-Jacket.  This  gentleman 
of '  the  dark  dress'  was  of  course  looked  upon  with  high  disfavor  by  Red-Jacket, 
who  considered  him  one  of  the  agents  by  whom  his  nation  had  been  distracted." 
Now  it  has  been  seen  by  the  statements  in  the  text,  that  the  chief  was  desirous  of 
dying  in  peace  with  the  missionary.  Again  it  is  recorded  in  the  same  work,  and 
has  thus  gone  upon  the  records  of  history,  that, — "  The  neighboring  missionary, 
with  a  disregard  for  the  feelings  of  the  bereaved,  and  the  injunctions  of  the  dead, 
for  which  it  is  difficult  to  account,  assembled  his  party,  took  possession  of  the 
body,  and  conveyed  it  to  their  meeting-house.  The  immediate  friends  of  Red- 
Jacket,  amazed  at  the  transaction,  abandoned  the  preparations  they  were  making 
for  the  funeral  rites,  and  followed  the  body  in  silence  to  the  place  of  worship, 
where  a  service  was  performed,  which,  considering  the  opinions  of  the  deceased, 
was  as  idle  as  it  was  indecorous.  They  were  then  told  from  the  sacred  desk 
that  if  they  had  any  thing  to  say  they  had  now  an  opportunity.  Incredulity  and 
scorn  were  pictured  on  the  faces  of  the  Indians,  and  no  reply  was  made,  except 
by  a  chief  called  General  Blanket,  who  briefly  remarked — "  This  house  was 
built  for  the  white  man  ;  the  friends  of  Red-Jacket  cannot  be  heard  in  it."  Not 
withstanding  this  touching  appeal,  and  the  dying  injunctions  of  the  Seneca  chief, 
his  remains  were  taken  to  the  grave  prepared  by  the  whites,  and  interred. 
Some  of  the  Indians  followed  the  corpse,  but  the  more  immediate  friends  of  the 
deceased  took  a  last  view  of  their  lifeless  chief,  in  the  sanctuary  of  that  religion 
which  he  had  always  opposed,  and  hastened  from  a  scene  which  overwhelmed 
them  with  humiliation  and  sorrow."  Now  all  this  is  very  well  told,  and  with 
good  dramatic  effect.  But,  like  most  other  dramatic  compositions,  it  is  an  entire 
fiction: 


396  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

souri,  to  which  the  remnant  of  their  people  and  the  Tus- 
caroras  are  to  remove.  When  this  removal  takes  place, 
it  may  be  considered  the  final  dispersion,  if  not  the  ex 
tinguishment,  of  the  once  mighty  confederacy  of  the 
Five  Nations. 

This  confederacy  was  never,  perhaps, — certainly  not 
within  the  knowledge  of  the  white  man, — so  great  in  its 
numerical  strength  as  has  been  supposed,  or  as  might 
be  inferred  from  their  deeds,  and  the  extent  of  their  do 
minion.  And  yet,  within  that  period,  from  their  superior 
organization,  their  discipline,  and  their  prowess,  their 
name  was  terrible  over  a  large  section  of  the  Ame 
rican  continent.  It  is  within  the  knowledge  of  the  white 
man  that  the  cry  of  "  Mohawk !"  would  cause  the  In 
dian  to  fly  in  terror.*  The  Delawares  were  conquered 
and  made  tributaries  by  them.  They  drove  the  Algon- 
quins  and  the  French  before  them,  sacking  Montreal, 
and  raising  their  war-whoop  almost  before  the  gates  of 
Quebec,  while  at  the  west  and  south  their  arms  were 
extended  to  the  mouth  of  the  Ohio,  and  the  confines  of 
Florida.  For  upward  of  a  century  they  formed  a  liv 
ing  barrier  between  the  English  colonies  and  the  French ; 
and  for  more  than  two  centuries  have  they  been  strug 
gling  against  the  gradual  encroachments  of  the  white 
men,  striving  but  in  vain  to  bear  up  against  a  hundred 
successive  storms  of  adversity,  and  maintain  an  inde 
pendent  existence.  During  this  period,  nation  after  na 
tion  of  their  hapless  race  has  melted  away  and  disap 
peared  from  the  face  of  the  earth.  Fate  in  her  stern 

*  Colden's  Six  Nations. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  397 

behests  has  at  length  decreed  that  the  Five  Nations  are 
likewise  to  be  numbered  among  nations  lost  on  earth. 

The  fate  of  this  people  is  a  subject  for  deep  and  anx 
ious  reflection.     What  is  the  destiny  of  those  who  yet 
remain  ?     Are  they, — any  considerable  portion  of  them, 
at  least, — eventually  to  yield  to  the  influences  and  usages 
of  civilization,  and  thus  to  be  rescued  from  extinction  ? 
Or  is  it  among  the  inscrutable  designs  of  Providence  that 
the  whole  race  shall  disappear  before  the  all-conquering 
Anglo-Saxons  ?    Their  destiny  has  been  the  subject  of  the 
gravest  and  most  interesting  contemplation,  almost  from 
the  day  of  the  discovery  to  the  present.    Philanthropists, 
for  more  than  two  hundred  years,  have  been  endeavor 
ing  to  guide  them  into  the  paths  of  civilization,  and 
Christians  to  win  them  from  the  gloom  of  paganism  to 
the  brighter  hopes  and  promises  of  the  gospel.     But  the 
efforts  of  both  have  been  exerted  to  very  little  purpose. 
Small  numbers,  at  various  periods,  have  been  prevailed 
upon  to  yield  a  faint  assent  to  Christianity,  but  sound 
conversions,  illustrated  by  subsequent  li ves  of  virtue  and 
temperance,  pureness  of  living,  and  truth,  have  been 
rare,  while  even  among  supposed  converts  the  opinion 
has  often  been  expressed  by  themselves,  that  Christiani 
ty  was  a  better  religion  for  the  white  people  than  for 
them ;  and  their  reformation,  in  but  too  many  instances, 
has  only  been  attended  by  the  loss  of  many  of  their 
savage  virtues,  in  exchange  for  which  they  have  con 
tracted  the  vices  peculiar  to  civilized  society.*     Upon 
civilization  the   unsophisticated    Indians  have    looked 

*  President  Kirkland— Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iv. 


398  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

with  contempt.  But  as  they  have  been  brought  into 
close  contact  with  civilized  life,  many  of  them  have 
been  constrained  to  acknowledge  the  superior  dignity 
and  happiness  of  such  a  state,  and  to  wish  that  their 
children  might  participate  in  its  benefits,  as  the  only 
means  of  saving  them  from  extinction.  "  If  they  some 
times  reflect  on  us  for  being  cowardly,  effeminate,  and 
tame  spirited,  they  do  it  not  so  much  from  a  real  con 
tempt  of  us,  as  to  relieve  that  uneasy  sense  of  in 
feriority  which  mortifies  and  oppresses  them.  Still, 
when  they  have  acknowledged  the  importance  of  indus 
try  and  the  arts  to  their  happiness,  respectability,  and 
even  existence,  they  will  add, — 'Indians  can't  work.9 
They  feel  fast  bound  by  the  power  of  their  savage 
habits,  and  do  not  summon  resolution  to  practice  ac 
cording  to  their  conviction."* 

But  Red- Jacket,  as  the  reader  has  observed  in  the 
progress  of  the  present  work,  during  the  latter  thirty 
years  of  his  life,  would  make  no  concessions  in  favor, 
either  of  Christianity  or  civilization ;  and  for  the  same 
reasons  that  operated  upon  his  mind,  the  larger  number 
of  his  race  have  entertained  the  same  opinions.  These 
reasons  have  already  been  adverted  to  more  than  once 
or  twice*  They  were  slow  to  comprehend  the  principles 
of  Christianity,  and  could  not  well  discriminate  between 
the  real  and  nominal  Christian.  Among  the  border-men, 
with  whom  they  were  first  and  most  frequently  brought 
into  communication  and  contact,  they  were  sure  to  find 
more  of  the  latter  class  than  of  the  former.  Nor  did 

*  President  Kirkland — Massachusetts  Historical  Collections. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  399 

it  commend  the  new  religion  to  their  untutored  minds, 
that  they  constantly  saw  these  professors  of  that  religion 
practising  every  little  art,  and  watching  every  opportu 
nity  to  overreach  them,  and  deprive  them  of  their  pro 
perty,  especially  of  their  lands.  They  were  early 
alarmed  at  the  rapacity  of  the  whites  to  obtain  their 
lands,  to  which,  always  when  sober,  they  clung  with 
great  tenacity.  "  I  have  heard  a  naked  savage,"  says 
the  eloquent  Lord  Erskine,  "  in  the  indignant  charac 
ter  of  a  prince  surrounded  by  his  subjects,  addressing 
the  governor  of  a  British  colony,  holding  a  bundle  of 
sticks  in  his  hand,  as  the  notes  of  his  unlettered  elo 
quence,  demand,  being  encroached  upon  by  the  restless 
foot  of  English  adventurers : — *  Who  is  it  that  causes 

*  this  river  to  rise  in  the  high  mountains,  and  to  empty 
'  itself  into  the  ocean  ?  Who  is  it  that  causes  to  blow  the 
1  loud  winds  of  winter,  and  that  calms  them  again  in 

*  summer  ?     Who  is  it  that  rears  up  the  shade  of  those 
'  lofty  forests,  and  blasts  them  with  the  quick  lightning 

*  at  his  pleasure  ?     The  same  Being  who  gave  to  you 
'  a  country  on  the  other  side  of  the  waters,  gave  ours 

*  to  us :  and  by  this  title  we  will  defend  it,'  said  the 
warrior,  throwing  his  tomahawk  upon  the  ground,  and 
raising  the  war-sound  of  his  nation.     These  are  the  feel 
ings  of  subjugated  man  all  over  the  globe."*   Especially 
have  they  ever  been  the  feelings  of  the  American  Indians  ; 
and  having  for  two  centuries  seen  the  "  knavery  and 

*  Speech  of  Lord  Erskine,  in  the  great  libel  case  of  Stockdale.  Lord  E.  had 
served  in  America,  in  early  life,  in  the  British  army,  and  was  present  at  an  Indian 
council. 


400  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

strength  of  civilization"  exerted  "by  alternate  stratagem 
and  force,"  to  dispossess  them  of  their  proud  inheritance, 
thus  derived,  is  it  a  subject  of  wonder  that  they  alike 
spurned  the  religion  and  civilization  from  whose  ad 
vances  they  had  so  much  to  apprehend  ? 

It  was  the  opinion  of  Dr.  Ramsay,  the  historian,  ex 
pressed  in  a  letter  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
so  long  ago  as  the  year  1795,  that  the  American  Indians 
are  a  people  who  cannot  be  civilized.  The  doctor  had 
once  regarded  the  belief  as  unphilosophical ;  but  reflec 
tion  and  experience  had  brought  him  to  the  opinion  that 
to  tame  wolves  would  be  no  more  impracticable  than  to 
civilize  the  Indians.  Hence  he  had  almost  adopted  the 
melancholy  belief  that  they  would  ere  long  cease  to  be 
a  people.  He  gave  nevertheless  but  few  reasons  in  sup 
port  of  his  gloomy  anticipations  of  their  destiny ;  and 
the  subject  was  followed  by  a  more  extended  discussion, 
in  the  autumn  of  the  same  year,  by  General  Benjamin 
Lincoln,  who  had  enjoyed  large  opportunities  of  studying 
the  Indian  character.  General  Lincoln  concurred  fully 
in  the  opinion  of  the  doctor,  that  they  would  never  be 
civilized  ;  but  he  did  not  anticipate  their  entire  extinction. 
Among  the  causes  of  their  decrease  of  numbers,  he 
enumerated  the  change  in  their  habits  of  dressing,  by 
substituting  linens  and  calicos  in  the  place  of  their  na 
tural  and  ancient  covering,  the  furs,  retaining,  in  other 
respects,  their  partiality  for  the  savage  life,  and  exposed 
to  all  the  sufferings  from  the  inclement  seasons,  and 
rigorous  winters  of  the  high  northern  latitudes  under 
which  they  live.  A  knowledge  of  fire-arms  has  led  them 


OF  RED-JACKET.  401 

to  measures  producing  the  worst  effects,  and  serving  to 
diminish  their  numbers.  The  game  upon  which  they 
previously  subsisted,  and  the  skins  of  which  served  them 
for  clothes,  was  afterward  wantonly  destroyed ;  while 
the  possession  of  fire-arms,  and  other  implements  of  war 
composed  of  metal,  fired  their  ambition,  and  enkindled 
a  hope  in  their  breasts,  that  with  these  weapons  they 
would  be  enabled  to  avenge  all  their  wrongs  and  recover 
their  country.  Stimulated  by  these  delusive  hopes,  they 
have  rushed  heedlessly  into  wars  which  have  greatly  re 
duced  their  numbers.  Another  cause  of  this  diminution 
of  their  numbers  is  found  in  the  reluctance  of  their 
women  to  bear  children,  prompting  them  to  employ 
means  to  prevent  an  increase  of  maternal  responsibili 
ties.  Indian  mothers  have  been  greatly  affected  by  the 
loss  of  their  sons  in  their  frequent  wars,  until,  to  quote 
their  own  expressive  words,  "  they  have  become  tired  of 
bearing  children  to  be  slain  in  war"  Other  causes  of  the 
decrease  of  this  people  are  adduced  by  General  Lincoln, 
and  he  accounts  for  their  reluctance  to  become  either 
civilized  or  christianized,  upon  the  principles  already 
explained.* 

On  the  question  of  the  ultimate  destiny  of  the  race, 
the  communication  referred  to  concludes  as  follows : — 
"  Should  the  Indian  nations  in  general  never  become 
civilized,  we  may,  I  think,  point  to  the  consequences. 
Nature  forbids  civilized  and  uncivilized  people  possess 
ing  the  same  territory ;  for  the  means  pursued  by  the 
civilized  to  obtain  a  support  counteract  the  wishes  and 

*  Letter  to  Dr.  Ramsay — Mass.  Historical  Collections, 

51 


402  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

designs  of  the  savage.  While  the  former  are  busily 
employed  in  removing  from  the  earth  its  natural  growth, 
as  necessary  to  the  establishing  themselves  as  husband 
men,  the  latter  are  wishing  to  increase  that  natural  shelter 
and  hiding  place  for  the  beasts  of  the  forest ;  for  without 
a  covering  they  cannot  be  retained,  but  will  seek  new 
feeding-grounds.  Consequently  the  savage  must  retire 
to  those  lands  where  he  can  with  more  ease  obtain  a 
supply.  Yet  their  new  position  cannot  long  avail  them  ; 
for  civilization  and  cultivation  will  make  rapid  strides, 
and  advance  fast  toward  them  ;  and  they  must  neces 
sarily  make  way  for  such  approaches,  by  following  the 
game,  which  takes  the  first  alarm,  or  leave  their  present 
pursuits  and  modes  of  living,  and  oppose  the  cultivator 
by  cultivation.  The  savage  arm  is  too  feeble,  in  any 
other  way,  to  counteract  the  progress  of  their  civilized 
neighbors  ;  but  it  is  hardly  to  be  expected,  considering 
their  attachments  and  prejudices,  that  they  will  see  the 
importance  of  this  measure  in  time  for  self-preservation ; 
but  will  continue  retiring  before  the  enlightened  husband 
man,  until  they  shall  meet  those  regions  of  the  north 
into  which  he  cannot  pursue  them.  There,  probably, 
they  will  be  set  down  and  left,  in  the  undisturbed  pos 
session  of  a  country  unenvied  by  any ;  as  the  last  resort 
of  a  people,  who,  having  sacrificed  every  thing  to  their 
love  of  ease,  were  at  length  compelled,  by  the  effects  of 
their  obstinacy  and  disobedience,  to  give  up  all  hope  of 
ever  regaining  those  hospitable  tracts  of  country  from 
which  they  had  retired,  and  which  they  had  surrendered 
to  others;  while  nature  had  furnished  them  with  the 


OF  RED-JACKET.  403 

power  of  having  forever  participated  in  the  enjoyment 
of  them.  Being  thus  shut  up  in  a  country  where  sub 
sistence  can  only  be  obtained  by  the  chase,  they  will 
probably  continue  as  a  people  until  time  shall  be  no 
more." 

Such,  with  but  a  trifling  change  of  phraseology,  were 
the  conclusions  to  which  a  gentleman  of  intelligence, 
sound  judgment,  and  deep  study  of  the  Indian  charac 
ter,  arrived  more  than  forty-five  years  ago.  Experience 
has  in  a  great  measure  tested  the  correctness  of  his 
views,  although  as  yet  there  have  been  no  indications 
of  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  to  escape  con 
tact  with  the  white  man  by  seeking  a  refuge  in  the  hy 
perborean  regions.  They  could,  doubtless,  live  there, 
as  do  the  Esquimaux  5  but  their  attachment  to  the  places 
of  their  birth,  and  their  desire  to  linger  around  the 
graves  of  their  ancestors,  induce  them  to  cling  to  their 
native  soil  with  death-like  tenacity.  And  although  a  close 
proximity  to  the  whites  has  almost  invariably  caused  a 
rapid  diminution  of  their  numbers,  yet  nation  after  na 
tion  of  this  extraordinary  and  in  many  respects  noble 
people  has  melted  away,  and  disappeared,  or  been  re 
duced  to  a  few  degenerate  relics,  who  at  last  relinquish 
their  distinctive  character  by  mingling  with  the  fragments 
of  other  nations  also  in  a  rapid  decline,  but  perhaps  not 
quite  so  near  positive  extinction  as  themselves.  This 
is  a  melancholy  subject  of  contemplation,  but  it  seems 
thus  to  have  been  decreed  by  an  inscrutable  Provi 
dence  ;  and  the  flight  of  the  feeble  and  broken  remnant 
of  the  once  proud  and  haughty  AQUANUSCHIONI  before 


404  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

the  march  of  civilization,  is  but  another  and  yet  stronger 
illustration  of  the  sad  conclusion,  that  their  destiny  is  to 
be, — EXTINCTION  ! 

The  orator,  whose  life  has  been  traced  in  the  pre 
ceding  pages,  and  who,  with  all  his  faults,  was  a  man  of 
great  talents  and  sagacity,  foresaw  the  event  almost 
with  a  prophet's  vision,  and  labored  for  many  years 
with  all  the  energies  of  his  soul  to  avert,  or  at  least  to 
put  off  the  evil  day.  It  was  kindly  ordered  that  he 
should  not,  with  his  natural  vision,  behold  the  extirpa 
tion  of  his  people  from  the  beautiful  country  so  long 
their  own,  and  he  was  gathered  to  his  fathers  in  peace. 
For  nine  years  after  his  decease,  neither  a  stone  nor 
other  memorial  marked  his  resting-place.  But  during 
the  summer  of  1839,  while  on  a  visit  to  Buffalo,  HENRY 
PLACIDE,  Esq.,  a  gentleman  of  the  histrionic  profession, 
determined  that  the  place  of  his  sepulture  should  no 
longer  remain  undistinguished.  A  subscription  was  set 
on  foot  under  his  auspices,  and  the  result  was  the  erec 
tion  over  his  grave  of  a  handsome  marble  slab,  bearing 
the  following  inscription  : — 

SA-GO-YE-WAT-HA, 

(HE-KEEPS-THEM-  AWAKE,) 

RED-JACKET, 

CHIEF  OF  THE 
WOLF   TRIBE   OF   THE    SENECA*, 

THE   FRIEND   AND  PROTECTOR  OF   HIS  PEOPLE, 

Died  Jan'y  20,  1830, 
Aged  78  years. 


OF  RED-JACKET.  495 

t  , 

The  grave  is  surrounded  by  a  neat  picket  fence  ;  and 
it  was  noted  as  an  interesting  coincidence,  that  during 
the  visit  of  the  gentlemen  to  superintend  the  erection  of 
the  tablet,  a  funeral  feast,  as  is  the  custom  of  the  Indians, 
was  in  progress,  at  an  adjoining  wigwam,  in  commemo 
ration  of  the  death  of  Red- Jacket's  daughter,  which  oc 
curred  five  months  before,  and  during  the  ceremony  his 
aged  widow  was  distributing  the  moccasins,  clothes, 
trinkets,  etc.,  of  the  deceased. 

Charlevoix  and  Golden,  among  the  earlier  Indian  histo 
rians,  and  De  Witt  Clinton  among  the  modern,  have  insti 
tuted  comparisons  between  the  ancient  league  of  the  Five 
Nations  and  the  Romans.  The  coincidence  was  in  some 
respects  remarkable,  especially  in  their  foreign  policy. 
The  counsellors  of  the  Five  Nations  had  never  heard  of 
the  Romans;  and  yet  their  ambition  of  foreign  con 
quests,  and  their  policy  of  planting  military  colonies  in 
the  countries  they  had  subjugated,  were  the  same.  Other 
resemblances  might  be  indicated  were  it  necessary  to 
the  present  purpose.  With  as  much  justice  as  Rienzi 
has  been  styled  the  last  of  the  Romans,  may  Red- 
Jacket  be  denominated  "  the  last  of  the  Senecas." 
Though  in  the  main  the  characters  were  widely  dis 
similar,  and  the  one  acted  in  great  matters  and  the 
other  in  comparatively  small,  yet  there  is  in  one  respect 
a  striking  coincidence  :  "  Rienzi  was  more  energetic  in 
speech  and  council  than  in  action,  and  failed  in  courage 
and  presence  of  mind  in  great  emergencies." 


HO-NA-YE-WUS, 


OR 


FARMER'S-BROTHER. 


FARMER'S-BROTHER. 


AMONG  the  Indian  contemporaries  of  Red-Jacket,  the 
reader  of  the  foregoing  pages  will  have  frequently 
observed  the  name  of  FARMER'S-BROTHER.  It  was  an 
arbitrary  name,-^his  real  one,  in  his  own  language,  be 
ing  HO-NA-YE-WUS.  Beyond  all  doubt  he  was  one  of 
the  noblest  of  his  race, — in  both  intellect  and  eloquence 
fully  equal  to  Red-Jacket,  and  infinitely  above  him  in 
courage  and  all  the  moral  qualities  of  the  man.  But  it 
seems  not  to  have  been  his  ambition  to  shine  in  council, 
as  he  might  have  done,^-taking  the  few  specimens  of 
his  eloquence  that  have  been  preserved,  and  the  opin 
ions  of  his  contemporaries,  as  the  criterion  of  judgment. 
On  the  contrary  he  was  a  warrior,  in  principle  and  prac 
tice, — spurning  agriculture,  and  every  other  civilized  art, 
with  the  contempt  of  Red- Jacket  himself. 

The  time  of  his  birth  is  uncertain  ;  but  as  he  was  be 
lieved  to  have  been  between  eighty  and  ninety  years  old 
at  the  time  of  his  death,  in  the  autumn  of  1814,  he  was 
probably  born  about  the  year  1730.  It  has  been  stated 
that  he  was  in  the  bloody  battle  in  which  General  Brad- 
dock,  with  fool-hardiness,  lost  his  life,  and  nearly  the 
whole  of  his  army,  in  July,  1755.  On  the  score  of  age 
he  may  very  well  have  been  there  ;  but  the  fact  is  not 
certain. 

52     • 


410  FARMER'S-BROTHER. 

The  first  authentic  mention  of  his  name,  as  a  war 
rior,  is  found  in  connexion  with  the  horrible  massacre 
of  the  "  Devil's  Hole,"  in  the  neighborhood  of  Niagara 
Falls, — an  event  that  occurred  in  the  year  1762,  or 
1763.  Like  their  brethren,  the  other  nations  of  the  Iro- 
quois  confederacy,  the  Senecas  had  in  general  been  the 
faithful  allies  of  the  English  against  the  French,  down 
to  the  war  which  ended  in  the  conquest  of  Canada  by 
the  former.  The  Senecas  were  formerly  engaged  for  a 
series  of  years  in  a  war  with  the  French  and  Adiron- 
dacks,  during  which  the  forces  of  the  latter  had  invaded 
their  country  several  times,  and  laid  waste  some  of  their 
towns  and  villages.  At  length  a  peace  was  concluded, 
and  the  French  succeeded  in  detaching  the  Senecas  from 
the  English,  and  converting  them  into  allies.  Hence, 
in  the  war  of  1755 — 1763,  they  looks  ides  with  the 
former,  although  it  is  said  they  regretted  this  connexion, 
and  renewed  their  alliance  with  the  English  before  the 
close  of  that  contest. 

The  French  fort  at  Niagara  fell  before  the  arms  of  Sir 
William  Johnson,  in  the  summer  of  1759,  as  also  did  the 
smaller  fortress  at  Schlosser,  situated  about  two  miles 
above  the  great  cataract.  These  two  posts  were  of 
great  importance  to  the  English,  for  the  protection  of  the 
means  of  communication  with  the  posts  above,  on  the 
upper  lakes.  In  1760  a  contract  was  made  between 
Sir  William  Johnson  and  a  Mr.  Stedman,  to  construct  a 
portage  road  from  what  is  now  the  Lewiston  Landing  to 
Fort  Schlosser,  a  distance  of  eight  miles,  in  order  to  fa 
cilitate  the  transportation  from  one  place  to  the  other. 
In  conformity  with  this  agreement,  on  the  20th  of  June, 
1763,  Stedman  had  completed  his  road,  and  appeared 
at  Lewiston  Landing  with  twenty-five  portage  wagons, 
and  one  hundred  horses  and  oxen,  for  the  transportation 
to  Schlosser  of  the  king's  stores  destined  to  Detroit,  &c. 


FARMER'S-BROTHER. 


Sir  William  was  even  at  this  time  suspicious  as  to  the 
designs  of  the  Senecas,  although  the  French  power  in 
that  neighborhood  had  been  extinguished  four  years  be 
fore  ;  for  there  were  various  indications  of  an  uneasy 
and  hostile  disposition  among  them.  In  order,  there 
fore,  to  protect  the  teams,  goods  and  drivers  from  harm, 
a  strong  detachment  of  troops*  was  ordered  to  guard 
them  across  the  portage.  The  caravan,  under  this 
escort,  started  from  the  landing,  —  the  troops  in  advance, 
and  Stedman,  mounted  upon  a  fine  horse,  riding  be 
tween  them  and  the  teams.  A  small  redoubt  had  been 
thrown  up  on  an  inconsiderable  eminence,  near  the  De 
vil's  Hole,  garrisoned  by  twelve  men,  as  a  competent 
guard  for  ordinary  occasions  against  the  depredations  of 
the  savages.  The  place,  even  at  this  day  wild  and  dis 
mal,  must  have  been  frightfully  so  then.  It  is  about 
three  miles  below  the  cataract,  on  the  American  side  of 
the  strait,  and  is  often  visited  by  the  inquisitive  traveller 
in  search  of  the  picturesque.  Indeed,  as  it  has  been 
justly  said,  "  the  mind  can  scarcely  conceive  of  a  more 
frightful  looking  den.  A  large  ravine,  made  by  the 
falling  in  of  the  perpendicular  bank,  darkened  by  the 
foliage  of  the  birch  and  cedar,  which  had  taken  root  be 
low,  and  the  low  murmuring  of  the  rapids  of  the  chasm, 
added  to  the  distant  and  solemn  thunder  of  the  cataract 
itself,  contribute  to  render  the  scene  grand  and  awful.  "t 
The  escort  approached  this  gloomy  place  without  ap 
prehension,  and  the  teamsters  were  whistling  cheerily 
along,  unconscious  of  danger.  Fatal  security  !  A  large 
body  of  Seneca  warriors  had  been  sagaciously  disposed 
in  ambuscade  under  the  conduct  of  Farmer's-Brother, 
who  only  awaited  their  arrival  at  a  designated  point,  to 

*  In  the  life  of  Mary  Jemison  the  number  is  stated  at  three  hundred,  but  that 
must  be  altogether  too  great. 
t  Thatcher. 


412  FARMER'S-BROTHER. 

leap  upon  them  like  so  many  tigers.  They  did  so,  and 
their  descent  was  like  a  storm-cloud  in  its  fury.  Falling 
upon  the  troops,  teams  and  drivers,  and  the  guard  of 
twelve  already  mentioned,  every  man  in  the  company, 
but  three,  was  either  killed  outright,  or  by  being  precipi 
tated,  together  with  the  teams,  headlong  down  the  pre 
cipice,  was  dashed  in  pieces !  One  of  the  Indians  seized 
Stedman's  horse  by  the  bridle,  and  was  attempting  to 
make  a  prisoner  of  him ;  but  some  extraordinary  act  of 
the  bloody  scene  diverted  his  attention  for  a  moment, 
and  was  the  means  of  Stedman's  escape.  Quick  as  a 
flash  the  latter  cut  the  reins  yet  in  the  Indian's  hands,  and 
putting  spurs  to  his  horse,  the  animal  bounded  over 
the  dead  and  dying,  and  speedily  placed  his  master  be 
yond  the  reach  of  their  bullets,  although  sent  after  him 
in  a  shower.  Two  others  also  escaped,  one  of  whom 
was  a  drummer, — a  fortuitous  circumstance,  since  his 
rescue  from  death  was  owing  to  the  strap  of  his  drum, 
which  caught  the  limb  of  a  tree  in  his  descent  into  the 
chasm,  and  broke  his  fall.  The  third  had  his  thigh 
broken  by  the  fall,  but  he  nevertheless  succeeded  in 
crawling  out  of  the  den  and  finding  his  way  back  to  the 
garrison,  below  the  cataract.  The  Indians  themselves 
were  so  much  pleased  by  the  brave  conduct  of  Sted- 
man,  that  they  gave  him  a  handsome  tract  of  land  as  a 
reward  for  his  dauntlessness.* 

During  the  whole  contest  of  the  American  revolution, 
Farmer' s-Brother  was  upon  the  war  path,  as  an  active 
and  bold  yet  sagacious  leader  of  his  people  in  the  cause 
of  the  British  crown.  But  after  the  conclusion  of  peace 
with  the  United  States,  he  maintained  his  pacific  rela 
tions  with  the  most  unwavering  fidelity  to  the  end.  He 
was  one  of  the  party  of  chiefs  who  visited  Philadelphia 

*  Old  manuscript  cited  by  L.  S.  Everett,  formerly  of  Buffalo,  in  a  letter  to 
the  author  of  Mary  Jemison's  Life. 


FARMER'S-BROTHER. 


on  a  friendly  mission  in  the  spring  of  1792,  and  was 
among  the  attendants  upon  the  funeral  and  burial  of 
Peter  Jaquette,  whose  life  and  death  have  been  noted  in 
the  history  of  Red-Jacket.  He  was  also  one  of  the 
chiefs  who  replied  to  the  speech  of  the  governor  of  Penn 
sylvania,  welcoming  them  to  Philadelphia. 

In  the  spring  of  the  following  year  he  was  present  at 
a  grand  Indian  council  held  at  Niagara,  the  deliberations 
of  which  were  connected  with  the  war  then  raging  be 
tween  the  United  States  and  the  north-western  Indians. 
Those  hostile  Indians  were  represented  in  the  council, 
and  the  debates  were  long  and  ardent.  Farmer'  s-Brother 
signalized  himself  on  this  occasion  by  a  speech  of  three 
hours  long,  of  great  eloquence  and  power,  as  it  was  re 
ported,  in  favor  of  peace.  Unfortunately  the  speeches 
of  the  council  were  never  written. 

The  speech,  or  composition,  of  Farmer'  s-Brother, 
which  has  been  most  admired,  was  delivered  at  a  coun 
cil  held  by  the  Six  Nations,  at  Genesee  River,  on  the 
21st  of  November,  1798,  and  has  already  been  referred 
to  in  the  preceding  life  of  Red-Jacket.  It  was  intended 
as  a  communication  to  the  legislature  of  the  state  of  New- 
York,  and  was  transmitted  to  that  body  as  such,  though 
first  delivered  in  the  form  of  a  speech.  The  occasion 
was  this  :  Messrs.  Jones  and  Parish,  whose  names  have 
repeatedly  occurred  in  the  foregoing  pages,  as  Indian 
interpreters,  had  been  taken  captive  by  the  Indians,  in 
the  war  of  the  revolution,  and  adopted  by  them.  Thnir 
confidence  in  and  affection  for  both  was  strong,  and  it 
was  now  their  desire  to  give  them  a  substantial  mark  of 
their  favor  by  a  donation  of  land.  But  by  the  laws  of 
the  state,  no  transfers  of  Indian  lands  could  be  made  to 
private  individuals,  unless  by  permission  of  the  govern 
ment.  Hence  the  following  communication  in  the  form 
of  a  speech,  from  Ho-na-ye-wus,  to  the  white  sachems 
around  the  council  fire  at  Albany  :  — 


414 


FARMER'S-BROTHER. 


The  Sachems,  Chiefs  and    Warriors  of  tlie   Seneca  Nation,  to 

the  Sachems  and  Chiefs  assejnblcd  about  the  great  Council 

Fire  of  the  State  of  New-  York  : — 

"  BROTHERS  :  As  you  are  once  more  assembled  in  council 
for  the  purpose  of  doing  honor  to  yourselves  and  justice  to 
your  country  ;  we,  your  brothers,  the  Sachems,  Chiefs,  and 
Warriors  of  the  Seneca  Nation,  request  you  to  open  your  ears 
and  give  attention  to  our  voice  and  wishes. 

"  BROTHERS  :  You  will  recollect  the  late  contest  between 
you  and  your  father,  the  great  king  of  England.  This  contest 
threw  the  inhabitants  of  this  whole  island  into  a  great  tumult 
and  commotion,  like  a  raging  whirlwind,  which  tears  up  the 
trees,  and  tosses  to  and  fro  the  leaves,  so  that  no  one  knows 
from  whence  they  come,  or  where  they  will  fall. 

"  BROTHER  :  This  whirlwind  was  so  directed  by  the  Great 
Spirit  above,  as  to  throw  into  our  arms  two  of  your  infant 
children,  Jasper  Parish,  and  Horatio  Jones.  We  adopted 
them  into  our  families  and  made  them  our  children.  We  loved 
them  and  nourished  them.  They  lived  with  us  many  years. 
At  length  the  Great  Spirit  spoke  to  the  whirlwind,  and  it  was 
still.  A  clear  and  uninterrupted  sky  appeared.  The  path  of 
peace  was  opened,  and  the  chain  of  friendship  was  once  more 
made  bright.  Then  these  our  adopted  children  left  us,  to  seek 
their  relations.  We  wished  them  to  return  among  us,  and 
promised,  if  they  would  return  and  live  in  our  country,  to 
give  each  of  them  a  seat  of  land  for  them  and  their  children 
to  sit  down  upon. 

"  BROTHERS  :  They  have  returned  and  have  for  several  years 
past  been  serviceable  to  us  as  interpreters.  We  still  feel  our 
hearts  beat  with  affection  for  them,  and  now  wish  to  fulfil  the 
promise  we  made  them,  and  to  reward  them  for  their  services. 
We  have  therefore  made  up  our  minds  to  give  them  a  seat  of 
two  square  miles  of  land  lying  on  the  outlet  of  Lake  Erie, 
about  three  miles  below  Black  Rock,  beginning  at  the  mouth  of 
a  creek  known  by  the  name  of  Scoy-gu-quoy-des  Creek,  run 
ning  one  mile  from  the  river  Niagara,  up  said  creek,  thence 
northerly  as  the  river  runs  two  miles,  thence  westerly  one  mile 
to  the  river,  thence  up  the  river  as  the  river  runs  two  miles 
to  the  place  of  beginning,  so  as  to  contain  two  square  miles. 

"  BROTHERS  :  We  have  now  made  known  to  you  our  minds, 
we  expect  and  earnestly  request  that  you  will  permit  our  friends 
to  receive  this  our  gift,  and  will  make  the  same  good  to  them, 
according  to  the  laws  and  customs  of  your  nation. 

"  BROTHERS  :  Why  should  you  hesitate  to  make  our  minds 
easy  with  regard  to  this  our  request  1  To  you  it  is  but  a  little 
thing,  and  have  you  not  complied  with  the  request,  and  con 
firmed  the  gift  of  our  brothers  the  Oneidas,  the  Onondagas 


FARMER'S-BROTHER. 

and  Cayugas  to  their  interpreters  1     And  shall  we  ask  and  not 
be  heard  ? 

"  BROTHERS  :  We  send  you  this  our  speech,  to  which  we 
expect  your  answer  before  the  breaking  up  of  your  great 
council  fire."  * 

This  brief  speech  has  been  uniformly  regarded  as  one 
of  the  most  interesting  specimens  of  Indian  eloquence, 
from  its  boldness  of  figure.  The  gentleman  who  wrote 
down  the  translation,  at  the  time,  in  furnishing  it  for 
publication,  remarked  in  a  note  to  the  editor,  that  for 
one  expression  Longinus  would  have  given  him  credit 
for  the  true  sublime  :  "  The  Great  Spirit  spoke  to  the 
whirlwind,  and  it  was  still." 

*  The  copy  of  this  speech  was  furnished  to  the  author  by  James  D.  Bemis,  Esq., 
of  Canandaigua,  from  the  original  publication.  Messrs.  Jones  and  Parish,  in  whose 
behalf  the  application  was  made,  both  died  in  the  summer  of  183G, — the  former 
aged  seventy-two,  and  the  latter  sixty-nine  years.  The  lives  of  both  were  event 
ful,  and  were  marked  with  incidents  of  a  remarkable  character.  Captain  Hora 
tio  Jones  was  born  in  Chester  county,  Pennsylvania,  in  November,  1763,  and 
while  quite  young  emigrated  with  his  parents  to  Bedford  county,  in  the  same 
state.  In  1799,  and  at  the  age  of  sixteen,  he  enlisted  as  a  volunteer  under  Cap 
tain  Boyd,  in  an  excursion  against  the  New-York  and  Canada  Indians,  who,  led 
on  by  the  notorious  Butler,  Brant,  and  Bob  Nellis,  had  committed  many  atro 
cious  massacres  in  that  peaceful  neighborhood,  sparing  neither  age  nor  sex  from 
the  tomahawk  and  scalping  knife.  Boyd's  company,  consisting  of  thirty-two,  in 
their  pursuit  of  Nellis,  were  surprised  by  a  large  ambuscade  of  Seneca  Indians, 
on  a  branch  of  the  Juniata,  about  half  the  party  killed,  and  eight  made  prison 
ers  ;  among  the  latter  was  the  subject  of  this  notice.  He  was  conyeyed  to  the 
Genesee  Valley,  went  through  the  horrid  and  savage  ceremony  of  "running 
the  gauntlet,"  was  adopted  into  an  Indian  family,  and  for  five  years  remained  a 
captive,  suffering  all  the  privations  and  hardships  incident  to  Indian  life.  After 
the  treaty  of  1784,  he  was  appointed  an  interpreter  for  the  Six  Nations  by  General 
Washington,  the  duties  of  which  office  he  discharged  with  great  ability  until  a 
year  or  two  previous  to  his  death.  Possessed  of  uncommon  mental  vigor  and 
quick  perception,  he  was  enabled  to  form  a  just  estimate  of  character,  and  deter 
mine  with  readiness  the  springs  of  human  action. 

His  bravery,  physical  power,  energy  and  decision  of  character,  gave  him  great 
command  over  the  Indians  with  whom  he  was  associated  and  he  obtained  their 
entire  confidence,  which  afforded  him  an  opportunity  of  rendering  valuable  ser 
vice  to  the  government  in  our  subsequent  treaties  with  the  northern  and  western 
tribes.  He  was  the  favorite  interpreter  of  Red-Jacket,  and  his  style  on  all  occa 
sions  was  chaste,  graphic  and  energetic.  Sincere  and  ardent  in  his  attachment, 
— frank  and  hospitable  in  his  intercourse  with  the  world,  he  commanded  the  re 
spect  and  esteem  of  all  who  knew  him.  He  retained  the  full  possession  of  his 
mental  faculties  until  the  last  moment,  and  has  gone  down  to  the  grave  full  of 
years  and  with  a  character  above  reproach.  In  the  various  relations  of  husband, 
father,  and  citizen,  his  loss  is  sincerely  and  deeply  deplored. — Livingston 
Register* 

The  early  life   of   Captain  Jasper  Parish   was  likewise   marked    by    inci- 


416  FARMER'S-BROTHER. 

In  the  month  of  December,  1811,  Farmer' s-Brother 
addressed  a  letter  to  the  Hon.  William  Eustis,  then  Sec 
retary  of  War,  of  which  the  following  is  a  copy : — 

"  BROTHER:  The  sachems  and  chief  warriors  of  the  Seneca 
nation  of  Indians,  understanding  that  you  are  the  person  ap 
pointed  by  the  great  council  of  your  nation  to  manage  and 
conduct  the  affairs  of  the  several  nations  of  Indians  with 
whom  you  are  at  peace  and  on  terms  of  friendship,  come  at 
this  time  as  children  to  a  father,  to  lay  before  you  the  trouble 
which  we  have  on  our  minds. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  do  not  think  best  to  multiply  words.  We 
will  therefore  tell  you  what  our  complaint  is. 

"  BROTHER  :  Listen  to  what  we  say.  Some  years  since  we 
held  a  treaty  at  Big-tree,  near  the  Genesee  River.  This  treaty 
was  called  by  our  great  father,  the  President  of  the  United 
States.  He  sent  an  agent,  Colonel  Wadsworth,  to  attend  this 
treaty,  for  the  purpose  of  advising  us  in  this  business,  and 
seeing  that  we  had  justice  done  us.  At  this  treaty  we  sold  to 
Robert  Morris  the  greatest  part  of  our  country.  The  sum  he 
gave  us  was  one  hundred  thousand  dollars. 

"  BROTHER  :  The  Commissioner  who  was  appointed  on 
your  part,  advised  us  to  place  this  money  in  the  hands  of  our 
great  father,  the  President  of  the  United  States.  He  told  us 
our  father  loved  his  red  children,  and  would  take  care  of  our 
money,  and  plant  it  in  a  field  where  it  would  bear  seed  forever, 
as  long  as  trees  grow  or  waters  run.  Our  money  has  hereto 
fore  been  of  great  service  to  us.  It  has  helped  us  to  support 
our  old  people,  and  our  women  and  children.  But  we  are  told 
the  field  where  our  money  was  planted  has  become  barren. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  do  not  understand  your  way  of  doing  busi 
ness.  This  thing  is  heavy  on  our  minds.  We  mean  to  hold 

dents  which  gave  interest  to  his  character.  He  was  born  at  Wintlham,  Con 
necticut,  in  March,  1766,  and  while  a  child  emigrated  with  his  parents  to  the 
Lackawaxen,  Luzerne  county,  Penn.  In  1778,  at  the  age  of  eleven  years,  when  the 
British  and  Indians,  led  on  by  those  ruthless  chiefs  Butler  and  Gi-en-gwah-toh  were 
waging  an  unrelenting  warfare  upon  the  inhabitants  of  Wyoming  Valley,  he  was 
made  a  prisoner  by  the  party  of  Delawares  who  had  a  few  days  previous  com 
mitted  the  atrocious  "  Massacre  of  Wyoming."  He  remained  a  captive  among 
the  Indians  seven  years,  during  which  time  he  was  transferred  from  one  tribe  to 
another  of  the  Six  Nations,  suffering  privations  incident  to  Indian  life.  He  was 
released  from  captivity  at  Fort  Stanwix,  (now  Rome,)  under  the  treaty  of  1784. 
He  had  acquired,  and  could  speak  fluently,  five  different  languages  of  these  tribes, 
which  enabled  him  to  be  useful  in  our  subsequent  intercourse  with  them,  and  he 
possessed,  moreover,  much  of  their  confidence.  Under  Washington's  adminis 
tration  he  was  appointed  interpreter  to  the  Six  Nations,  and  afterwards  sub-agent; 
both  of  which  offices  he  held  more  than  thirty  years,  and  until  Jackson's  ad 
ministration.  He  was  an  early  settler  in  Canandaigua,  having  resided  there 
since  1792  ;  and  he  well  sustained  the  relations  of  a  husband,  father  and  citizen. 
Canandaigua  Repository,  of  July  19,  1836. 


FARMER'S-BROTHER. 

our  white  brethren  of  the  United  States  by  the  hand.  But 
this  weight  lies  heavy.  We  hope  you  will  remove  it. 

"  BROTHERS  We  have  heard  of  the  bad  conduct  of  our  bro 
thers  toward  the  setting  sun.*  We  are  sorry  for  what  they 
have  done.  But  you  must  not  blame  us.  We  have  had  no 
hand  in  this  bad  business.  They  have  had  bad  people  among 
them.  It  is  your  enemies  have  done  this. 

"  BROTHER  :  We  have  persuaded  our  agent  to  take  this  talk 
to  your  great  council.  He  knows  our  situations,  and  will  speak 
our  minds."t 

On  the  declaration  of  war  by  the  United  States  against 
Great  Britain,  in  1812,  Farmer' s-Brother,  although  up 
wards  of  eighty  snows  in  years,  was  among  the  earliest 
to  proffer  his  services  to  the  United  States,  and  was 
among  the  foremost  upon  the  war-path  when  the  services 
of  the  Indians  were  at  last  accepted.  The  part  he  bore, 
and  an  interesting  incident  in  his  career,  have  already 
been  noted  in  the  life  of  Red-Jacket,  and  need  not  here 
be  repeated. 

Unlike  the  greater  portion  of  his  race,  he  had  the 
fortitude  to  abstain  from  ardent  spirits,  and  lived  and 
died  a  sober  man.  He  was  remarkably  well-formed, 
and  erect  in  his  carriage,  and  trod  the  earth  with  a  firm 
step  to  the  last — ever  grave  in  his  demeanor,  and  con 
versing,  but  only  through  an  interpreter  in  English,  with 
great  precision.  "  He  was  as  firm  a  friend  where  he 
promised  fidelity,  as  a  bitter  enemy  to  those  against 

*  Referring  to  the  rising  of  the  north-western  Indians,  under  Tecumseh  and 
the  Shawanese  Prophet. 

t  Mr.  Erastus  Granger,  the  Indian  agent  of  the  United  States,  certified  that 
this  communication  was  delivered  by  Farmer's-Brother,  in  the  form  of  a  speech, 
and  being  reduced  to  writing,  was  signed  by  the  Seneca  chiefs  as  follows  : — 
Farmer's-Brother,  his  mark  X  Wheel-Barrow,  his  mark  X 


Little  Billy, 

do 

X 

Jack  Berry,            do 

X 

Young  King, 

do 

x 

Twenty  Canoes      do 

X 

Pollard, 

do 

X 

Big  Kettle,             do 

X 

Chief  Warrior, 

do 

X 

Half-Town,            do 

X 

Two  Guns, 

do 

X 

Keyandeande,        do 

X 

John  Sky, 

do 

X 

Captain  Cold,        do 

X 

Parrot-Nose, 

do 

X 

Esquire  Blinkey,   do 

X 

John  Pierce, 

do 

X 

Captain  Johnson,  do 

X 

Strong, 

do 

X 

53 


418  FARMER'S-BROTHER. 

whom  he  contended ;  and  would  lose  the  last  drop  in 
his  veins  sooner  than  betray  the  cause  he  had  espoused. 
He  was  fond  of  recounting  his  exploits,  and  dwelt  with 
much  satisfaction  upon  the  number  of  scalps  he  had 
taken  in  his  battles  and  skirmishes  with  the  whites."* 
At  the  time  of  his  visit  to  Philadelphia,  as  already  men 
tioned,  General  Washington  presented  him  with  a  silver 
medal,  bearing  his  own  likeness,  which  the  chief  prized 
highly,  and  ever  afterward  wore  suspended  from  his 
neck, — always  declaring  that  he  would  lose  it  only  with 

his  life. 

He  was  bold  and  uncompromising,  and  nobly  fearless 
in  his  resentments ; — and  although  on  many  occasions 
implacable  and  unrelenting,  he  not  unfrequently  mani 
fested  instances  of  feeling  and  sensibility  of  compas 
sion  which  few  savages  discover.  Not  like  Tecumseh, 
not  like  Pontiac,  he  at  times  listened  to  the  appeals  of 
suffering  humanity  even  when  strict  policy  demanded 
the  sacrifice, — and  at  all  times  when  strict  policy  did 
not  demand  it.  He  was  indeed  a  noble  instance  of  a 
great  and  magnanimous  mind,  covered  by  a  rough  and 
savage,  but  commanding  and  princely  exterior.  No  man 
who  looked  upon  Farmer' s-Brother  could  imbibe  feelings 
of  contempt,  disgust  or  hatred  ;  on  the  contrary,  all  who 
saw  him  were  impressed  with  respect,  if  not  veneration 
and  esteem.  There  was  no  meanness,  no  littleness,  no 
low  enterprise,  intrigue  or  management  in  his  deport 
ment  or  conduct.  All  was  open,  great,  dignified  and 
fearless.  The  impress  of  integrity  and  honor  chastened 
and  softened  the  sterner  outlines  of  his  character.t 

Soon  after  the  close  of  the  Niagara  campaign  of  1814, 
the  veteran  paid  the  debt  of  nature,  at  the  Seneca  village, 
where,  as  a  mark  of  respect  for  his  character  and  dis 
tinguished  bravery,  the  fifth  regiment  of  United  States 

*  B.  B.  Thatcher.  t  MS.  Collections  of  Joseph  W.  Moulton. 


FARMER'S-BROTHER. 


infantry  interred  him  with  military  honors.*  A  friend 
of  the  author  residing  at  Buffalo,!  who  knew  him  well, 
thus  describes  his  character  and  bearing  :  —  "  He  was 
every  way  a  great  man,  —  truly  one  of  nature's  nobles, 


The  front  of  Jove  himself, 

An  eye  like  Mars  to  threaten  and  command 
A  station  like  the  herald  Mercury. 

None  who  ever  saw  him  will  fail  to  recollect  his  ma 
jestic  mien  and  princely  bearing,  much  less  will  they 
who  have  heard  him  in  council  forget  the  power  and 
deep  toned  melody  of  his  voice, — his  natural  and  impres 
sive  gestures,  and  the  unaffected  but  commanding  dignity 
of  his  manner.  Unrivalled  as  a  warrior,  and  only 
equalled  by  Red- Jacket  in  eloquence,  speaking  in  the 
verity  of  sober  prose,  it  may  be  said  that  his  was 

A  combination  and  a  form  indeed, 
To  give  the  world  assurance  of  a  man. 

With  such  attributes,  it  is  not  surprising  that  his  influ 
ence  with  his  nation,  though  its  form  of  government  is 
essentially  democratic,  was  controlling — nor  is  it  less  to 
his  true  glory,  that  his  open-heartedness,  his  fidelity  to 
truth  and  his  generous  magnanimity,  secured  for  him 
the  admiration  and  esteem  of  every  white  person  who 
had  the  honor  of  his  acquaintance." 

*  B.  B.  Thatcher.  t  Hon.  Albert  H.  Tracy. 


GA-NIO-DI-EUH, 

OR 

THE  CORNPLANTER. 


CORNPLANTER. 


FEW  names  are  of  more  frequent  occurrence,  in  the 
modern  history  of  the  Six  Nations,  during  a  period  of 
more  than  three-quarters  of  a  century,  than  that  of  THE 
CORNPLANTER.  His  Indian  name  was  Ga-nio-di-euh,*  or 
Handsome-Lake,  and  supposing  him  to  have  been  twenty 
years  old  at  the  defeat  of  General  Braddock,  in  which 
bloody  affair  he  was  engaged,  he  must  have  been  born 
at  least  as  early  as  the  year  1735.  It  has  already  been 
stated,  both  in  the  life  of  Red- Jacket  and  in  the  pre 
ceding  sketch  of  Farmer's-Brother,  that  the  Senecas 
fought  in  alliance  with  the  French  during  the  war  of  1755, 
— 1763,  and  the  defeat  of  Braddock  was  entirely  owing 
to  them,  since  the  French  were  exclusively  indebted 
to  Indian  tactics  for  that  signal  victory.  What  part  was 
sustained  by  Cornplanter  in  that  memorable  action, — 
whether  he  was  a  chief,  or  whether  he  had  not  yet  ar 
rived  at  that  dignity, — cannot  be  told;  but  in  either 
case  he  doubtless  acquitted  himself  bravely,  for  he  was 
a  brave  man.  He  was  a  native  of  Conewaugus,  in  the 
valley  of  the  Genesee  River ;  being  a  half-breed,  the  son 

*  Great  difficulties  are  continually  encountered  in  settling  the  orthography  of 
Indian  names.  Every  original  writer  fixes  upon  the  orthography  from  the  sound, 
and  scarcely  any  two  of  them  agree.  The  Indian  name  of  Cornplanter  has 
usually  been  written  Gyantwaia,  The  orthography  adopted  by  the  author  was 
received  from  Pierce,  a  Seneca  chief,  educated  at  Dartmouth  college. 


424  CORNPLANTER. 

of  an  Indian  trader  from  the  Mohawk  Valley,  a  white 
man,  named  John  O'Bail.*  His  father,  during  his  fre 
quent  journeys  from  Albany  to  Niagara  and  back,  became 
enamoured  of  a  squaw,  and  Cornplanter  was  the  fruit  of 
their  attachment.  Of  his  early  life  but  very  little  is 
known,  beyond  the  fact  already  stated,  that  he  was  in 
the  engagement  against  the  British  and  provincial  troops 
under  General  Braddock,  near  Fort  du  Quesne,  in  July, 
1755.  His  boyhood  was  in  nowise  distinguished  from 
that  of  his  juvenile  contemporaries,  according  to  his  very 
naive  letter,  written  long  afterward  to  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania : — 

"  When  I  was  a  child,"  he  said  in  that  letter,  "  I  played 
with  the  butterfly,  the  grasshopper,  and  the  frogs ;  and  as  I 
grew  up,  I  began  to  pay  some  attention,  and  play  with  the 
Indian  boys  in  the  neighborhood ;  arid  they  took  notice  of 
my  skin  being  a  different  color  from  their's,  and  spoke  about 
it.  I  inquired  of  my  mother  the  cause,  and  she  told  me  that 
my  father  was  a  resident  in  Albany.  I  still  ate  my  victuals 
out  of  a  bark  dish.  I  grew  up  to  be  a  young  man,  and  mar 
ried  me  a  wife,  and  I  had  no  kettle  or  gun.  I  then  knew 
where  my  father  lived,  and  went  to  see  him,  and  found  he  was 
a  white  man,  and  spoke  the  English  language.  He  gave  me 
victuals  while  I  was  at  his  house,  but  when  I  started  to  return 
home,  he  gave  me  no  provision  to  eat  on  the  way.  He  gave 
me  neither  kettle  nor  gun."  * 

The  conflict  of  the  American  revolution  found  Corn- 
planter  a  war  chief  of  his  tribe,  in  the  full  vigor  of  man 
hood,  and  of  high  rank.  He  was  active,  sagacious,  elo 
quent,  and  brave.  But  from  that  period  to  the  close  of 
his  life,  his  history  was  from  necessity  so  closely  inter 
woven  with  the  lives  of  Brant  and  Red- Jacket,  that 
with  the  exception  of  the  few  of  his  letters  and  speeches 
that  have  been  preserved,  a  mere  rapid  outline  is  all 

*  This  name,  too,  has  been  variously  written,  O'Bail,  O'Beal,  and  Abeel.  I 
have  preferred  the  former,  in  the  absence  of  positive  information,  because  it  is  the 
orthography  observed  in  the  life  of  the  Seneca  white  woman,  Mary  Jemison. 


CORNPLANTER. 


425 


that  can  be  necessary  to  the  present  purpose.  He  is 
believed  to  have  participated  in  most  of  the  principal 
engagements  in  which  the  Indians  bore  a  part,  during 
that  war.  The  cruelties  of  Wyoming  and  Cherry  Val 
ley  were  chiefly  enacted  by  the  Senecas,  and  Cornplan- 
ter  was  doubtless  present  in  both  affairs,  although  his 
name  does  not  appear  in  the  accounts.  He  was  on  the 
war-path  with  Brant,  during  the  campaign  of  General 
Sullivan  against  the  Indian  towns  of  the  Cayugas  and 
Senecas,  in  1779,  in  the  course  of  which  it  may  be  re 
membered  he  had  occasion  to  reproach  Red-Jacket  for 
his  cowardice.  And  when,  in  a  subsequent  year,  the 
Indians  fearfully  avenged  the  invasion  of  Sullivan,  by 
sweeping  with  fire  and  sword  through  the  valleys  of  the 
Schoharie-Kill  and  the  Mohawk,  under  the  command  of 
Brant  and  Sir  John  Johnson,  Cornplanter  was  the  leader 
of  the  Senecas.  It  was  during  this  expedition  that  he 
paid  another  visit  to  his  father,  who  was  then  residing  in 
the  vicinity  of  Fort  Plain.  Having  ascertained  the  re 
sidence  of  his  sire,  he  made  him  a  prisoner,  but  with 
such  caution  as  to  avoid  an  immediate  recognition.  Af 
ter  marching  the  old  man  some  ten  or  twelve  miles  up 
the  river,  he  stepped  before  him,  faced  about,  and  ad 
dressed  him  in  the  following  terms  : — 


"  My  name  is  John  O'Bail,  commonly  called  Cornplanter. 
I  am  your  son  !  You  are  my  father  !  You  are  now  my  pri 
soner,  and  subject  to  the  customs  of  Indian  warfare.  But  you 
shall  not  be  harmed :  you  need  not  fear.  I  am  a  warrior ! 
Many  are  the  scalps  which  I  have  taken  !  Many  prisoners  I 
have  tortured  to  death !  I  am  your  son  !  I  was  anxious  to 
see  you,  and  greet  you  in  friendship.  I  went  to  your  cabin 
and  took  you  by  force.  But  your  life  shall  be  spared.  Indians 
love  their  friends  and  their  kindred,  and  treat  them  with  kind 
ness.  If  now  you  choose  to  follow  the  fortune  of  your  yellow 
son,  and  to  live  with  our  people,  I  will  cherish  your  old  age 
with  plenty  of  venison,  and  you  shall  live  easy.  But  if  it  is 
your  choice  to  return  to  your  fields  and  live  with  your  white 

54 


426  CORNPLANTER. 

children,  I  will  send  a  party  of  my  trusty  young  men  to  con 
duct  you  back  in  safety.  I  respect  you,  my  father  :  you  have 
been  friendly  to  Indians,  and  they  are  your  friends." 

But  the  elder  O'Bail  preferred  his  white  children  and 
green  fields  to  his  yellow  offspring  and  the  wild  woods, 
and  chose  to  return.  He  was  therefore  discharged  by 
the  chief,  and  escorted  in  safety  bacl^  to  his  own  habita 
tion.* 

In  addition  to  these  greater  movements,  Cornplanter 
was  ever  active  in  smaller  war  parties  and  partizan 
forays ;  nor  did  his  white  blood  modify  his  Indian  propen 
sities,  or  cool  the  temperature  of  his  vengeance  ;  for  his 
tenderest  mercies  were  cruel.  He  was  probably  en 
gaged  in  the  battle  of  Oriskany,  and  was  certainly  lurking 
about  the  precincts  of  Fort  Stanwix  at  subsequent  stages 
of  the  war,  ready  to  fall  upon  every  light  detachment  or 
straggler  from  the  garrison  ;  and  by  his  own  confession, 
he  was  the  murderer  of  a  little  girl  who  was  shot  under 
the  guns  of  the  fort,  while  engaged  in  picking  black- 
berries.t 

But  notwithstanding  the  cruelty  of  his  hostile  prac 
tices  while  the  war  continued,  he  became  the  fast  friend 
of  the  United  States  when  once  the  hatchet  was  buried ; 
nor  did  he  afterward  falter  in  his  pacific  course.  It  has 
already  been  seen,  both  in  the  lives  of  Brant  and  Red- 
Jacket,  that  he  was  the  efficient  agent  in  effecting  the 
treaty  of  peace  concluded  at  Fort  Stanwix,  in  1784,  in 
opposition  to  the  eloquent  persuasions  of  the  greatest  ora 
tor  of  his  nation.  He  very  well  knew  that  by  assenting 
to  the  large  cessions  of  territory  exacted  by  the  treaty, 
he  was  jeoparding  his  popularity  with  his  own  people. 
But  if  others  had  not,  he  had  the  sagacity  to  perceive 

*  Mary  Jemison.  t  Vide  Life  of  Brant. 


CORNPLANTER.  437 

that,  although  he  and  his  people  had  served  the  crown 
of  Great  Britain  with  all  fidelity,  they  had  nevertheless 
been  abandoned  to  their  fate  by  their  more  powerful 
ally,  and  were  now  by  consequence  reduced  to  the  mise 
rable  alternative  either  of  giving  up  as  much  of  their 
country  as  the  United  States  required,  or  of  yielding 
the  whole  of  it.  His  course,  and  it  was  also  the  course 
of  wisdom,  was  prescribed  by  the  necessity  of  the  case ; 
and  by  the  energy  and  ability  with  which  he  conducted 
the  negotiation  he  yet  retained  for  his  people  an  ample 
and  beautiful  territory.  In  a  subsequent  negotiation, 
five  years  afterward,  at  Fort  Harmer,  in  a  mixed  coun 
cil  of  his  own  and  several  of  the  northwestern  nations, 
he  assented  to  the  cession  to  the  United  States  of  an  im 
mense  tract  of  territory,  situated  beyond  the  Seneca 
country  proper.  This  country  was  claimed  by  the  Six 
Nations  by  right  of  conquest  from  the  Eries  and  Dela- 
wares,  the  former  of  whom  they  had  exterminated.  There 
were  conflicting  Indian  claims  to  the  same  territory; 
and  disputes  ensued  which  were  the  cause  of  numerous 
and  protracted  difficulties.  Very  soon  afterward,  in  the 
same  year  it  is  believed,  viz.,  1789,  another  treaty  was 
held  with  the  Indians  at  Marietta,  which,  according  to 
contemporary  accounts,  "  terminated  entirely  to  the  satis 
faction  of  all  concerned.  On  this  occasion  an  elegant 
entertainment  was  provided.  The  Indian  chiefs  be 
haved  with  the  greatest  decorum  throughout  the  day. 
Good  wine  was  served  after  dinner,  and  Cornplan- 
ter  took  up  his  glass  and  said : — '  I  thank  the  Great 
Spirit  for  this  opportunity  of  smoking  the  pipe  of 
friendship  and  love.  May  we  plant  our  own  vines, 
be  the  fathers  of  our  own  children,  and  maintain 
them.'  "* 

*  Quotation  from  Carey's  Museum,  by  Drake. 


428  CORNPLANTER. 

But  the  satisfaction  which  prevailed  at  the  conclusion 
of  the  treaty,  and  on  this  festive  occasion,  was  not  dif 
fused  among  the  Senecas  and  others  of  the  Six  Nations 
at  home.  Far  from  it ;  the  course  of  Cornplanter  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  Fort  Harmar,  and  Marietta,  was  severely  cen 
sured  by  his  people,  and  in  the  bitterness  of  their  re 
proaches  his  life  was  threatened. 

Red- Jacket,  as  has  been  stated  in  the  preceding  life 
of  the  orator, — more  eloquent  and  artful  than  his  elder 
rival,  but  less  frank  and  honest, — adroitly  availed  him 
self  of  the  unpalatableness  of  those  treaties  for  his  own 
aggrandizement,  and  the  consequence  was  that  Corn- 
planter  found  himself  beset  with  difficulties  at  home  on 
every  side.  In  this  emergency  he  resolved  to  appeal  to 
"  the  Great  Father  of  the  Fifteen  Fires,"  General  Wash 
ington,  for  counsel,  and  perhaps  for  relief.  Repairing  to 
Philadelphia,  the  then  seat  of  the  federal  government, 
accompanied  by  Half-Town*  and  Big-Tree ,t  chiefs  or 

*  The  Indian  name  of  Half-  Toicn  was  Achiout.  After  the  war  of  the  revo 
lution  was  terminated,  and  peace  with  the  Six  Nations  concluded  at  Fort  Stan 
wix,  Half-Town  became  the  white  man's  friend,  and  during  the  subsequent  wars 
with  the  more  western  Indians,  he  communicated  to  the  garrisons  of  the  United 
States  eve ry  suspicious  movement  of  the  tribes  of  whom  doubts  were  entertained. 
Hostile  bands  for  a  long  time  hovered  about  the  post  of  Venango,  which,  but  for 
the  vigilance  of  Half-Town,  and  other  friendly  Indians,  would  have  been  cut  off. 
In  April,  1791,  Cornplanter  and  Half-Town  had  more  than  one  hundred  warriors 
in  and  about  that  garrison,  and  kept  runners  out  continually,  "being  determined 
to  protect  it  at  all  events.  Their  spies  made  frequent  discoveries  of  war  parties. 
On  the  12th  of  August  Half-Town  and  New  Arrow  gave  information  at  Fort 
Franklin,  that  a  sloop  full  of  Indians  had  been  seen  on  Lake  Erie,  sailing  for 
Presque  Isle,  and  their  object  was  supposed  to  be  that  fort ;  but  the  suspicion 
proved  to  be  groundless.  He  was  also  one  of  the  chiefs  at  the  council  of  Fort 
Harman,  in  1789,  and  with  Cornplanter  signed  the  unpopular  treaty.  The  legis 
lature  of  Pennsylvania  rewarded  his  fidelity  by  granting  a  quantity  of  land. 

t  The  Indian  name  of  Big- Tree  was  Kc-on-do-wa-nea,  [Drake's  orthography 
is  Ki-an-do-ge-wa,  but  the  author's  authority  is  an  ancient  manuscript  received 
from  Thomas  Morris,  derived  from  Timothy  Pickering.]  Big-Tree  was  with 
General  Washington  during  the  summer  of  1778,  as  may  be  seen  in  Campbell's 
Annals,  and  my  Life  of  Brant.  He  returned  to  the  Seneca  country  in  the  autumn 
of  that  year,  pnssing  through  the  country  of  the  Oneidas,  who  were  at  all  times 
friendly  to  the  United  States,  and  by  whom  he  was  received  and  entertained  with 
hospitality.  Arrived  among  the  Senecas,  he  used  his  eloquence  to  dissuade  them 
from  longer  fighting  under  Brant  against  the  United  States,  hut  to  no  good  pur 
pose.  He  had  promised  the  Oneidas  to  return  to  them,  and  having  staid  longer 
amon  the  Senecas  than  was  expected,  a  messenger  was  despatched  to  him  to 


CORNPLANTER.  439 


» 


sachems  of  consideration,  the  following  pathetic  appeal 
for  a  reconsideration  of  the  several  treaties  beforemen- 
tioned,  and  for  a  modification  of  some  of  the  stipula 
tions,  was  presented  to  the  President.  It  forms  a  touch 
ing  chapter  of  grievances,  and  its  composition  was  the 
work  of  Cornplanter,  his  associates  in  the  mission  ap 
proving  thereof  by  their  signatures.  The  document  is 
long ;  but  the  talents  of  the  author  would  not  be  justly 
appreciated,  nor  the  history  of  the  Six  Nations  rendered 
complete,  without  it : — 

The  Speech  of  Cornplanter,  Half-  Town,  and  Big-  Tree,    Chiefs 

and  Councillors  of  the  Seneca  nation,  to  the  great  Councillor 

of  the  Thirteen  Fires. 

"  FATHER  :  The  voice  of  the  Seneca  nation  speaks  to  you, 
the  great  councillor,  in  whose  heart  the  wise  men  of  all  the 
Thirteen  Fires  have  placed  their  wisdom.  It  may  be  very 
small  in  your  ears,  and  we  therefore  entreat  you  to  hearken 
with  attention ;  for  we  are  about  to  speak  of  things  which  are 
to  us  very  great.  When  your  army  entered  the  country  of 
the  Six  Nations,  we  called  you  the  Town  Destroyer ;  and  to  this 
day,  when  that  name  is  heard,  our  women  look  behind  them  and 
turn  pale,  and  our  children  cling  to  the  necks  of  their  mothers. 
Our  councillors  and  warriors  are  men,  and  cannot  be  afraid ; 
but  their  hearts  are  grieved  with  the  fears  of  our  women 
and  children,  and  desire  it  may  be  buried  so  deep  as  to  be 
heard  no  more.  When  you  gave  us  peace,  we  called  you 
father,  because  you  promised  to  secure  us  in  the  possession  of 
our  lands.  Do  this,  and  so  long  as  the  lands  shall  remain, 
that  beloved  name  shall  live  in  the  heart  of  every  Seneca. 

"  FATHER  :  We  mean  to  open  our  hearts  before  you,  and 

know  the  reason.  He  returned  answer  that  when  he  arrived  among  his  nation 
he  found  them  all  in  arms,  and  their  villages,  Kanadaseago  and  Genishaw, 
crowded  with  warriors  from  remote  tribes,  who  at  first  seemed  inclined  to  hearken 
to  his  wishes ;  but  soon  learning  from  a  spy  that  the  Americans  were  about  to 
invade  their  country,  all  flew  to  arms,  and  that  he  had  put  himself  at  their  head, 
"  determined  to  chastise"  he  said,  "  the  enemy  that  dared  to  think  to  presume 
to  invade  his  country."  After  the  peace  he  became  an  abiding  friend  to  the 
United  States.  He  lamented  the  disaster  of  St.  Glair's  army,  and  was  heard  to 
say  that  he  would  have  two  scalps  for  General  Butler's,  v/ho  fell  in  that  bloody 
battle,  and  was  scalped.  The  legislature  of  Pennsylvania  made  him  a  grant  of 
land,  comprising  an  island  in  the  Alleghany  river.  Being  on  a  mission  to  Phila 
delphia,  in  1792,  he  died,  after  a  short  illness,  on  Sunday  the  22d  of  April,  and 
•was  buried  with  suitable  attention.  His  descendants  are  yet  persons  of  some 
consideration  among  his  people. 


430  CORNPLANTER. 

• 

we  earnestly  desire  that  you  will  let  us  clearly  understand 
what  you  resolve  to  do.  When  our  chiefs  returned  from  the 
treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  laid  before  our  council  what  had 
been  done  there,  our  nation  was  surprised  to  hear  how  great 
a  country  you  had  compelled  them  to  give  up  to  you/ without 
your  paying  to  us  any  thing  for  it.  Every  one  said  that  your 
hearts  were  yet  swelled  with  resentment  against  us  for  what 
had  happened  during  the  war,  but  that  one  day  you  would  re 
consider  it  with  more  kindness.  We  asked  each  other,  '  What 
have  we  done  to  deserve  such  severe  chastisement  V 

"  FATHER  :  When  you  kindled  your  thirteen  fires  separate 
ly,  the  wise  men  that  assembled  at  them  told  us,  that  you  were 
all  brothers,  the  children  of  one  great  father,  who  regarded, 
also,  the  red  people  as  his  children.  They  called  us  brothers, 
and  invited  us  to  his  protection ;  they  told  us  that  he  resided 
beyond  the  great  water,  where  the  sun  first  rises ;  that  he  was 
a  king  whose  power  no  people  could  resist,  and  that  his  good 
ness  was  as  bright  as  that  sun.  What  they  said  went  to  our 
hearts  ;  we  accepted  the  invitation,  and  promised  to  obey  him. 
What  the  Seneca  nation  promise,  they  faithfully  perform;  and 
when  you  refused  obedience  to  that  king,  he  commanded  us  to 
assist  his  beloved  men  in  making  you  sober.  In  obeying  him 
we  did  no  more  than  yourselves  had  led  us  to  promise.  The 
men  that  claimed  this  promise  told  us  you  were  children,  and 
had  no  guns  ;  that  when  they  had  shaken  you  you  would  sub 
mit.  We  hearkened  to  them,  and  were  deceived,  until  your 
army  approached  our  towns.  We  were  deceived ;  but  your 
people,  in  teaching  us  to  confide  in  that  king,  had  helped  to 
deceive,  and  we  now  appeal  to  your  heart, — is  the  blame  all 
ours  1 

"FATHER:  When  we  saw  that  we  were  deceived,  and 
heard  the  invitation  which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near  to  the 
fire  which  you  had  kindled,  and  talk  with  you  concerning 
peace,  we  made  haste  towards  it.  You  then  told  us  that  we 
were  in  your  hand,  and  that  by  closing  it  you  could  crush  us 
to  nothing,  and  you  demanded  from  us  a  great  country,  as  the 
price  of  that  peace  which  you  had  offered  us ; — as  if  our  want 
of  strength  had  destroyed  our  rights.  Our  chiefs  had  felt  your 
power,  and  were  unable  to  contend  against  you,  and  they 
therefore  gave  up  that  country.  What  they  agreed  to  has 
bound  our  nation ;  but  your  anger  against  us,  must,  by  this 
time,  be  cooled ;  and  although  our  strength  has  not  increased, 
nor  your  power  become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider  calmly, — 
were  the  terms  dictated  to  us  by  your  commissioners,  reason 
able  and  just  1 

"  FATHER  :  Your  commissioners,  when  they  drew  the  line 
which  separated  the  land  then  given  up  to  you,  from  that 


CORNPLANTER.  43  ^ 

which  you  agreed  should  remain  to  be  ours,  did  most  solemnly 
promise  that  we  should  be  secured  in  the  peaceable  possession 
of  the  lands  which  we  inhabited  east  and  north  of  that  line. 
Does  this  promise  bind  you  ? 

"  Hear  now,  we  beseech  you,  what  has  happened  concern 
ing  that  land.  On  the  day  in  which  we  finished  the  treaty  at 
Fort  Stanwix,  commissioners  from  Pennsylvania  told  our 
chiefs  that  they  had  come  there  to  purchase  all  the  lands  be 
longing  to  us  within  the  lines  of  their  state,  and  they  told  us 
that  their  line  would  strike  the  river  Susquehannah  below 
Tioga  branch.  They  then  left  us  to  consider  of  the  bargain 
till  the  next  day.  On  the  next  day  we  let  them  know  that  we 
were  unwilling  to  sell  all  the  lands  within  their  state,  and  pro 
posed  to  let  them  have  part  of  it, — which  we  pointed  out  to 
them  in  their  map.  They  told  us  that  they  must  have  the 
whole ;  that  it  was  already  ceded  to  them  by  the  great  king, 
at  the  time  of  making  peace  with  you,  and  was  their  own;  but 
they  said  that  they  would  not  take  advantage  of  that,  and  were 
willing  to  pay  us  for  it, — after  the  manner  of  their  ancestors. 
Our  chiefs  were  unable  to  contend  at  that  time,  and  therefore 
they  sold  the  lands  up  to  the  line  which  was  then  shown  to 
them  as  the  line  of  that  state.  What  the  commissioners  had 
said  about  the  land  having  been  ceded  to  them  at  the  peace, 
our  chiefs  considered  as  intended  only  to  lessen  the  price,  and 
they  passed  it  by  with  very  little  notice  ;  but,  since  that  time, 
we  have  heard  so  much  from  others  about  the  right  to  our 
lands,  which  the  king  gave  when  you  made  peace  with  him, 
that  it  is  our  earnest  desire  that  you  will  tell  us  what  it  means. 

"FATHER:  Our  nation  empowered  John  Livingston  to  let  out 
part  of  our  lands  on  rent,  to  be  paid  to  us.  He  told  us  that 
he  was  sent  by  congress,  to  do  this  for  us,  and  we  fear  he  has 
deceived  us  in  the  writing  he  has  obtained  from  us.  For 
since  the  time  of  our  giving  that  power,  a  man  of  the  name  of 
Phelps  has  come  among  us,  and  claimed  our  whole  country 
northward  of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  under  purchase  from 
that  Livingston,  to  whom,  he  said  he  had  paid  twenty  thousand 
dollars  for  it.  He  said,  also,  that  he  had  bought  likewise  from 
the  council  of  the  thirteen  fires  and  paid  them  twenty  thou 
sand  dollars  more  for  the  same. 

"And  he  said,  also,  that  it  did  not  belong  to  us,  for  the  great 
king  had  ceded  the  whole  of  it,  when  you  made  peace  with 
him.  Thus  he  claimed  the  whole  country  north  of  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  west  of  the  lands  belonging  to  the  Cayugas.  He 
demanded  it ;  he  insisted  on  his  demand,  and  declared  that  he 
would  have  it  all.  It  was  impossible  for  us  to  grant  him  this, 
and  we  immediately  refused  it.  After  some  days  he  proposed 
to  run  a  line,  at  a  small  distance  eastward  of  our  western 


432  CORNPLANTER. 

boundary,  which  we  also  refused  to  agree  to.     He  then  threat 
ened  us  with  immediate  war,  if  we  did  not  comply. 

"  Upon  this  threat,  our  chiefs  held  a  council,  and  they  agreed 
that  no  event  of  war  could  be  worse  than  to  be  driven,  with 
our  wives  and  children,  from  the  only  country  which  we  had 
any  right  to  j  and,  therefore,  weak  as  our  nation  was,  they  de 
termined  to  take  the  chance  of  war,  rather  than  submit  to  such 
unjust  demands,  which  seemed  to  have  no  bounds.  Street,  the 
great  trader  to  Niagara,  was  then  with  us,  having  come  at  the 
request  of  Phelps,  and  as  he  always  professed  to  be  our  great 
friend,  we  consulted  him  upon  this  subject.  He  also  told  us 
that  our  lands  had  been  ceded  by  the  king,  and  that  we  must 
give  them  up. 

"  Astonished  at  what  we  heard  from  every  quarter,  with 
hearts  aching  with  compassion  for  our  women  and  children, 
we  were  thus  compelled  to  give  up  all  our  country  north  of 
the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  and  east  of  the  Genesee  River,  up 
to  the  fork,  and  east  of  a  south  line  drawn  from  that  fork  to 
the  Pennsylvania  line. 

"  For  this  land,  Phelps  agreed  to  pay  us  ten  thousand  dol 
lars  in  hand  and  one  thousand  a  year  for  ever. 

"  He  paid  us  two  thousand  and  five  hundred  dollars  in  hand, — 
part  of  the  ten  thousand, — and  he  sent  for  us  to  come  last  spring 
and  receive  our  money  ;  but  instead  of  paying  us  the  remainder 
of  the  ten  thousand  dollars,  and  the  one  thousand  dollars  due  for 
the  first  year,  he  offered  us  no  more  than  five  hundred  dollars, 
and  insisted  that  he  agreed  with  us  for  that  sum,  to  be  paid  yearly. 
We  debated  with  him  for  six  days,  during  all  which  time  he  per 
sisted  in  refusing  to  pay  us  our  just  demand,  and  he  insisted 
that  we  should  receive  the  five  hundred  dollars ;  and  Street, 
from  Niagara,  also  insisted  on  our  receiving  the  money,  as  it 
was  offered  to  us.  The  last  reason  he  assigned  for  continuing 
to  refuse  paying  was,  that  the  king  had  ceded  all  the  lands  to 
the  Thirteen  Fires,  and  that  he  had  bought  them  from  you,  and 
paid  you  for  them. 

"  We  could  bear  this  confusion  no  longer ;  and  determined 
to  press  through  every  difficulty,  and  lift  up  our  voice  that  you 
might  hear  us,  and  to  claim  that  security  in  the  possession  of 
our  lands  which  your  commissioners  so  solemnly  promised  us. 
And  we  now  entreat  you  to  inquire  into  our  complaints,  and 
redress  our  wrongs. 

"  FATHER  :  Our  writings  were  lodged  in  the  hands  of  Street, 
of  Niagara,  as  we  supposed  him  to  be  our  friend ;  but  when 
we  saw  Phelps  consulting  with  Street  on  every  occasion,  we 
doubted  of  his  honesty  towards  us,  and  we  have  since  heard 
that  he  was  to  receive  for  his  endeavors  to  deceive  us,  a  piece 
of  land  ten  miles  in  width  west  of  the  Genesee  River,  and 


CORNPLANTER. 


433 


near  forty  miles  in  length,  extending  to  Lake  Ontario ;  and 
the  lines  of  this  tract  have  been  run  accordingly,  although  no 
part  of  it  is  within  the  bounds  which  limit  his  purchase.  No 
doubt  he  meant  to  deceive  us. 

"  FATHER  :  You  have  said  that  we  are  in  your  hand,  and 
that  by  closing  it  you  could  crush  us  to  nothing.  Are  you  de 
termined  to  crush  us  1  If  you  are,  tell  us  so  ;  that  those  of 
our  nation  who  have  become  'your  children,  and  have  deter 
mined  to  die  so,  may  know  what  to  do. 

"  In  this  case,  one  chief  has  said  he  would  ask  you  to  put 
him  out  of  pain.  Another,  who  will  not  think  of  dying  by 
the  hand  of  his  father  or  his  brother,  has  said  he  will  retire 
to  the  Chateaugay,  eat -of  the  fatal  root,  and  sleep  with  his 
fathers  in  peace. 

"  Before  you  determine  on  a  measure  so  unjust,  look  up  to 
God,  who  has  made  us  as  well  as  you.  We  hope  he  will  not 
permit  you  to  destroy  the  whole  of  our  nations. 

"  FATHER  :  Hear  our  case :  many  nations  inhabited  this 
country ;  but  they  had  no  wisdom,  and  therefore,  they  warred 
together.  The  Six  Nations  were  powerful,  and  compelled 
them  to  peace ;  the  lands  for  a  great  extent  were  given  up  to 
them ;  but  the  nations  which  were  not  destroyed  all  continued 
on  those  lands,  and  claimed  the  protection  of  the  Six  Nations, 
as  the  brothers  of  their  fathers.  They  were  men,  and  when 
at  peace  had  a  right  to  live  on  the  earth.  The  French  came 
among  us  and  built  Niagara ;  they  became  our  fathers,  and 
took  care  of  us.  Sir  William  Johnson  came  and  took  that 
fort  from  the  French  ;  he  became  our  father,  and  promised  to 
take  care  of  us  and  did  so  until  you  were  too  strong  for  his 
king.  To  him  we  gave  four  miles  around  Niagara,  as  a  place 
of  trade.  We  have  already  said  how  we  came  to  join  against 
you ;  we  saw  that  we  were  wrong ;  we  wished  for  peace ; 
you  demanded  a  great  country  to  be  given  up  to  you ;  it  was 
surrendered  to  you,  as  the  price  of  peace,  and  we  ought  to 
have  peace  and  possession  of  the  little  land  which  you  then 
left  us. 

"  FATHER  :  When  that  great  country  was  given  up,  there 
were  but  few  chiefs  present,  and  they  were  compelled  to  give 
it  up,  and  it  is  not  the  Six  Nations  only  that  reproach  these 
chiefs  with  having  given  up  that  country.  The  Chippewas, 
and  all  the  nations  who  lived  on  those  lands  westward,  call  to 
us,  and  ask  us, — '  Brothers  of  our  fathers,  where  is  the  place 
you  have  reserved  for  us  to  lie  down  upon  V 

"  FATHER  :  You  have  compelled  us  to  do  that  which  has 
made  us  ashamed.  We  have  nothing  to  answer  to  the  chil 
dren  of  the  brothers  of  our  fathers.  When,  last  spring,  they 
called  upon  us  to  go  to  war,  to  secure  them  a  bed  to  lie  upon, 

55 


434  CORNPLANTER. 

the  Senecas  entreated  them  to  be  quiet,  till  we  had  spoken  to 
you.  But  on  our  way  down,  we  heard  that  your  army  had 
gone  toward  the  country  which  those  nations  inhabit,  and  if 
they  meet  together  the  best  blood  on  both  sides  will  stain  the 
ground. 

"FATHER:  We  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  the  Great  God, 
and  not  man,  has  preserved  the  Cornplanter  from  the  hands  of 
his  own  nation.  For  they  ask  continually,  '  Where  is  the 
land  which  our  children,  and  their  children  after  them, 
are  to  lie  down  upon  V  '  You  told  us/  say  they,  '  that  the 
line  drawn  from  Pennsylvania  to  Lake  Ontario,  would  mark  it 
for  ever  on  the  east,  and  the  line  running  from  Beaver  Creek 
to  Pennsylvania  would  mark  it  on  the  west,  and  we  see  that  it 
is  not  so.  For  first  one  and  then  another  comes  and  takes  it 
away  by  order  of  that  people  which  you  tell  us  promised  to 
secure  it  to  us.'  He  is  silent ;  for  he  has  nothing  to  answer. 
When  the  sun  goes  down,  he  opens  his  heart  before  God, 
and  earlier  than  that  sun  appears  upon  the  hills,  he  gives 
thanks  for  his  protection  during  the  night ;  for  he  feels  that 
among  men,  become  desperate  by  their  danger,  it  is  God  only 
that  can  preserve  him.  He  loves  peace,  and  all  that  he  had 
in  store  he  has  given  to  those  who  have  been  robbed  by  your 
people,  lest  they  should  plunder  the  innocent  to  repay  them 
selves.  The  whole  season,  which  others  have  employed  in 
providing  for  their  families,  he  has  spent  in  his  endeavors  to 
preserve  peace ;  and  at  this  moment,  his  wife  and  children  are 
lying  on  the  ground,  and  in  want  of  food ;  his  heart  is  in  pain 
for  them,  but  he  perceives  that  the  Great  God  will  try  his  firm 
ness,  in  doing  what  is  right. 

"  FATHER  :  The  game  which  the  Great  Spirit  sent  into  our 
country  for  us  to  eat,  is  going  from  among  us.  We  thought 
that  he  intended  we  should  till  the  ground  with  the  plough,  as 
the  white  people  do,  and  we  talked  to  one  another  about  it. 
But  before  we  speak  to  you  concerning  this,  we  must  know 
from  you  whether  you  mean  to  leave  us  and  our  children  any 
land  to  till.  Speak  plainly  to  us  concerning  this  great  busi 
ness. 

"  All  the  lands  we  have  been  speaking  of  belonged  to  the 
Six  Nations  ;  no  part  of  it  ever  belonged  to  the  King  of  Eng 
land,  and  he  could  not  give  it  to  you. 

"  The  land  we  live  on,  our  fathers  received  from  God,  and 
they  transmitted  it  to  us  for  our  children,  and  we  cannot  part 
with  it, 

"  FATHER  :  We  told  you  that  we  would  open  our  hearts  to 
you.  Hear  us  once  more. 

"  At  Fort  Stanwix  we  agreed  to  deliver  up  those  of  our 
people  who  should  do  you  any  wrong,  that  you  might  try  them, 


CORNPLANTER,  435 

and  punish  them  according  to  your  law.  ^We  delivered  up  two 
men  accordingly,  but  instead  of  trying  them  according  to  your 
laws,  the  lowest  of  your  people  took  them  from  your  magis 
trate,  and  put  them  immediately  to  death.  It  is  just  to  punish 
murder  with  death  ;  but  the  Senecas  will  not  deliver  up  their 
people  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of  their  own  nation. 

"  FATHER  :  Innocent  men  of  our  nation  are  killed  one  after 
another,  and  our  best  families ;  but  none  of  your  people  who 
have  committed  the  murders  have  been  punished. 

"  We  recollect  that  you  did  not  promise  to  punish  those 
who  killed  our  people,  and  we  now  ask,  was  it  intended  that 
your  people  should  kill  the  Senecas,  and  not  only  remain  un 
punished  by  you,  but  be  protected  by  you  against  the  revenge 
of  the  next  of  kin  ] 

"  FATHER  :  These  are  to  us  very  great  things.  We  know 
that  you  are  very  strong,  and  we  have  heard  that  you  are  wise, 
and  we  wait  to  hear  your  answer  to  what  we  have  said,  that 
we  may  know  that  you  are  just. 

It  may  be  remembered  that  a  brief  reference  to  the 
preceding  speech  was  made  in  the  Life  of  Red  Jacket ; 
and  it  will  not  have  escaped  the  reader's  attention,  that 
other  grievances  tban  those  connected  with  the  treaties 
of  Fort  Stanwix  and  St.  Clair,  are  in  this  document  pre 
sented.  In  his  reply,  President  Washington  was  evi 
dently  embarrassed  by  a  struggle  between  his  feelings 
and  the  sterner  behests  of  duty.  Commiserating  the 
situation  of  the  cbiefs  and  tbeir  people,  it  may  well  be 
conceived  that  his  humane  inclinations  were  in  favor 
of  the  supplicants.  On  the  other  hand,  the  terms  of  the 
treaties,  particularly  in  regard  to  the  difficulties  with 
Oliver  Phelps,  did  not  justify  the  complaints  of  the  In 
dians.  He  doubtless  said  all  he  could  for  their  encour 
agement,  under  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  evading 
some  of  their  complaints,  and  passing  entirely  over 
others.  He  assured  them  that  no  fraudulent  means  of 
obtaining  tbeir  lands  would  be  sustained  by  the  govern 
ment,  arid  that  in  one  particular  act  complained  of,  (the 
purchase  of  their  lands  by  Livingston  and  others,)  the 
whole  transaction  had  been  declared  null  and  void.  The 


436  CORNPLANTER. 

persons  who  had  murdered  several  of  their  people,  he 
assured  them  should  be  dealt  with  in  the  same  manner 
as  though  they  had  murdered  white  men,  and  that 
all  possible  means  should  be  used  for  their  arrest 
and  proper  rewards  offered  to  stimulate  exertions  for 
that  purpose.  In  regard  to  the  lands  conveyed  to  the 
United  States  by  treaty,  the  President  could  only  assure 
them  that  he  had  no  authority  to  interpose  in  the  pre 
mises.  On  the  whole,  his  reply  to  them  was  such  as  to 
soothe  their  feelings,  and  to  afford  them  a  little  encour 
agement,  but  not  all  they  hoped  for.  In  the  course  of 
this  answer,  General  Washington  bore  the  following  tes 
timony  to  the  character  of  the  head  of  the  deputation  : 
"  The  merits  of  Cornplanter,  and  his  friendship  for  the 
United  States,  are  well  known  to  me,  and  shall  not  be 
forgotten ;  and,  as  a  mark  of  esteem  of  the  United 
States,  I  have  directed  the  Secretary  of  War  to  make 
him  a  present  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  dollars,  either 
in  money  or  goods,  as  the  Cornplanter  shall  like  best." 

Cornplanter  and  his  associates  rejoined  to  the  speech 
of  the  President,  referring  again  to  some  of  their  real  or 
fancied  grievances,  and  pleading  for  the  restoration  of  a 
small  portion  of  their  lands  which  had  been  ceded  by 
the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix,  comprising  the  village  of 
Half-Town  and  his  clan.  As  one  reason  for  making 
this  application,  they  urged  that  the  treaty  at  Fort  Stan 
wix  was  made  while  the  United  States  were  too  angry 
with  them,  and  that  the  exactions  then  insisted  upon, 
were  unwarrantable  and  unjust.  This  rejoinder  was 
made  by  Cornplanter,  and  is  here  inserted  at  large  : — 

The    Speech   of    Cornplanter,    Half-Town,    and    Great- Tree, 
Chiefs  of  the  Seneca  Nation,  to  the  President  of  the   United 
States  of  America. 
"  FATHER  :  Your  speech,  written  on  the  great  paper,  is  to 

us  like  the  first  light  of  the  morning  to  a  sick  man,  whose 


CORNPLANTER.  437 

pulse  beats  too  strongly  in  his  temples,  and  prevents  him  from 
sleep.  He  sees  it  and  rejoices,  but  is  not  cured. 

"  You  say  that  you  have  spoken  plainly  on  the  great  point. 
That  you  will  protect  us  in  the  lands  secured  to  us  at  Fort 
Stanwix,  and  that  we  have  the  right  to  sell  or  to  refuse  to  sell 
it.  This  is  very  good.  But  our  nation  complain  that  you 
compelled  us  at  that  treaty  to  give  up  too  much  of  our  lands. 
We  confess  that  our  nation  is  bound  by  what  was  there  done ; 
and,  acknowledging  your  power,  we  have  now  appealed  to 
yourselves  against  that  treaty,  as  made  while  you  were  too 
angry  at  us,  and  therefore  unreasonable  and  unjust.  To  this 
you  have  given  us  no  answer. 

"  FATHER  :  That  treaty  was  not  made  with  a  single  state, — 
it  was  with  the  Thirteen  States.  We  never  would  have  given 
all  that  land  to  one  state.  We  know  it  was  before  you  had 
the  great  authority,  arid  as  you  have  more  wisdom  than  the 
commissioners  who  forced  us  into  that  treaty,  we  expect  that 
you  have  also  more  regard  to  justice,  and  will  now  at  our  re 
quest,  reconsider  that  treaty,  and  restore  to  us  a  part  of  that 
land. 

"  FATHER  :  The  land  which  lies  between  the  line  running 
south  from  Lake  Erie  to  the  boundary  of  Pennsylvania,  as 
mentioned  at  the  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the  eastern 
boundary  of  the  land  which  you  sold,  and  the  Senecas  con 
firmed  to  Pennsylvania,  is  the  land  in  which  Half-Town  and 
all  his  people  live,  with  other  chiefs  who  always  have  been  and 
still  are  dissatisfied  with  the  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix.  They 
grew  out  of  this  land,  and  their  fathers  grew  out  of  it,  and 
they  cannot  be  persuaded  to  part  with  it.  We,  therefore,  en 
treat  you  to  restore  to  us  this  little  piece. 

"  FATHER  :  Look  at  the  land  which  we  gave  to  you  at  that 
treaty,  and  then  turn  your  eyes  upon  what  we  now  ask  you  to 
restore  to  us,  and  you  will  see  that  what  we  ask  you  to  return 
is  a  very  little  piece.  By  giving  it  back  again  you  will  satisfy 
the  whole  of  our  nation.  The  chiefs  who  signed  that  treaty 
will  be  in  safety,  and  peace  between  your  children  and  our 
children  will  continue  so  long  as  your  land  shall  join  to  ours. 
Every  man  of  our  nation  will  then  turn  his  eyes  away  from  all 
the  other  lands  which  we  then  gave  up  to  you,  and  forget  that 
our  fathers  ever  said  that  they  belonged  to  them. 

"  FATHER  :  We  see  that  you  ought  to  have  the  path  at  the 
carrying-place  from  Lake  Erie  to  Niagara,  as  it  was  marked 
down  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  we  are  all  willing  that  it  should 
remain  to  be  yours.  And  if  you  desire  to  reserve  a  passage 
through  the  Conewago,  and  through  the  Chataugue  Lake  and 
land,  for  a  path  from  that  lake  to  Lake  Erie,  take  it  where 
you  best  like.  Our  nation  will  rejoice  to  see  it  an  open  path 


438  CORNPLANTER. 

for  you  and  your  children  while  the  land  and  water  remain. 
But  let  us  also  pass  along  the  same  way,  and  continue  to  take 
the  fish  of  those  waters  in  common  with  you. 

"  FATHER  :  You  say  that  you  will  appoint  an  agent  to  take 
care  of  us.  Let  him  come  and  take  care  of  our  trade  ;  but 
we  desire  he  may  not  have  any  thing  to  do  with  our  lands  ; — 
for  the  agents  which  have  come  among  us  and  pretended  to 
take  care  of  us,  have  always  deceived  us  whenever  we  sold 
lands ;  both  when  the  King  of  England  and  the  States  have 
bargained  with  us.  They  have  by  this  means  occasioned 
many  wars,  and  we  are  therefore  unwilling  to  trust  them  again. 

"  FATHER  :  When  we  return  home,  we  will  call  a  great 
council,  and  consider  well  how  lands  may  be  hereafter  sold  by 
our  nation.  And  when  we  have  agreed  upon  it,  we  will  send 
you  notice  of  it.  But  we  desire  that  you  will  not  depend  on 
your  agent  for  information  concerning  land ;  for  after  the 
abuses  which  we  have  suffered  by  such  men,  we  will  not  trust 
them  with  any  thing  which  relates  to  land. 

"  FATHER  :  There  are  men  that  go  from  town  to  town  and 
beget  children,  and  leave  them  to  perish,  or  except  better  men 
take  care  of  them,  to  grow  up  without  instruction.  Our  nation 
has  looked  round  for  a  father,  but  they  found  none  that  would 
own  them  for  children,  until  you  now  tell  us  that  your  courts 
are  open  to  us,  as  to  year  own  people.  The  joy  which  we 
feel  at  this  great  news,  so  mixes  with  the  sorrows  that  are 
past,  that  we  cannot  express  our  gladness,  nor  conceal  the 
remembrance  of  our  afflictions.  We  will  speak  of  them  at 
another  time. 

"  FATHER  :  We  are  ashamed  that  we  have  listened  to  the 
lies  of  Livingston,  or  been  influenced  by  threats  of  war  by 
Phelps,  and  would  hide  that  whole  transaction  from  the  world 
and  from  ourselves,  by  quietly  receiving  what  Phelps  pro 
mised  to  give  us  for  the  lands  they  cheated  us  of.  But  as 
Phelps  will  not  pay  us  even  according  to  that  fraudulent  bar 
gain,  we  will  lay  the  whole  proceedings  before  your  court. 
When  the  evidence  which  we  can  produce  is  heard,  we  think 
it  will  appear  that  the  whole  bargain  was  founded  on  lies, 
which  he  placed  one  upon  another;  that  the  goods  that  he 
charges  to  us  as  part  payment  were  plundered  from  us ;  that 
if  Phelps  was  not  directly  concerned  in  the  theft,  he  knew  of 
it  at  the  time  and  concealed  it  from  us  ;  and  that  the  persons 
we  confided  in  were  bribed  by  him  to  deceive  us  in  the  bar 
gain  ;  and  if  these  facts  appear,  that  your  court  will  not  say 
that  such  bargains  are  just,  but  will  set  the  whole  aside. 

"  FATHER  :  We  apprehended  that  our  evidence  might  be 
called  for,  as  Phelps  was  here,  and  knew  what  we  have  said 
concerning  him ;  and  as  Ebenezer  Allen  knew  something  of 


CORNPLANTER.  439 

the  matter,  we  desired  him  to  continue  here.  Nicholson,  the 
interpreter,  is  very  sick,  arid  we  request  that  Allen  may  re 
main  a  few  days  longer,  as  he  speaks  our  language. 

"  FATHER  :  The  blood  which  was  spilled  near  Pine  Creek 
is  covered,  and  we  shall  never  look  where  it  lies.  We  know 
that  Pennsylvania  will  satisfy  us  for  that  which  we  spoke  of  to 
them  before  we  spoke  to  you.  The  chain  of  friendship  will 
now,  we  hope,  be  made  strong  as  you  desire  it  to  be.  We 
will  hold  it  fast,  and  our  end  of  it  shall  never  rust  in  our 
hands. 

"  FATHER  :  We  told  you  what  advice  we  gave  the  people 
you  are  now  at  war  with,  and  we  now  tell  you  that  they  have 
promised  to  come  again  to  our  towns  next  spring.  We  shall 
not  wait  for  their  coming,  but  will  set  out  very  early,  and  show 
to  them  what  you  have  done  for  us,  which  must  convince  them 
that  you  will  do  for  them  every  thing  which  they  ought  to  ask. 
We  think  they  will  hear  and  follow  our  advice. 

"  FATHER  :  You  give  us  leave  to  speak  our  minds  concern 
ing  the  tilling  of  the  ground.  We  ask  you  to  teach  us  to 
plough  and  to  grind  corn  ;  to  assist  us  in  building  saw-mills, 
and  to  supply  us  with  broad-axes,  saws,  augers,  and  other 
tools,  so  as  that  we  make  our  houses  more  comfortable  and 
more  durable ;  that  you  will  send  smiths  among  us,  and,  above 
all,  that  you  will  teach  our  children  to  read  and  write,  and  our 
women  to  spin  and  to  weave.  The  manner  of  your  doing  these 
things  for  us  we  leave  to  you,  who  understand  them ;  but  we 
assure  you  we  will  follow  your  advice  as  far  as  we  are  able." 

The  President  replied  to  this  appeal  in  a  spirit  of 
kindness,  reminding  the  chiefs  that  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Stanwix  had  been  fully  confirmed  at  Fort  Harman  in 
1789, — again  stating  to  them  that  it  was  not  within  his 
power  to  annul  the  provisions  of  a  treaty, — more  espe 
cially  of  one  that  had  been  concluded  before  his  admi 
nistration  commenced, — but  assuring  them  tbat  Half- 
Town  and  his  people  should  not  be  disturbed  in  tbe 
peaceful  occupancy  of  the  territory  which  they  desired 
to  reclaim.  The  President  also  suggested  that  he  had 
in  contemplation  the  adoption  of  some  measures  for 
teaching  the  Indians  the  use  of  letters,  of  domestic  ani 
mals,  and  tbe  arts  of  husbandry.  The  stay  of  the  chiefs 
in  Philadelphia  was  protracted  until  the  7th  of  February, 


440  CORNPLANTER. 

when  they  took  leave   by  the   following  letter  to   the 
President : — 

The  Speech  of  Cornplantcr,  Half-  Town,  and  Big-  Tree,  Seneca 
Chiefs,  to  the  great  Councillor  of  the  Thirteen  Fires. 

"  FATHER  :  No  Seneca  ever  goes  from  the  fire  of  his  friend, 
until  he  has  said  to  him,  '  I  am  going.'  We  therefore  tell  you, 
that  we  are  now  setting  out  for  our  own  country. 

"  FATHER  :  We  thank  you,  from  our  hearts,  that  we  now 
know  there  is  a  country  we  may  call  our  own,  and  on  which 
we  may  lie  down  in  peace.  We  see  that  there  will  be  peace 
between  your  children  and  our  children ;  and  our  hearts  are 
very  glad.  We  will  persuade  the  Wyandots  and  other  wes 
tern  nations,  to  open  their  eyes,  and  look  towards  the  bed  which 
you  have  made  for  us,  and  to  ask  of  you  abed  for  themselves, 
and  their  children,  that  will  not  slide  from  under  them. 

"  We  thank  you  for  your  presents  to  us,  and  rely  on  your 
promise  to  instruct  us  in  raising  corn,  as  the  white  people  do; 
the  sooner  you  do  this  the  better  for  us.  And  we  thank  you 
for  the  care  you  have  taken  to  prevent  bad  men  from  coming 
to  trade  among  us  ;  if  any  come  without  your  license  we  will 
turn  them  back ;  and  we  hope  our  nation  will  determine  to 
spill  all  the  rum  which  shall  hereafter  be  brought  to  our  towns. 

"  FATHER  :  We  are  glad  to  hear  that  you  determine  to  ap 
point  an  agent  that  will  do  us  justice,  in  taking  care  that  bad 
men  do  not  come  to  trade  among  us  ;  but  we  earnestly  entreat 
you  that  you  will  let  us  have  an  interpreter,  in  whom  we  can 
confide,  to  reside  at  Pittsburgh ;  to  that  place  our  people,  and 
other  nations,  will  long  continue  to  resort ;  there  we  must  send 
what  news  we  hear,  when  we  go  among  the  western  nations, 
which  we  are  determined  shall  be  early  in  the  Spring.  We 
know  Joseph  Nicholson,  and  he  speaks  our  language  so  that 
we  clearly  understand  what  you  say  to  us,  and  we  rely  on  what 
he  says.  If  we  were  able  to  pay  him  for  his  services  we  would 
do  it ;  but,  when  we  meant  to  pay  him,  by  giving  him  land,  it 
has  not  been  confirmed  to  him ;  and  he  will  not  serve  us  any 
longer  unless  you  will  pay  him.  Let  him  stand  between,  to 
entreat  you. 

FATHER  :  You  have  not  asked  any  security  for  peace  on  our 
part,  but  we  have  agreed  to  send  nine  Seneca  boys  to  be  under 
your  care  for  education.  Tell  us  at  what  time  you  will  receive 
them,  and  they  shall  be  sent  at  the  time  you  shall  appoint.  This 
will  assure  you  that  we  are,  indeed,  at  peace  with  you,  and  de 
termined  to  continue  so.  If  you  can  teach  them  to  become 
wise  and  good  men,  we  will  take  care  that  our  nation  shall  be 
willing  to  receive  instruction  from  them. 


CORNPLANTER.  441 

This  letter  was  answered  in  behalf  of  the  President 
by  General  Knox,  Secretary  at  War.  He  cautiously  in 
formed  them  that  instead  of  taking  a  portion  of  their 
youth  away  from  their  country,  to  be  educated  abroad, 
it  was  proposed  by  the  President  to  send  a  schoolmaster 
to  reside  among  them.  Two  or  three  farmers  were 
also  to  be  planted  in  their  country,  to  teach  them  the 
arts  of  husbandry.  With  these  and  other  favorable 
assurances,  Cornplanter  and  his  associates  departed  for 
their  homes.  Arriving  at  Pittsburgh,  they  ascertained 
that  some  fresh  outrages  and  additional  murders  had 
been  committed  by  the  whites  against  and  upon  their 
people,  whereupon  Cornplanter  immediately  addressed 
the  following  letter  of  just  complaint  to  the  President: — 

Message  from  the  Cornplanter,  New- Arrow,  Half-Town,  and 
Big-  Tree,  Chiefs  of  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indians,  to  the  Pre 
sident  of  the  United  States. 

«  PITTSBURGH,  Marcli  17,  1791. 

"  SIR  :  When  we  rose  from  the  Great  Council  of  the 
Thirteen  Fires,  we  mentioned  that  we  meant  to  have  a  coun 
cil  with  the  chiefs  of  the  had,  angry  Indians.  Through  the 
whole  Quaker  State,  as  we  came  up  the  road,  we  were  treated 
well,  and  they  took  good  care  of  us  until  we  came  here.  One 
misfortune  happened  only,  that  one  of  our  wagons  is  not  yet 
arrived  here ;  the  one  we  first  engaged,  with  the  goods  you 
presented  to  us. 

"  FATHER  :  Your  promise  to  us  was,  that  you  would  keep 
all  your  people  quiet ;  but  since  we  came  here,  we  find  that 
some  of  our  people  have  been  killed, — the  good  honest  people 
who  were  here  trading. 

"  FATHER  :  We  hope  you  will  not  suffer  all  the  good  people 
to  be  killed  ;  but  your  people  are  killing  them  as  fast  as  they 
can.  Three  men  and  one  woman  have  been  killed  at  Big 
Beaver  Creek,  and  they  were  good  people,  and  some  of 
the  white  people  will  testify  the  truth  of  this.  When  we 
heard  the  news  we  found  one  boy  had  made  his  escape,  and 
got  to  the  trader's  house,  who  saved  his  life  ;  we  now  wait  to 
see  him. 

"  FATHER  :  We  have  been  informed  that  twenty-seven  men 
came  from  another  state,  and  murdered  these  men  in  the 
Quaker  State,  and  took  away  nine  horses,  and  all  the  goods 

56 


442  CORNPLANTER. 

they  had  purchased  from  the  trader.  Our  father,  and  ruler 
over  all  mankind,  now  speak  and  tell  us,  did  you  order  those 
men  to  be  killed] 

"  FATHER  :  Our  word  is  pledged  to  you  that  we  would  en 
deavor  to  make  peace  with  all  warrior  nations.  If  we  cannot 
do  it,  do  not  blame  us ;  you  struck  the  innocent  men  first. 
We  hope  you  will  not  blame  us,  as  your  people  have  first  broke 
good  rules ;  but,  as  for  our  people,  they  are  as  firm  and  friendly 
as  ever. 

"  FATHER  :  "We  must  now  acquaint  you  with  the  men's  names 
who  did  this  murder  at  Beaver  Creek  ;  Samuel  Brady,  formerly 
a  captain  in  your  army,  and  under  your  command  j  also  a  Bal 
den,  were  persons  concerned  in  this  murder. 

"  FATHER  :  We  can  inform  you  little  more  ;  therefore  will 
conclude  with  asking  you  how  we  should  have  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  this,  or  how  we  could  have  informed  you,  had  it 
not  been  for  our  good  friend  Joseph  Nicholson  1  Therefore 
we  beg  you  may  grant  him  an  appointment  as  interpreter  ;  for 
we  cannot  see  how  we  can  do  without  him.  We  know  of  no 
other  man  who  speaks  your  language  and  ours  so  well  as  he. 

"  CORNPLANTER,  X  his  mark. 

"  NEW- ARROW,  X  his  mark. 

"  HALF-TOWN,  X  his  mark. 

"  BIG-TREE,  X  his  mark. 

"  P.  S.  The  boy  who  made  his  escape  at  Beaver  Creek  has 
arrived  at  this  place,  and  I  have  taken  him  under  my  protec 
tion.  Father,  your  despatches  from  Detroit  have  been  una 
voidably  detained,  heretofore ;  but  to-morrow  Big-Tree  and 
one  other  shall  set  off  with  them,  and  will  also  take  the  boy 
mentioned  here,  and  deliver  him  to  his  relations.  We  part, 
to-day,  at  this  place  ;  Big-Tree  is  going  among  the  Cross  In 
dians  to  see  if  they  will  make  peace,  and  I  go  to  my  own 
people  to  call  them  to  council. 

"  CORNPLANTER." 

The  Secretary  at  War  replied  to  this  message  on  the 
28th  of  March,  disclaiming  and  denouncing  the  outrages 
committed  by  Brady,  and  assuring  the  Indians  that  Ge 
neral  St.  Clair,  then  commanding  in  Ohio,  should  make 
full  inquiry  into  the  circumstances  of  the  case,  reimburse 
the  Indians  for  the  property  destroyed,  and  discover  and 
arrest  the  offenders  if  possible. 

It  will  have  been  observed  from  the  last  two  commu 
nications  of  Cornplanter  and  his  associates,  that  Big- 


CORNPLANTER.  443 

Tree  and  Half-Town  were  about  to  proceed  into  the 
country  of  the  Indians  then  at  war  with  the  United 
States,  upon  an  embassy  of  peace.  An  arrangement  to 
this  effect,  which  was  to  include  Cornplanter  also,  had 
been  made  during  the  visit  of  the  chiefs  at  Philadelphia. 
Still  it  had  been  judged  advisable  for  Cornplanter  him 
self  to  proceed  home  in  the  first  instance,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  convening  a  general  council  of  the  Six  Nations,  to 
meet  Colonel  Proctor,  in  whose  company,  and  for  whose 
protection,  it  was  proposed  that  he  should  make  his  jour 
ney  among  the  hostile  tribes.  The  proceedings  under 
this  part  of  the  arrangement  have  been  detailed  in  the 
life  of  Red-Jacket.  The  mission  of  Colonel  Proctor 
was  a  failure, — -he  being  unable  to  proceed  among  the 
hostile  Indians.  Yet  at  a  subsequent  period  Cornplanter 
performed  the  mission,  at  great  personal  hazard,  but 
without  any  favorable  results.  There  were  many  at  that 
time,  as  in  all  Indian  wars,  who  entertained  doubts  of 
the  fidelity  of  such  Indians  as  professed  friendship  for 
the  whites,  and  Cornplanter  did  not  escape  suspicion. 
But  his  subsequent  conduct  showed  that  those  suspicions 
were  unjust.  Among  other  evidences  of  his  integrity, 
a  letter  from  Fort  Franklin  bore  the  following  testimony 
to  his  fidelity  :  "  I  have  only  to  observe  that  Cornplan 
ter  has  been  here,  and  in  my  opinion  he  is  as  friendly  as 
one  of  our  own  people.  He  has  advised  me  to  take 
care ;  *  for,'  said  he,  '  you  will  soon  have  a  chance  to 
let  the  world  know  whether  you  are  a  soldier  or  not.' 
When  he  went  off,  he  ordered  two  chiefs  and  ten  war 
riors  to  remain  here  and  scout  about  the  garrison,  and 
.let  me  know  if  the  bad  Indians  should  either  advance 
against  me,  or  any  of  the  frontiers  of  the  United  States. 
He  thinks  the  people  at  Pittsburgh  should  keep  out 
spies  toward  the  salt  licks,  for  he  says,  by  arid  by,  he 
thinks  the  bad  Indians  will  come  from  that  way.'  An- 


444  CORNPLANTER. 

other  evidence  of  his  good  faith  may  be  found  in  the 
following  advertisement,  signed  by  him  and  published 
in  the  same  year, — 1792  : — "  My  people  having  been 
charged  with  committing  depredations  on  the  frontier 
inhabitants  near  Pittsburgh,  I  hereby  contradict  the  as 
sertion,  as  it  is  certainly  without  foundation.  I  pledge 
myself  to  those  inhabitants,  that  they  may  rest  perfectly 
secure  from  any  danger  from  the  Senecas  residing  en  the 
Alleghany  waters,  and  that  my  people  have  been,  and 
still  are,  friendly  .to  the  United  States."*  Another  in 
stance,  and  a  painful  orle,  goes  to  establish  the  same 
truth.  At  or  near  the  time  of  his  departure  on  his  mes 
sage  of  peace  to  the  west,  "  as  three  of  his  people  were 
travelling  through  a  settlement  upon  the  Genesee,  they 
stopped  at  a  house  to  light  their  pipes.  There  happened 
to  be  several  white  men  within,  one  of  whom,  as  the 
foremost  Indian  stooped  down  to  light  his  pipe,  killed 
him  with  an-  axe.  Another  of  the  party  was  badly 
wounded  with  the  same  weapon,  while  escaping  from  the 
house.  They  were  not  pursued,  and  a  boy  of  the  num 
ber  escaped  unhurt."t  When  Cornplanter  became  ac 
quainted  with  the  foul  transaction,  instead  of  seizing  his 
tomahawk,  and  rushing  at  the  head  of  his  clan  upon  the 
nearest  American  settlement  for  revenge,  he  charged 
his  warriors  to  remain  quiet,  and  was  heard  only  to 
say  : — "  It  is  hard,  when  I  and  my  people  are  trying  to 
make  peace  for  the  whites,  that  we  should  be  thus  re 
warded.  I  can  govern  my  young  men  and  warriors 
better  than  the  Thirteen  Fires  can  their's!"  This  re 
buke  would  have  done  honor  to  a  Christian  philosopher. 
During  all  the  troubles  of  those  days  between  the  Uni 
ted  States  and  the  Indians,  until  after  the  decisive  vic 
tory  of  Wayne,  and  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  Cornplan- 

*  Drake. 

t  Idem.     This  poor  wounded  Indian,  when  almost  recovered  from  the  injury, 
was  bitten  by  a  serpent,  which  caused  his  immediate  death. 


CORNPLANTER.  445 

ter  was  ever  neutral,  and  always  the  friend  of  peace. 
His  exertions  to  this  end  are  referred  to  in  the  life  of 
Brant,  and  more  fully  set  forth  in  the  preceding  life  of 
Red-Jacket,  He  was  present  at  the  several  treaties 
held  with  his  people  by  Colonel  Pickering,  ending  with 
that  of  Canandaigua,  in  1794.  Nothing  farther  is  heard 
of  the  veteran  chief  until  the  treaty  with  Thomas  Mor 
ris,  held  at  Big  Tree,  in  1797,  when  he  again  appeared 
upon  the  stage  of  action,  as  stated  in  the  former  part  of 
the  present  volume. 

He  had  ever  entertained  a  profound  regard  for  the 
character  of  Washington,  and  on  the  eve  of  the  retire 
ment  of  that  great  man  from  the  public  service,  as  Pre 
sident  of  the  United  States,  Cornplanter  made  a  special 
visit  to  the  seat  of  the  federal  government,  to  take  an 
official  leave  of  the  great  benefactor  both  of  the  white 
man  and  the  red.  The  following  manly  speech  from 
the  forest  chief  was  delivered  on  the  occasion  at  the  in 
terview  : — 

Speech  of  The  Cornplanter  to  General  Washington, — Philadel 
phia,  2Stk  February,  1797. 

11  FATHER  :  I  thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  protecting  us  through 
the  various  paths  which  we  have  trod  since  I  was  last  at  this 
place.  As  I  am  told  you  are  about  to  retire  from  public  business, 
I  have  come  to  pay  my  last  address  to  you  as  the  great  Chief 
of  the  Fifteen  Fires,  and  am  happy  to  find  that  I  have  arrived 
here  in  time  to  address  you  once  more  as  father,  and  to  advise 
with  you  on  the  business  of  our  nation.  You  have  always 
told  us  that  the  land  which  we  live  upon  is  our  own,  and  that 
we  may  make  such  use  of  it  as  we  think  most  conducive  to 
our  own  comfort  and  the  happiness  of  posterity. 

"  FATHER  :  I  wish  whilst  I  am  able  to  do  business  to  pro 
vide  for  the  rising  generation.  Our  forefathers  thought  that 
their  posterity  would  pursue  their  tracks,  and  support  them 
selves  by  their  hunts,  as  they  did  in  the  extensive  forests  given 
them  by  the  Great  Spirit,  and  by  them  transmitted  to  us.  But 
the  great  revolution  among  the  white  people  in  this  country 
ha§  extended  its  influence  to  the  people  of  my  color, — turn 
our  faces  which  way  we  will,  we  find  the  white  people  culd- 


446  CORNPLANTER. 

vating  the  ground  which  our  forefathers  hunted  over,  and  the 
forests  which  furnished  them  with  plenty  now  afford  but  a 
scanty  subsistence  for  us,  and  our  young  men  are  not  safe  in 
pursuing  it.  If  a  few  years  have  made  such  a  change,  what 
will  be  the  situation  of  our  children  when  those  calamities  in 
crease  r{ 

"  FATHER  :  To  those  points  I  wish  to  draw  your  attention, 
and  once  more  to  have  your  candid  and  friendly  advice  on 
what  will  be  best  for  the  present  race,  and  how  we  can  best 
provide  for  posterity.  Your  people  have  a  different  mode  of 
living  from  ours ; — they  have  trades  and  they  have  education, 
which  enables  them  to  take  different  pursuits;  by  which  means 
they  maintain  themselves,  provide  for  their  children,  and  help 
each  other. 

"  FATHER  :  I  am  also  told  that  your  people  have  a  strong 
place  for  their  money,  where  it  is  not  only  safe,  but  that  it  pro 
duces  them  each  and  every  year  an  increase  without  lessening 
the  stock.  If  we  should  dispose  of  part  of  our  country  and 
put  our  money  with  your's  in  that  strong  place,  will  it  be  safe  ? 
Will  it  yield  to  our  children  the  same  advantages  after  our 
heads  are  laid  down  as  it  will  at  present  produce  to  us  ]  Will 
it  be  out  of  the  reach  of  our  foolish  young  men,  so  that  they 
cannot  drink  it  up,  to  the  prejudice  of  our  children  ? 

"  FATHER  :;  You  know  that  some  of  our  people  are  too  fond 
of  strong  drink,  and  I  am  sorry  to  observe  that  your  people 
are  too  apt  to  lay  that  temptation  before  them. 

"  FATHER  :  The  last  time  I  was  here  1  mentioned  to  you 
that  my  mind  was  uneasy  in  regard  to  Mr.  Oliver  Phelps's 
purchase,  to  which  you  desired  me  to  make  my  mind  easy, 
and  said  that  yOu  would  inquire  into  the  business.  On  my  re 
turn  I  met  Mr.  Phelps  at  Canandaigua,  where  he  promised  to 
give  me  a  piece  of  land  arid  to  build  me  a  house,  and  give  me 
some  cattle.  With  this  I  was  satisfied,  till  I  saw  him  again 
some  time  after,  when  he,  to  my  surprise,  had  almost  forgotten 
it, — but  when  I  put  him  in  mind  of  it  he  gave  me  a  horse  and 
two  cattle,  but  refused  the  house  and  land  because  land  had 
raised  so  much  in  value. 

"  FATHER  :  To  one  thing  more  I  wish  your  attention  : — 
When  I  was  returning  home  the  last  time  I  was  here,  I  was 
plundered  by  some  of  your  unruly  people,  of  several  things, 
amongst  which  was  a  paper  given  me  by  General  Parsons,  en 
titling  me  to  one  mile  square  of  land  at  Muskingum,  which  I 
have  never  been  able  to  recover,  and  without  your  friendly 
assistance  must  lose  the  land. 

"  FATHER  :  I  congratulate  you  on  your  intended  repose 
from  the  fatigues  and  anxiety  of  mind  which  are  constant  at 
tendants  on  high  public  stations, — and  hope  that  the  same 


CORNPLANTER.  447 

good  Spirit  which  has  so  long  guided  your  steps  as  a  father  to 
a  great  nation  will  still  continue  to  protect  you,  and  make  your 
private  reflections  as  pleasant  to  yourself,  as  your  public  mea 
sures  have  been  useful  to  your  people." 

The  manuscript  of  the  preceding  speech  has  been 
preserved  among  the  papers  of  Thomas  Morris.  The 
circumstances  of  this  visit  being  unofficial,  or  rather  not 
being  connected  with  the  public  service,  it  is  not  mentioned 
in  the  Indian  state  papers,  and  the  reply  of  Washington 
seems  not  to  have  been  preserved.  No  doubt  it  was 
characteristic  of  that  illustrious  man, — considerate  as 
well  as  kind. 

The  relations  between  the  United  States  and  the  In 
dians  having  now  been  settled  upon  a  permanently 
pacific  basis,  the  life  of  Cornplanter  was  no  longer  con 
nected  with  the  general  history  of  the  country.  His 
labors  were  consequently  thenceforward  devoted  to  his 
own  people.  Like  his  great  Mohawk  contemporary, 
Thayendanegea,  he  was  anxious  for  the  civilization  and 
moral  and  social  improvement  of  his  race,  and  his  efforts 
were  directed  to  that  object.  He  saw  all  around  him 
the  evils  of  intemperance,  and  exerted  himself  with  zeal, 
in  conjunction  with  his  brother,  Gos-kuk-ke-wa-na-kow- 
ne-di-yu,  the  prophet,  to  effect  a  reformation  upon  this 
subject.  In  the  course  of  his  exertions  in  this  cause  he 
made  a  visit  to  President  Jefferson,  in  the  early  part  of 
his  administration,  for  counsel  and  encouragement. 
Shortly  afterward  he  received  a  beautiful  and  character 
istic  letter  from  Mr.  Jefferson,  which,  not  having  been 
elsewhere  published,  is  here  inserted  :* 

"  Washington,  Novembers,  1602. 

"  BROTHER  HANDSOME  LAKE  :  I  have  received  the  message 
in  writing  which  you  sent  through  Capt.  Irvine,  our  confiden- 

*  The  author  has  been  favored  with  the  original  of  this  letter,  by  Mr.  Pierce, 
a  young  Seneca  chief  of  the  Alleghany  clan,  to  whom  reference  has  before  been 
made. 


448  CORNPLANTER. 

tial  agent,  placed  near  you  for  the  purpose  of  eommunicating 
and  transacting  between  us  whatever  may  be  useful  for  both 
nations.  I  am  happy  to  learn  you  have  been  so  far  favored  by 
the  Divine  Spirit,  as  to  be  made  sensible  of  those  things  which 
are  for  your  good  and  that  of  your  people,  and  of  those  which 
are  hurtful  to  you  ;  and  particularly  that  you  and  they  see  the 
ruinous  effects  which  the  abuse  of  spirituous  liquors  have  pro 
duced  upon  them.  It  has  weakened  their  bodies,  enervated 
their  minds,  exposed  them  to  hunger,  cold,  nakedness,  and 
poverty;  kept  them  in  perpetual  broils,  and  reduced  their 
population.  I  do  not  wonder,  then,  brother,  at  your  censures, 
not  only  on  your  own  people,  who  have  voluntarily  gone  into 
these  fatal  habits,  but  on  all  the  nations  of  white  people  who 
have  supplied  their  calls  for  this  article.  But  these  nations 
have  done  to  you  only  what  they  do  among  themselves.  They 
have  sold  what  individuals  wish  to  buy,  leaving  to  every  one  to 
be  the  guardian  of  his  own  health  and  happiness.  Spirituous 
liquors  are  not  in  themselves  bad.  They  are  often  found  to  be 
an  excellent  medicine  for  the  sick.  It  is  the  improper  and  in 
temperate  use  of  them,  by  those  in  health,  which  makes  them 
injurious  ;  but  as  you  find  that  your  people  cannot  refrain  from 
an  ill  use  of  them,  I  greatly  applaud  your  resolution  not  to  use 
them  at  all.  We  have  too  affectionate  a  concern  for  your  hap 
piness  to  place  the  paltry  gain  on  the  sale  of  these  articles  in 
competition  with  the  injury  they  do  you  ;  and  as  it  is  the  desire 
of  your  nation  that  no  spirits  should  be  sent  among  them,  and 
I  am  authorized  by  the  great  council  of  the  United  States  to 
prohibit  them,  I  will  sincerely  co-operate  with  your  wise  men 
in  any  proper  measures  for  this  purpose  which  shall  be  agreea 
ble  to  them. 

"  You  remind  me,  brother,  of  what  I  have  said  to  you  when 
you  visited  me  the  last  winter,  that  the  land  you  then  held 
would  remain  yours,  and  should  never  go  from  you  but  when 
you  should  be  disposed  to  sell.  This  I  now  repeat,  and  will 
ever  abide  by.  We,  indeed,  are  always  ready  to  buy  land ; 
but  we  will  never  ask  but  when  you  wish  to  sell ;  and  our  laws, 
in  order  to  protect  you  against  imposition,  have  forbidden  indi 
viduals  to  purchase  lands  from  you  ;  and  have  rendered  it  ne 
cessary,  when  you  desire  to  sell,  even  to  a  state,  that  an  agent 
from  the  United  States  should  attend  the  sale,  see  that  your 
consent  is  freely  given,  a  satisfactory  price  paid,  and  report  to 
us  what  has  been  done,  for  our  approbation.  This  was  done 
in  the  late  case  of  which  you  complain.  The  deputies  of  your 
nation  came  forward  in  all  the  forms  which  we  have  been  used 
to  consider  as  evidence  of  the  will  of  your  nation.  They  pro 
posed  to  sell  the  state  of  New- York  certain  parcels  of  land, 
of  small  extent,  and  detached  from  the  body  of  your  other 
lands.  The  state  of  New- York  was  desirous  to  buy.  I  sent 


CORNPLANTER.  449 

an  agent  in  whom  we  trust,  to  see  that  your  consent  was  free, 
and  the  sale  fair.  All  was  reported  to  be  free  and  fair.  The 
lands  were  your  property.  The  right  to  sell  is  one  of  the 
rights  of  property.  To  forbid  you  the  exercise  of  that  right 
would  be  a  wrong  to  your  nation.  Nor  do  I  think,  brother, 
that  the  sale  of  lands  is,  under  all  circumstances,  injurious  to 
your  people  ;  while  they  depended  on  hunting,  the  more  exten 
sive  the  forests  around  them,  the  more  game  they  would  yield. 
But,  going  into  a  state  of  agriculture,  it  may  be  as  advantageous 
to  a  society  as  it  is  to  an  individual  who  has  more  land  than  he 
can  improve,  to  sell  a  part  and  lay  out  the  money  in  stocks  and 
implements  of  agriculture,  for  the  better  improvement  of  the 
residue.  A  little  land,  well  stocked  and  improved,  will  yield 
a  great  deal  more  without  stock  or  improvement.  I  hope, 
therefore,  that,  on  further  reflection,  you  will  see  this  transaction 
in  a  more  favorable  light,  both  as  it  concerns  the  interest  of 
your  nation,  and  the  exercise  of  that  superintending  care 
which  I  am  sincerely  anxious  to  employ  for  their  subsistence 
and  happiness.  Go  on,  then,  brother,  in  the  great  reformation 
you  have  undertaken.  Persuade  our  red  men  to  be  sober  and 
to  cultivate  their  lands  ;  and  their  women  to  spin  and  weave 
for  their  families.  You  will  soon  see  your  women  and  chil 
dren  well  fed  and  clothed  :  your  men  living  happily  in  peace 
and  plenty,  and  your  numbers  increasing  from  year  to  year. 
It  will  be  a  great  glory  to  you  to  have  been  the  instrument  of 
so  happy  a  change,  and  your  children's  children,  from  genera 
tion  to  generation,  will  repeat  your  name  with  love  and  grati 
tude  for  ever.  In  all  your  enterprises  for  the  good  of  your 
people  you  may  count  with  confidence  on  the  aid  and  protec 
tion  of  the  United  States,  and  on  the  sincerity  and  zeal  with 
which  I  am  animated  in  the  furthering  of  this  humane  work. 
You  are  our  brethren  of  the  same  land ;  we  wish  your  pros 
perity  as  brethren  should  do.  Farewell ! 

(Signed,)         "  TH.  JEFFERSON." 

It 'was  in  the  course  of  these  labors  for  the  moral  ele 
vation  of  his  people,  that  Cornplanter  became  involved 
in  the  contest  for  the  ascendancy  with  Red-Jacket,  as 
related  at  large  in  the  life  of  the  orator.  There  had 
never  been  any  good  will  between  them  since  the  treaty 
of  Fort  Stanwix ;  and  the  effort  now  made  by  Corn- 
planter  to  regain  the  influence  he  had  lost  through  the 
intrigues  and  subtlety  of  his  rival,  by  means  of  the  pre 
tended  visions  and  revelations  of  his  brother,  the  prophet, 

57 


450  CORNPLANTER. 

having  signally  failed,  as  heretofore  stated,  the  old  war- 
chief  remained,  during  the  residue  of  his  extended  life, 
in  retirement  and  comparative  obscurity.  The  residence 
of  his  clan  was  upon  the  banks  of  the  Alleghany,  and 
its  tributaries,  the  Oil  and  Connewango  creeks,  partly 
within  the  bounds  of  New-York,  and  partly  in  Pennsyl 
vania.  The  legislature  of  the  latter  state  having  made 
him  a  special  grant  of  land  on  the  Alleghany,  about  seven 
miles  below  its  junction  with  the  Connewango,  Cornplan- 
ter  removed  thither  and  continued  there  to  reside,  culti 
vating  a  large  farm,  until  the  day  of  his  death. 

In  the  year  1816,  the  late  Rev.  Timothy  Alden,  then 
President  of  Alleghany  College,  made  a  visit  to  the  old 
chief,  whom  he  says  he  found  on  the  banks  of  the  Alle 
ghany  on  a  piece  of  first-rate  bottom  land,  a  little  within 
the  limits  of  Pennsylvania.     He  was  the  owner  of  thir 
teen  hundred  acres  of  land,  upon  six  hundred  of  which 
stood  his  village,  exhibiting  the  signs  of  industrious  in 
habitants.     "  It  was  grateful,"  remarked  Dr.  Alden  in 
his  journal,  "  to  notice  the  present  agricultural  habits  of 
the  place,  from  the  numerous  enclosures  of  buckwheat, 
corn  and  oats.     We  also  saw  a  number  of  oxen,  cows, 
and  horses  ;  and  many  logs,  designed  for  the  saw-mill, 
and  the  Pittsburgh  market."      The  chief  was  a  pro 
fessing  Christian,  and  hailed  with  joy  the  visits  of  his 
fellow  Christians.     He  was  delighted  with  the  arrival  of 
Dr.  Alden,  and  lost  not  a  moment  in  welcoming  hhn  to 
his  village,  and  insisted  on  waiting  upon  him  in  person. 
He  had  many  of  his  people  under  his  command,  but  he 
preferred  serving  his  visitor,  and  even  cutting  and  bring 
ing  from  the  field  the  forage  for  his  horse,  himself.     The 
Western  Missionary  Society  at  that  time  were  sustaining 
a  school  in  Cornplanter's  village,  which  Dr.  Alden  de 
scribed  as  being  in  a  condition  promising  good  success. 
One  of  his  sons,  Henry  O'Bail,  had  been  educated  in 


CORNPLANTER. 

Philadelphia  ;  but  on  returning  to  his  people  he  became 
a  drunkard  and  was  discarded  by  his  father.  He  after 
ward  attached  himself  to  the  Pagan  party  under  Red- 
Jacket.  Cornplanter  had  other  sons,  but  he  resolved 
that  no  more  of  them  should  be  educated  among  the 
whites,  since,  as  he  said,  "it  entirely  spoils  Indian  !"* 
Notwithstanding  his  profession  of  Christianity,  Corn- 
planter  was  very  superstitious.  "Not long  since  he  said 
the  Good  Spirit  had  told  him  not  to  have  any  thing  to  do 
with  the  whites,  or  even  to  preserve  any  mementos  or 
relics  that  had  from  time  to  time  been  given  to  him  by 
the  pale-faces  ; — whereupon,  among  other  things,  he 
burnt  up  his  belt  and  broke  his  elegant  sword." 

From  the  time  of  Dr.  Alden's  visit  until  the  month  of 
February,  1822,  the  name  of  this  extraordinary  man  is 
found  in  connexion  with  no  public  event.  It  appears 
that  in  1821-'22,  the  State  of  Pennsylvania  attempted  to 
exact  a  tax  from  Cornplanter  and  his  people.  The  blood 
of  the  chief,  though  chilled  by  the  cold  of  almost  a  hun 
dred  winters,  became  warm  again.  Such  a  demand 
never  having  been  made  of  him  before,  he  conceived  it 
to  be  not  only  unlawful,  but  a  personal  indignity.  He 
therefore  resisted  payment,  and  only  submitted  when 
the  civil  officers  appeared  and  were  about  to  enforce 
their  demand  with  fire-arms.  The  tax  was  then  paid, 
whereupon  Cornplanter  applied  to  the  governor  of  the 
state  for  a  redress  of  the  grievance,  in  the  following  letter 
not  actually  written,  but  entirely  dictated  by  himself. 
It  is  worth  preserving,  not  only  as  it  relates  to  the  sub 
ject  in  dispute,  but  as  a  curious  piece  of  Indian  auto-^ 
biography : — 

"  AllegJiany  River,  2d  Mo.  2d,  1822. 

"  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  send  a  speech  to  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania  at  this  time,  and  inform  him  the  place  where  I 
was  from, — which  was  Conewaugus,  on  the  Genesee  River. 

*  Judge  E.  T.  Foote,  of  Chautauque,  as  cited  by  Drake. 


452  CORNPLANTER. 

"  When  I  was  a  child,  I  played  with  the  butterfly,  the  grass 
hopper  and  the  frogs.  As  I  grew  up,  I  began  to  pay  some 
attention,  and  play  with  the  Indian  boys  in  the  neighborhood, 
and  they  took  notice  of  my  skin  being  a  different  color  from 
theirs,  and  spoke  about  it.  I  inquired  of  my  mother  the  cause, 
and  she  told  me  that  my  father  was  a  residenter  in  Albany.  I 
ate  still  my  victuals  out  of  a  bark  dish — I  grew  up  to  be  a 
young  man,  and  married  me  a  wife,  but  I  had  no  kettle  or  gun. 
I  then  knew  where  my  father  lived,  and  went  to  see  him,  and 
found  he  was  a  white  man,  and  spoke  the  English  language. 
He  gave  me  victuals  while  I  was  at  his  house,  but  when  I  started 
to  return  home,  he  gave  me  no  provision  to  eat  on  the  way.  He 
gave  me  neither  kettle  nor  gun,  neither  did  he  tell  me  that  the 
United  States  were  about  to  rebel  against  the  government  of 
England.  * 

"  I  will  now  tell  you,  brothers,  who  are  in  session  of  the 
legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  that  the  Great  Spirit  has  made 
known  to  me  that  1  have  been  wicked  ;  and  the  cause  thereof 
was  the  revolutionary  war  in  America.  The  cause  of  Indians 
having  been  led  into  sin,  at  that  time,  was  that  many  of  them 
were  in  the  practice  of  drinking  and  getting  intoxicated.  Great 
Britain  requested  us  to  join  with  them  in  the  conflict  against 
the  Americans,  and  promised  the  Indians  land  and  liquor.  I, 
myself,  was  opposed  to  joining  in  the  conflict,  as  I  had  nothing 
to  do  with  the  difficulty  that  existed  between  the  two  parties. 
I  have  now  informed  you  how  it  happened  that  the  Indians 
took  a  part  in  the  revolution,  and  will  relate  to  you  some  cir 
cumstances  that  occurred  after  the  close  of  the  war.  General 
Putnam,  who  was  then  at  Philadelphia,  told  me  there  was  to 
be  a  council  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  the  Indians  requested  me  to 
attend  on  behalf  of  the  Six  Nations,  which  I  did,  and  there 
met  with  three  commissioners,  who  had  been  appointed  to  hold 
the  council.  They  told  me  they  would  inform  me  of  the  cause 
of  the  revolution,  which  I  requested  them  to  do  minutely. 
They  then  said  that  it  had  originated  on  account  of  the  heavy 
taxes  that  had  been  imposed  upon  them  by  the  British  govern 
ment,  which  had  been  for  fifty  years  increasing  upon  them ; 
that  the  Americans  had  grown  weary  thereof,  and  refused  to 
pay,  which  affronted  the  king.  There  had  likewise  a  difficulty 
taken  place  about  some  tea,  which  they  wished  me  not  to  use,  as 
it  had  been  one  of  the  causes  that  many  people  had  lost  their 
lives.  And  the  British  government  now  being  affronted,  the 
war  commenced,  and  the  cannons  began  to  roar  in  our  country. 
General  Putnam  then  told  me  at  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
that  by  the  late  war  the  Americans  had  gained  two  objects ; 

*  This  paragraph  has  been  already  quoted,  as  chronologically  belonging  to  the 
opening  of  the  present  sketch. 


CORNPLANTER.  453 

they  had  established  themselves  an  independent  nation,  and 
had  obtained  some  land  from  Great  Britain  to  live  upon,  the 
division  line  of  which  ran  through  the  lakes.  I  then  spoke, 
and  said  that  I  wanted  some  land  for  the  Indians  to  live  on, 
and  General  Putnam  said  that  it  should  be  granted,  and  that  I 
should  have  land  in  the  state  of  New- York  for  the  Indians. 
General  Putnam  then  encouraged  me  to  use  my  endeavors  to 
pacify  the  Indians  generally ;  and  as  he  considered  it  an  ar 
duous  task  to  perform,  wished  to  know  what  I  wanted  as  pay 
therefor  ?  I  replied  to  him,  that  I  would  use  my  endeavors  to 
do  as  he  had  requested  with  the  Indians,  and  for  pay  thereof,  I 
would  take  the  land.  I  told  him  not  to  pay  me  money  or  dry 
goods,  but  land.  And  for  having  attended  thereto,  I  received 
the  tract  of  land  on  which  I  now  live,  which  was  presented  to 
me  by  Governor  Mifflin.  I  told  General  Putnam  that  I  wished 
the  Indians  to  have  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  deer  and  wild 
game,  which  he  assented  to. 

"  The  treaty  that  was  made  at  the  aforementioned  council 
has  been  broken  by  some  of  the  white  people,  which  I  now 
intend  acquainting  the  governor  with.  Some  white  people  are 
not  willing  that  Indians  should  hunt  any  more,  whilst  others 
are  satisfied  therewith ;  and  those  white  people  who  reside 
near  our  reservation,  tell  us  that  the  woods  are  theirs,  and 
they  have  obtained  them  from  the  governor.  The  treaty  has 
been  also  broken  by  the  white  people  using  their  endeavors 
to  destroy  all  the  wolves,  which  was  not  spoken  about  in  the 
council  at  Fort  Stanwix,  by  General  Putnam,  but  has  originated 
lately. 

"  It  has  been  broken  again,  which  is  of  recent  origin.  White 
people  wish  to  get  credit  from  Indians,  and  do  not  pay  them 
honestly,  according  to  their  agreement. 

"  In  another  respect  it  has  also  been  broken  by  white  peo 
ple,  who  reside  near  my  dwelling ;  for  when  I  plant  melons 
and  vines  in  my  field,  they  take  them  as  their  own.  It  has 
been  broken  again  by  white  people  using  their  endeavors  to 
obtain  our  pine  trees  from  us.  We  have  very  few  pine  trees 
on  our  land,  in  the  state  of  New- York  ;  and  white  people  and 
Indians  often  get  into  dispute  respecting  them.  There  is  also 
a  great  quantity  of  whiskey  brought  near  our  reservation  by 
white  people,  and  the  Indians  obtain  it  and  become  drunken. 

"  Another  circumstance  has  taken  place  which  is  very  trying 
to  me,  and  I  wish  the  interference  of  the  governor.  The  white 
people  who  live  at  Warren,  called  upon  me  sometime  ago,  to 
pay  taxes  for  my  land,  which  I  objected  to,  as  I  had  never  been 
called  upon  for  that  purpose  before ;  and  having  refused  to 
pay  the  white  people  became  irritated,  called  upon  me  fre 
quently,  and  at  length  brought  four  guns  with  them  and  seized 
our  cattle.  I  still  refused  to  pay,  and  was  not  willing  to  let 


454  CORNPLANTER. 

the  cattle  go.  After  a  long  dispute  they  returned  home,  and  I 
understood  the  militia  was  ordered  out  to  enforce  the  collection 
of  the  tax.  I  went  to  Warren,  and,  to  avert  the  impending 
difficulty,  was  obliged  to  give  my  note  for  the  tax,  the  amount 
of  which  was  forty-three  dollars  and  seventy-nine  cents.  It  is 
my  desire  that  the  governor  will  exempt  me  from  paying  taxes 
for  my  land  to  white  people  ;  and  also  cause  that  the  money 
I  am  now  obliged  to  pay,  may  be  refunded  to  me,  as  I  am 
very  poor.  The  governor  is  the  person  who  attends  to  the 
situation  of  the  people,  and  I  wish  him  to  send  a  person  to 
Alleghany,  that  I  may  inform  him  of  the  particulars  of  our 
situation,  and  he  be  authorized  to  instruct  the  white  people  in 
what  manner  to  conduct  themselves  toward  the  Indians. 

"  The  governor  has  told  us  that  when  any  difficulties  arose 
between  the  Indians  and  white  people,  he  would  attend  to 
having  them  removed.  We  are  now  in  a  trying  situation,  and 
I  wish  the  governor  to  send  a  person,  authorized  to  attend 
thereto,  the  forepart  of  the  next  summer,  about  the  time  that 
grass  has  grown  big  enough  for  pasture. 

"  The  governor  formerly  requested  me  to  pay  attention  to 
the  Indians,  and  take  care  of  them.  We  are  now  arrived  at  a 
situation  that  I  believe  Indians  cannot  exist,  unless  the  governor 
should  comply  with  my  request,  and  send  a  person  authorized 
to  treat  between  us  arid  the  white  people,  the  approaching 
summer.  I  have  now  no  more  to  speak." 

The  appeal  was  not  in  vain.  An  act  was  passed  by  the 
legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  exonerating  tbe  chief  from 
the  tax,  and  two  commissioners  repaired  to  his  village  to 
explain  the  matter  to  him.  He  met  them  at  the  court 
house  in  Warren,  a  town  of  Pennsylvania  situated  at 
the  junction  of  the  Connewango  Creek  and  the  Alleghany, 
on  which  occasion  he  delivered  the  following  speech, — 
excellent  of  its  kind,  and  eminently  characteristic  of  his 
race  : — 

BROTHERS  :  Yesterday  was  appointed  for  us  all  to  meet  here. 
The  talk  which  the  governor  sent  us  pleased  us  very  much.  I 
think  that  the  Great  Spirit  is  very  much  pleased  that  the  white 
people  have  been  induced  so  to  assist  the  Indians  as  they  have 
done,  and  that  he  is  pleased  also  to  see  the  great  men  of  this 
state  and  of  the  United  States  so  friendly  to  us.  We  are 
much  pleased  with  what  has  been  done. 

"  The  Great  Spirit  first  made  the  world,  and  next  the  flying 
animals,  and  found  all  things  good  and  prosperous.  He  is  im- 


CORNPLANTER.  455 

mortal  and  everlasting.  After  finishing  the  flying  animals,  he 
came  down  on  earth  and  there  stood.  Then  he  made  different 
kinds  of  trees,  and  weeds  of  all  sorts,  and  people  of  every 
kind.  He  made  the  spring  and  other  seasons,  and  the  weather 
suitable  for  planting.  These  he  did  make.  But  stills,  to  make 
whiskey  to  be  given  to  Indians,  he  did  not  make.  The  Great 
Spirit  bids  me  tell  the  white  people  not  to  give  Indians  this 
kind  of  liquor.  When  the  Great  Spirit  had  made  the  earth 
and  its  animals,  he  went  into  the  great  lakes,  where  he  breathed 
as  easily  as  any  where  else,  and  then  made  all  the  different 
kinds  of  fish.  The  Great  Spirit  looked  back  on  all  that  he 
had  made.  The  different  kinds  he  made  to  be  separate,  and 
not  to  mix  with  and  disturb  each  other.  But  the  white  people 
have  broken  his  command  by  mixing  their  color  with  the  In 
dians.  The  Indians  have  done  better  by  not  doing  so.  The 
Great  Spirit  wishes  that  all  wars  and  fightings  should  cease. 

"  He  next  told  us  that  there  were  three  things  for  people 
to  attend  to.  First,  we  ought  to  take  care  of  our  wives  and 
children.  Secondly,  the  white  people  ought  to  attend  to  their 
farms  and  cattle.  Thirdly,  the  Great  Spirit  has  given  the  bears 
and  deers  to  the  Indians.  He  is  the  cause  of  all  things  that 
exist,  and  it  is  very  wicked  to  go  against  his  will.  The  Great 
Spirit  wishes  me  to  inform  the  people  that  they  should  quit 
drinking  intoxicating  drink,  as  being  the  cause  of  diseases  and 
death.  He  told  us  not  to  sell  any  more  of  our  lands,  for  he 
never  sold  lands  to  any  one.  Some  of  us  now  keep  the  seventh 
day ;  but  I  wish  to  quit  it,  for  the  Great  Spirit  made  it  for 
others,  but  not  for  the  Indians,  who  ought  every  day  to  attend 
to  their  business.  He  has  ordered  me  to  quit  drinking  any  in 
toxicating  drink,  and  not  to  lust  after  women  but  my  own,  and 
informs  me  that  by  doing  so  I  should  live  the  longer.  He 
made  known  to  me  that  it  is  very  wicked  to  tell  lies.  Let  no 
one  suppose  this  I  have  said  now  is  not  true. 

"  I  have  now  to  thank  the  governor  for  what  he  has  done.  I 
have  informed  him  what  the  Great  Spirit  has  ordered  me  to 
cease  from,  and  I  wish  the  governor  to  inform  others  of  what  I 
have  communicated.  This  is  all  I  have  at  present  to  say." 

If  there  are  any  farther  memorials  of  the  life  of  Corn- 
planter,  they  have  escaped  the  researches  of  the  author. 
The  old  chief  appears  to  have  again  fallen  back  into  en 
tire  seclusion,  taking  no  part  even  in  the  politics  of  his 
people,  which,  owing  to  the  conduct  of  Red-Jacket,  and 
the  dissensions  concerning  him,  were  not  of  the  most 


456  CORNPLANTER. 

quiet  description,  until  the  close  of  his  earthly  career. 
He  died  at  his  residence,  on  the  7th  of  March,  1836,  at 
the  age  of  one  hundred  years  and  upward.  His  last 
speech,  at  Warren  court-house,  discloses  a  curious  com 
bination  in  his  mind  of  the  history  of  the  creation,  and 
of  the  rudiments  both  of  Indian  and  Christian  theology. 
Whether,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  he  expected  to  go  to 
the  fair  hunting  grounds  of  his  own  people,  or  to  the 
heaven  of  the  Christian,  is  not  known. 

HENRY    O'BAIL. 

THE  name  of  this  chief,  the  son  of  Cornplanter,  has 
been  mentioned  a  few  pages  back,  and  also  several 
times  in  the  life  of  Red-Jacket.  He  was  a  boy  of  fine 
spirit  and  promise,  and  his  father  sent  him  to  Philadel 
phia  for  the  benefit  of  an  English  education,  under  the 
charge  of  the  Quakers,  who  placed  him  in  a  suitable 
school,  and  directed  his  studies.  A  few  anecdotes  and 
traditions  are  related  by  way  of  illustrating  his  cha 
racter. 

He  was  not  only  received  in  good  society  in  Philadel 
phia,  but  was  caressed.  On  one  occasion,  being  at  a 
ball,  while  dancing  with  a  beautiful  girl,  the  jealousy  of 
one  of  the  young  gentlemen  present  was  excited,  and 
he  gave  vent  to  his  vexation  by  muttering  the  dislike  he 
felt  at  seeing  the  young  lady  "  dance  with  a  d d  In 
dian."  The  quick  ears  of  young  Harry  caught  the 
sound,  and  after  the  figure  was  ended,  having  invited 
the  angry  swain  to  the  head  of  the  stairs,  he  thrust  him 
out,  and  opposing  his  foot  to  his  seat  of  honor,  gave  an 
impulse  that  sent  him  headlong  down.  "  There  !"  said 
he  ;  "  you  may  now  boast  that  you  have  been  kicked 
down  stairs  by  a  d d  Indian  !" 

Another  story  is  told  respecting  him,  of  a  more  senti- 


YOUNG  CORNPLANTER.  457 

mental  character  ; — rather  too  sentimental,  in  fact,  to  be 
in  keeping  with  the  usual  stoicism  of  his  race.  "  Har 
ry,"  says  the  narrator,  "  had  been  too  long  the  wild  boy 
of  the  mountains  to  be  pleased  with  confinement,  or 
bear  patiently  his  monotonous  exercises.  He  wasted 
and  pined  till  he  became  pale  and  emaciated.  Possess 
ing  not  that  spirit  of  reserve  and  laconic  manner  of 
speech,  so  characteristic  of  the  Indian,  he  was  courte 
ous  and  kind, — exercising  a  suavity  of  manner  peculiar 
in  the  forest  chieftain.  l  My  sister,'  he  would  say  em 
phatically,  '  my  sister  is  not  here,  and  there  is  another 
who  is  not  with  me.'  He  thirsted  for  the  bright  waters 
of  his  native  valley,  and  longed  to  breathe  once  more  the 
pure  air  of  the  Alleghanies.  The  crowded  streets  of 
the  city  had  no  charms  for  him.  He  stayed  but  a  few 
months,  and  bursting  from  his  confinement,  bounded 
back,  with  the  alacrity  of  a  wounded  deer,  to  the  green 
mountain  haunts  of  his  boyhood,  the  sweet  tones  of  his 
sister,  and  the  gentle  cooings  of  his  forest  dove.  The 
following  year,  Mr.  N ,  a  gentleman  from  Philadel 
phia,  who  had  known  the  young  chief  there,  came  on 
an  errand  of  agency  to  our  country,  where  he  has  since 
resided.  Having  no  acquaintance  here,  and  feeling  a 
deep  interest  in  the  welfare  of  his  young  friend,  he 
penetrated  through  the  dark  wilds  of  Potter  and 
M'Kean,  and  soon  found  himself  at  the  village  of  the 
Cornplanter.  Harry  welcomed  him  cordially,  pre 
senting  him  to  his  father,  his  sister,  and  his  friends, — • 
but  there  was  a  sadness  visible  in  his  countenance,  a 
quick  restlessness  in  his  movements,  which  betrayed 

how  deep  were  the  workings  within.     Mr.  N then 

asked  him  for  the  gentle  dove  he  had  described  to  him, 
in  days  gone  by.  '  She  is  gone ;'  said  he, — and  he  led 
him  to  her  grave.  Here  Harry,  after  the  custom  of  the 
whites,  had  planted  flowers ;  not  the  forget-me-not,  nor 

58 


458  YOUNG  CORNPLANTER. 

the  rose,  nor  the  myrtle,  but  pale  spring  violets,  refresh 
ing  them  with  his  tears,  and  breathing  from  this  hal 
lowed  spot  his  invocations  to  the  Great  Spirit."* 

The  subsequent  career  of  Henry  O'Bail  but  ill  ac 
corded  with  such  a  gentle  and  pensive  beginning.  He 
opposed  his  father's  efforts  for  the  moral  and  social  im 
provement  of  his  race,  and  even  attached  himself  to  the 
adherents  of  his  father's  bitterest  enemy  and  successful 
rival,  Red-Jacket, — becoming  ultimately  very  dissolute 
and  intemperate.  He  was,  nevertheless,  a  brave  man, 
and  did  good  service  in  the  Niagara  campaign,  during 
the  last  war  with  England,  under  General  Porter.  He 
was  at  one  period  a  man  of  handsome  property.  Hav 
ing  squandered  this,  he  removed  from  the  Seneca  reser 
vation  to  Tonnewanta.  Shortly  afterward  a  tradesman  to 
whom  he  had  contracted  a  debt,  for  which  he  had  given 
his  note,  meeting  with  him  at  a  public  house,  took  the 
note  from  his  pocket,  and  asked  for  his  pay.  Henry 
taking  the  note  into  his  hand  and  looking  at  it  for  a  mo 
ment,  inquired  of  the  holder, — "  This  is  a  good  note,  is 
it  not?"  "Why,  certainly  it  is,"  replied  the  creditor. 
"  Then  you  had  better  keep  it,"  coolly  answered  the 
Indian,  handing  it  back  with  all  possible  gravity.  The 
note  was  never  collected,  and  Henry  died  not  long  after 
ward, — a  miserable  drunkard.  Alas,  for  the  poor  In 
dian  !  His  arrow  is  broken ! 

BLACK-CHIEF'S    DAUGHTER. 

THE  proverbial  stoicism  of  the  Indians  has  been  re 
ferred  to  in  the  preceding  brief  sketch  of  the  young 
Cornplanter,  as  casting  a  shade  of  doubt  over  the  ro 
mantic  incident  furnished  by  the  lady  of  Wellsborough, 
connected  with  an  affair  of  the  heart,  and  the  untimely 

*  MS.  letter  from  Miss  Jackson,  of  Wellsborough,  (Pa.) 


BLACK-CHIEF'S  DAUGHTER.  459 

death  of  the  object  of  his  attachment.  And  yet  these 
apparently  moody  sons  of  the  forest  are  not  always  so 
insensible  to  the  finer  feelings  of  the  common  race  of 
Adam,  when  acting  by  and  for  themselves,  as  most  of  the 
pale-faces  suppose  them  to  be.  Mr.  Washington  Irving,  in 
his  prairie-rambles,  has  said,  as  other  writers  before 
and  since  have  done,  that  the  Indians,  in  their  own  circles, 
have  their  wits  and  their  humorists,  and  indulge  in 
their  pleasantries,  their  jokes,  brisk  repartees  and  merry 
makings,  as  well  as  the  whites.  Why,  then,  should  they 
be  thought  insensible  to  the  thrill  of  the  tender  passion, 
and  incapable  of  feeling  acutely  the  pangs  of  sorrow  ? 
The  anecdote  of  Henry  O'Bail  and  his  betrothed  wood 
land  nymph,  if  true,  illustrates  one  division  of  the  inter 
rogatory.  A  marked  illustration  of  the  other  is  afforded 
by  the  touching  story  of  Black-Chief's  Daughter. 

Forty  years  ago,  Black-Chief  was  Sachem  of  the  clan 
of  Senecas  residing  at  Squawky-Hill,  in  the  valley  of 
the  Genesee  River.  He  was  famous  for  his  skill  and 
bravery  in  war,  and  the  pursuits  of  the  chase,  and  withal 
endeared  to  his  people  by  his  amiable  temper  and  gene 
rous  qualities.  After  his  death  his  clan  honored  with 
their  esteem  an  only  daughter  of  the  chief,  remarkable 
for  her  beauty  and  intelligence,  and  resembling  her 
deceased  father  in  native  goodness  of  heart.  Indeed,  so 
highly  was  she  regarded  that  by  a  formal  decree  in 
council,  notwithstanding  her  extreme  youth,  she  was 
clothed  with  the  authority  of  a  princess.  The  brightest 
fish  from  the  waters,  the  sweetest  flowers,  and  the  richest 
and  rarest  fruits  of  the  forest,  and  the  proudest  trophies 
of  the  hunt,  were  left,  in  reverence,  at  the  door  of  her 
wigwam.  Old  men  prayed  daily  to  the  Great  Spirit  that 
her  years  might  be  long  in  the  land  ;  for  their  hoary  seer 
had  assured  them  that  during  her  lifetime  the  ancient 
glories  of  the  Senecas  would  be  in  part  restored. 


460  BLACK-CHIEF'S  DAUGHTER. 

But  as  with  the  white  man,  so  with  the  Indian,  it  is 
well  that  the  future  is  a  sealed  book.  A  malignant  fe 
ver  which  had  nearly  depopulated  the  flourishing  village 
of  Connewaugus,  extended  its  ravages  to  Squawky-Hill. 
The  strong  man  was  laid  low, — woman  grew  pale,  and, 
with  the  infant  at  her  bosom,  perished.  The  dog  howled 
over  the  festering  carcass,  and  hunger,  in  alliance  with 
the  fell  distemper,  filled  the  cup  of  misery  to  overflow 
ing.  In  vain  every  precaution  was  taken  to  avert  the 
blow  from  the  head  of  their  beloved  princess.  After  the 
panic  had  in  a  great  measure  abated,  and  signs  of  re 
turning  health  became  visible,  the  destroyer  entered  her 
lodge,  and  amid  wails  of  grief,  and  groans  of  despair, 
proceeding  from  a  hundred  lips,  her  young  heart  was 
stilled  for  ever. 

When  a  distinguished  individual  expired,  it  was  the 
custom  of  the  Senecas  to  deposite  the  remains  in  a  simple 
structure  of  unhewn  logs,  called  "  The  Cabin  of  Death." 
But  such  was  their  enthusiastic  affection  for  the  chief- 
tainess,  that  they  departed  from  this  ancient  rite  by 
erecting  a  v  high  scaffold  in  a  neighboring  grove.  After 
adorning  the  body  with  beads,  shells,  feathers,  and  other 
barbaric  ornaments,  they  placed  it  in  an  upright  posture 
on  the  rude  throne  they  had  thus  upreared.  A  drum* 
formed  of  the  untanned  hide  of  a  deer,  drawn  tensely 
over  a  section  of  the  hollowed  trunk  of  a  tree,  cut  to  a 
proper  length,  and  beaten  upon  by  a  war-club,  gave  out 
its  dull  and  dismal  note,  while  men,  women  and  chil 
dren,  moved  in  a  slow  and  solemn  dance  around  the 
dead. 

To  the  Seneca  towns  of  Tonnewanta,  Connewaugus 
and  Caneadea  fleet  runners  hastened  with  the  melan 
choly  tidings,  and  the  principal  men  of  those  places  ac 
companied  them  back  to  take  part  in  the  sorrowful  cere 
monies.  Garlands  of  flowers,  ears  of  corn  and  valu- 


BLACK-CHIEF'S  DAUHGTER. 

able  furs  were  thrown  in  profusion  at  the  feet  of  the  life 
less  object  of  their  idolatry.  By  night,  fires  were  lighted, 
and  watchmen  were  stationed  to  guard  the  hallowed 
spot,  and  keep  the  gaunt  wolf  at  a  distance.  And  every 
morning  the  solemn  rites  of  the  preceding  day  were 
renewed.  After  a  partial  decomposition  of  the  body 
had  taken  place,  it  was  removed  and  committed  to  the 
earth  with  tears  and  loud  lamentations.* 

But  these  rites  were  not  peculiar  to  the  Senecas,  or 
to  the  Five  Nations.  The  Chippewas,  who  pitch  their 
tents  on  the  shores  of  Lake  Superior,  proudly  called  the 
"  Father  of  Waters,"  and  other  nations  of  the  great 
northwest,  honor  their  dead  with  obsequies  somewhat 
similar.  It  has  indeed  been  conjectured  that  the  Chip 
pewas  derived  their  picturesque  funeral  observances 
from  the  Iroquois,  with  whom  they  often  met  in  conflict, 
for  they  were  enemies  of  old,  notwithstanding  the  vast 
wilderness  that  separated  their  hunting-grounds.  Nade- 
wa-we-gu-nung,  in  Michigan,  nine  hundred  miles  from 
the  great  council  fire  at  Onondaga,  was  the  scene  of  a 
terrific  battle  between  them  "  long  time  ago."  On  the 
death  of  a  sachem,  or  other  person  of  note,  the  Chippe 
was,  after  dressing  the  body  in  the  vestments  of  the  liv 
ing,  and  by  the  aid  of  colors  extracted  from  plants  and 
clay  having  given  a  life-like  appearance  to  the  counte 
nance,  deposite  the  relics  on  two  cross-pieces  nailed  or 
tied  with  thongs  to  four  posts  set  firmly  in  the  ground. 
With  pious  veneration  they  plant  near  the  poles  or  posts 
the  gadding  wild-hop,  or  the  flaunting  woodbine,  in  or 
der  that  the  revolting  process  of  decay  may  be  rendered 
less  offensive  by  the  refreshing  verdure  of  vegetable 
beauty,  and  in  a  short  time  the  corse  is  thickly  em- 

*  This  little  narrative  was  written  down  from  the  lips  of  Mrs.  Hosmer,  of 
Avon,  who,  reared  as  it  were  amidst  the  Senecas,  was  acquainted  with  the  facts, 
and,  I  believe,  with  parties. 


462  BLACK-CHIEF'S  DAUGHTER. 

bowered  with  leaves  and  flowers.  There  is  something 
strikingly  poetical  in  these  simple  rites  of  the  untutored 
savage.  While  the  enlightened  pale-face  yields  to  the 
sunless  custody  of  the  tomb  the  beautiful  and  brave, 
his  wild  brother  of  the  woods  mourns  over  the  loved 
and  the  lost  with  a  lasting  sorrow,  and  deems  it  hard  to 
cast  into  the  cold  embrace  of  the  earth 

"  Countenances  benign, — and  forms  that  walked 
But  yesterday  so  stately  o'er  the  earth."* 

Glowing  are  the  histories  of  departed  monarchs  lying 
in  gilded  pomp,  while  in  the  crowns  that  rounded  their 
cold  temples 

•"  Kept  Death  his  court, 
Scoffing  their  state,  and  grinning  at  their  pomp," — 

— of  Inez  de  Castro,  disinterred  and  arrayed  in  the  glit 
tering  trappings  of  royalty ; — but  where  is  the  heart  that 
would  not  be  less  touched  by  those  descriptions  of  the 
learned  narrators  than  by  the  unstudied  recital  of  the 
simple  funereal  honors  paid  by  the  Senecas  to  the  beloved 
daughter  of  Black-Chief? 


*  See  Heckewelder's  description  of  Indian  funerals,  Transactions  of  Philadel 
phia  Philosophical  Society,  for  much  interesting  matter  upon  this  subject.  Also, 
Lewis  and  Clarke's  Expedition.  The  Indians  suppose  that  when  the  soul  is 
separated  from  the  body,  it  preserves  the  same  inclinations  which  it  had  when 
both  were  united.  Hence  they  bury  the  implements  of  war  and  the  chase  with 
their  bodies,  and  bring  provisions  to  the  grave.  Some  of  the  Indian  nations  be 
lieve  in  the  transmigration  of  souls, — especially  of  the  souls  of  those  who  die 
young,  and  who  therefore  have  the  privilege  of  commencing  a  second  life,  be 
cause  they  enjoyed  so  little  of  the  first.  Hence  children  are  buried  along  the 
highways,  that  the  women,  as  they  pass,  may  receive  their  souls.  From  this 
idea  of  their  remaining  with  the  body  arises  the  duty  of  placing  food  upon  their 
graves ;  and  mothers  have  been  seen  to  draw  from  their  bosoms  that  nourishment 
which  those  little  creatures  loved  when  alive,  and  shed  it  upon  the  earth  which 
covered  their  remains. — Charlevoix. — Dr.  Jarvis's  Historical  Discourse. 


APPENDIX. 


APPENDIX 


[A.] 

THE  deputation  sent  from  the  Six  Nations  as  messengers  of  peace, 
to  the  hostile  Indians  at  the  Miami  of  the  lakes,  in  the  autumn  of 
1792,  returned  in  November.  General  Chapin,  the  agent  of  the  Six 
Nations,  was  absent  at  the  seat  of  government  when  they  returned, 
and  the  council  to  receive  their  report  was  called  by  his  son,  Israel 
Chapin,  Jun.  It  was  held  at  Buffalo  Creek,  on  the  16th  of  Novem 
ber,  and  was  attended  by  Major  Littlehales  in  behalf  of  Governor 
Simcoe,  then  commanding  in  Upper  Canada.  The  following  is  the 
report  of  the  deputation,  as  rendered  into  English  by  Mr.  Parish,  the 
interpreter. 

BUFFALO  CREEK,  November  16,  1792. 

BROTHERS, — PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES,  AND  KING'S  PEOPLE, 
take  notice ! — Last  winter  the  President  took  us  by  the  hand,  and  led 
us  to  the  council  fire,  at  Philadelphia  ;  there  they  made  known  to  us 
their  friendship,  and  requested  us  to  proceed  to  the  westward,  and  to 
use  our  influence  to  make  peace  with  the  hostile  Indians.  We  went 
accordingly,  and  made  known  to  them  our  agreement. 

When  we  returned  from  Philadelphia  to  Buffalo  Creek,  the  chiefs 
that  remained  at  home  on  their  seats,  were  well  pleased  with  what 
we  had  done  at  Philadelphia ;  and  after  we  had  determined  to  proceed 
on  our  journey,  some  of  our  chiefs  were  detained  on  account  of  sickr 
ness. 

BROTHERS, — PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES  AND  KING'S  PEOPLE  :— - 
After  we  arrived  at  the  westward,  we  met  with  an  agreeable  recep 
tion  ;  they  informed  us  we  were  their  oldest  brothers,  and  appeared 
as  the  sun  risen  on  them,  as  they  always  looked  to  them  for  advice. 

It  is  now  four  years  since  we  have  heard  your  voices,  and  should 
be  happy  now  to  hear  what  you  have  to  relate  to  us. 

The  Six  Nations  then  requested  of  the  western  Indians  what  they 
had  to  relate  to  them,  as  they  kindled  the  council  fire. 

The  WESTERN  INDIANS  replied :  About  four  years  since,  your 
voices  came  to  us,  desiring  us  to  combine  ourselves  together,  as  we 
were  the  oldest  people  of  this  island,  and  all  of  one  color,  that  our 
minds  may  be  one. 

59 


466  APPENDIX. 

This,  they  informed  us,  they  had  attended  to,  and  exhibited  a  large 
bunch  of  wampum,  to  prove  the  same,  from  each  nation. 

To  confirm  it  still  further,  they  informed  us  we  sent  them  a  pipe, 
which  passed  through  all  the  nations  at  the  west  and  southward  ;  all 
smoked  out  of  it,  both  women  and  children  ;  and  as  this  pipe  has  been 
through  the  nations,  and  all  smoked  out  of  it,  they  returned  it  to  us, 
and  bid  us  to  smoke  out  of  it  ourselves. 

BROTHERS  :  Listen  once  to  your  eldest  brothers.  Our  forefathers 
have  handed  down  to  us,  that  we  are  one  people,  of  one  color,  on  this 
island,  and  ought  to  be  of  one  mind,  and  had  made  our  minds  strong, 
and  had  become  as  one  people  in  peace  and  friendship. 

This  being  done,  our  chiefs  agreed  to  hand  it  down  to  future  poste 
rity,  and  the  same  combination  to  continue  down  to  them. 

The  nation  called  the  Unions,  took  a  brand  from  our  fire  and  kindled 
it,  and  became  a  people  with  us  ;  then  we  considered  ourselves  as 
one  people,  combined  together. 

And  now  there  is  a  white  people  on  this  island,  who  are  watching 
our  conduct ;  but  let  us  attend  to  our  own  concerns,  and  brighten  the 
chain  of  friendship  with  our  nations  ;  and  as  our  minds  are  one,  let 
us  consider  future  posterity  and  not  consider  those  young  warriors 
who  are  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  so  much  engaged  in  the  pursuit  of 
land,  &c.,  which  is  the  cause  of  so  much  difficulty  at  present. 

BROTHERS  :  Consider  your  country,  which  is  good,  and  conduct 
yourselves  in  such  a  manner  as  to  keep  it  to  yourselves  and  pos 
terity. 

Now,  BROTHERS  :  You  present  us  the  pipe, — you  say  your  eldest 
brothers  sent  you  ;  you  say  your  head  chiefs  all  smoked  out  of  it,  and 
returning  it  to  us  again,  all  took  it  and  smoked  out  of  it  ourselves,  in 
friendship.  Now,  as  we  are  thus  combined  together,  we  are  able  to 
lift  a  heavy  burden. 

THE  SHAWANEE  NATION  said  : — OUR  ELDEST  BROTHERS  :  We  have 
heard  what  you  have  related, — we  have  heard  it  with  attention  ;  we 
consider  it  as  if  you  delivered  it  from  the  outside  of  your  lips ;  although 
you  consider  us  your  younger  brothers,  your  seats  are  not  at  such  a 
distance  but  what  we  can  see  your  conduct  plainly ;  these  are  the 
reasons  why  we  consider  you  to  speak  from  the  outside  of  your  lips ; 
for  whenever  you  hear  the  voice  of  the  United  States,  you  immedi 
ately  take  your  packs  and  attend  our  councils. 

We  see  plainly  folded  under  your  arm  the  voice  of  the  United 
States, — wish  you  to  unfold  it  to  us,  that  we  may  see  it  freely  and 
consult  on  it. — [Speaking  on  a  string  of  wampum  of  three  strings, 
throwing  it  across  the  fire  to  us,  instead  of  handing  it  in  a  friendly 
manner.] 

[Then  we  proceeded  to  relate  the  instructions  of  congress,  which  is 
too  tedious  to  relate,  and  which  they  already  know  ;  but  when  we 
first  related  it  we  failed  for  interpreters,  so  that  they  had  not  a  proper 
idea  of  it ;  they  appeared  to  be  very  much  ruffled  in  their  minds,  and 
adjourned  the  counsel  to  the  next  day ;  then  it  was  interpreted  pro 
perly  to  them,  and  they  appeared  easy  in  their  minds.] 

ELDEST  BROTHERS  :  You  desire  us  to  consider  our  country  and 
property ;  we  will  accept  of  your  advice,  and  proceed  accordingly. 

THE  Six  NATIONS  said : — Let  us  look  back  to  the  time  of  white  peo 
ple  coming  into  this  country ;  they  very  soon  began  to  traffic  for  land. 


APPENDIX.  4.57 

Soon  after,  Sir  William  Johnson  was  sent  as  an  agent  from  the  king, 
and  he  began  to  purchase  at  the  treaty  at  Fort  Stanwix,  and  purchased 
all  east  of  the  river  Ohio. 

A  few  years  after  this  purchase,  the  people  of  the  States  and  the 
king's  people  broke  apart,  and  we  being  persuaded  to  take  the  king's 
part,  became  very  bad  for  us.  After  a  few  years,  the  king  was  beat ; 
then  the  States  took  possession  of  all  the  land  the  English  formerly 
took  from  the  French. 

You  tell  us,  we  come  with  the  voice  of  the  United  States  ;  we  do, 
together  with  the  advice  of  the  king.  He  tells  us  not  to  throw  our 
minds  on  either  side,  but  to  listen  to  reason,  &c.,  and  remain  a  people 
confederated. 

THE  SHAWANEE  NATION, — -Now  ELDEST  BROTHERS  :  You  come  to 
us  with  your  opinion,  and  the  voice  of  the  United  States.  It  is  your 
mind  to  put  an  end  to  all  hostilities.  Brothers  :  now,  we  will  relate 
what  took  place  last  fall  in  our  country.  General  Washington  sent 
an  army  into  our  country,  which  fell  into  our  hands ;  their  orders 
were  thus, — to  proceed  into  our  country  as  far  as  the  Miami  towns,  to 
the  Glaize  ;  thence  to  Detroit,  but  not  to  molest  the  king's  people,  and 
if  the  army  should  meet  any  people  that  appeared  friendly,  to  leave 
them  behind  their  backs,  without  harm. 

The  President  of  the  United  States  must  well  know  why  the  blood 
is  so  deep  in  our  paths.  We  have  been  informed  he  has  sent  messen 
gers  of  peace  on  these  bloody  roads,  who  fell  on  the  way.  And  now, 
as  he  knows  that  road  to  be  bloody,  no  communication  can  take  place 
through  that  bloody  way,  as  there  is  a  path  through  the  Six  Nations' 
country,  which  is  smooth  and  easy.  If  he  wants  to  send  the  voice  of 
peace,  it  must  pass  through  this  road. 

ELDEST  BROTHERS  :  We  have  been  informed  the  President  of  the 
United  States  thinks  himself  the  greatest  man  on  this  island.  We  had 
this  country  long  in  peace  before  we  saw  any  person  of  a  white  skin  ; 
we  consider  the  people  of  a  white  skin  the  younger. 

BROTHERS  :  You  inform  us  it  is  the  wish  of  the  white  people  to 
hold  council  with  us,  General  Washington  being  the  head  man  ;  we 
will  consent  to  treat  with  them;  we  desire  you,  our  older  brothers,  to 
inform  General  Washington  we  will  treat  with  him,  at  the  Rapids  of 
Miami,  next  spring,  or  at  the  time  when  the  leaves  are  fully  out. 

We  consider  ourselves  still  the  proper  owners  of  some  land  on  the 
east  side  of  the  Ohio. 

But  we  will  deliver  up  that,  for  money  that  has  been  paid  to  some 
individuals,  for  land  on  the  west  side  of  the  River  Ohio. 

BROTHERS  :  You  have  have  given  us  a  dish,  and  one  spoon,  desiring 
the  whole  combination  to  eat  with  them  ;  we  accept  of  them,  and  shall 
do  accordingly. 

We  are  now  about  to  complete  the  business  you  came  on.  When 
you  return  you  will  make  known  to  the  President  what  we  have  done  ; 
it  may  be  he  will  not  consent  to  what  we  have  proposed  ;  and  if  he 
will  not,  we  must  call  on  you  to  assist  in  the  heavy  burden  that  will 
lie  on  us.  We  have  opened  a  path,  and  pointed  out  a  way,  and,  if  he 
will  not  walk  in  it,  we  must  have  your  assistance. 

Now,  OUR  ELDEST  BROTHERS  :  When  the  President  came  to  your 
he  took  you  aside  to  hear  what  he  had  to  say.  He  desired  you  to 
come  to  us  and  deliver  the  messages  ;  you  have  delivered  them,  and 


468  APPENDIX. 

we  desire  you  to  deliver  the  messages  we  have  given  you  to  deliver 
to  him,  and  desire  him  to  send  a  message  back  what  he  will  do  con 
cerning  what  we  have  done  and  concluded  on  ;  to  forward  it  to  you, 
and  you  to  us.  We  will  lay  the  bloody  tomahawk  aside  until  we  hear 
from  the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  when  this  message  comes 
to  us,  we  will  send  it  to  all  the  different  nations.  (Speaking  on  three 
strings  of  wampum.) 
* 

Speech  from  the  Six  Nations  to  the  President. 

You  sent  us  on  the  westward  with  a  message  of  peace  to  the  hostile 
Indians. 

We  proceeded  accordingly  to  your  direction?,  and  was  protected, 
going  and  coming,  by  the  Great  Spirit.  We  give  thanks  to  the  Great 
Spirit  that  we  have  all  returned  safe  to  our  seats. 

While  we  were  at  the  westward  we  exerted  ourselves  to  bring  about 
peace.  The  fatigues  we  underwent  are  not  small.  Now,  it  is  our 
desire  for  your  people  on  the  Ohio  to  lay  down  their  arms,  or  otherwise 
it  is  all  in  vain  what  we  have  done. 

Now,  if  you  wish  for  peace,  you  must  make  every  exertion,  and 
proceed  through  this  path  we  have  directed  for  you.  If  peace  does 
not  take  place  the  fault  must  arise  from  your  people. 

We  now  desire  you,  Brothers,  to  send  forward  agents,  who  are  men 
of  honesty,  not  proud  land-jobbers,  but  men  who  love  and  desire 
peace.  Also,  desire  they  may  be  accompanied  by  some  Friend  or 
Quaker  to  attend  the  council. 

We  wish  you  to  exe~rt  yourselves  to  forward  the  message  to  the  wes 
tern  Indians  as  soon  as  possible  ;  and  we  are  taken  by  the  hand,  and 
have  agreed,  next  spring,  to  attend  the  council  at  the  Rapids  of  Miami, 
when  we  shall  hear  all  that  takes  place  there. 

Hostile  Indians  to  Governor  Simcoe. 

BROTHER  :  We  have  been  informed  the  late  governor  is  a  good 
man  ;  we  desire  that  you  will  take  the  governor  by  the  hand  and  lead 
him  to  the  council  next  spring.  Exert  yourselves  to  get  him  up,  that 
he  may  not  be  backward  ;  that  he  may  sit  side  and  side  with  the 
Americans  at  the  time  of  the  council.  And  when  you  take  him  by 
the  hand,  desire  him  to  furnish  us  with  provisions  necessary  for  the 
treaty. 

Six  Nations  to  the  Governor. 

BROTHER  :  Now,  we  have  laid  all  our  proceedings  before  you, 
which  took  place  at  the  westward.  You  have  heard  the  request  of 
your  western  brothers,  therefore  wish  you  to  exert  yourself  to  grant 
their  requests. 

You  informed  us  to  listen  to  the  voice  of  peace,  wherever  we  might 
hear  it.  Now  we  hear  the  voice  of  peace  ;  we  call  on  you  for  assist 
ance,  that  we  may  obtain  peace  through  this  island. 

BROTHER  :  We  now  sit  here  together  ;  you  are  the  man  who  re 
presents  the  United  States  ;  we  have  discerned  that  too  great  a  degree 
of  pride  has  subsisted  between  the  two  governments  ;  we  desire  that 
it  may  be  laid  aside. 

When  the  agents  from  the  United  States  come  forward  to  the  coun- 


APPENDIX.  4(59 

cil,  we  desire  they  may  bring  forward  all  the  records,  plans,  maps,  and 
documents,  that  anyway  respect  the  lands  purchased  from  the  Indians. 

Fish-  Carrier's  Speech. 

Desiring  this  degree  of  pride,  which  has  heretofore  existed,  may  be 
done  away,  and  that  each  government  may  mutually  consent  and 
agree  on  terms  of  peace. 

Cornplanter's  Speech. 

He  informs,  that  he  has  always  attended  treaties  that  have  been  held, 
and  has  always  wished  for  peace,  and  has  done  all  in  his  power  for 
peace  ;  that  he  has  not  advised  any  hostilities  to  commence  on  either 
side,  and  now  wishes  each  government  to  lay  aside  all  pride  and  preju 
dice  and  to  use  their  endeavors  for  peace. 

After  the  council  was  over,  Major  Littlehales,  who  represented 
Governor  Simcoe  on  that  occasion,  answered  the  Indians  as  follows  : — 

BROTHERS  :  I  shall  lay  before  the  governor  your  requests  ;  and 
respecting  his  furnishing  you  with  provisions,  &c.,  I  doubt  not  but  he 
will  do  it  agreeable  to  your  wishes.  And  also  to  procure  all  records, 
plans,  and  documents,  which  shall  be  thought  necessary,  and  to  do 
every  thing  in  his  power  to  bring  about  a  peace,  so  interesting  to  the 
United  States,  as  well  as  to  the  British  government. 


[B.] 
THE  PRESQUE  ISLE  QUESTION. 

At  a  council  of  the  Six  Nations,  held  at  Buffalo  Creek,  on  the  18th 
of  June,  1794,  Captain  O'Bail  (Cornplanter)  spoke  as  follows  in 
behalf  of  the  Indians  : — 

BROTHER  :  We  are  thankful  that  you  have  attended  to  the  call  of  the 
Six  Nations,  and  that  you  have  been  preserved  by  the  Great  Spirit,  &c. 

BROTHER  :  (Addressed  to  the  President)  I  have  for  a  long  time 
aimed  at  the  good  of  both  parties, — I  have  paid  you  different  compli 
ments,  as  that  of  brother  and  father,  and  now  I  call  you  friend. 
We  were  pleased  when  we  heard  that  you  were  appointed  to  have  the 
chief  command  of  the  United  States. 

BROTHER  :  The  Great  Spirit  has  so  ordered,  that  every  nation  shall 
have  some  one  to  be  at  their  head — you  are  to  look  over  your  people, 
and  settle  all  difficulties — and  we,  the  Six  Nations,  expect  that  you 
will  not  be  unmindful  of  us,  but  see  that  we  have  justice  done  us,  as 
well  as  your  own  people. 

BROTHER  :  We,  the  Six  Nations,  now  call  upon  you ;  we  pay  no 
attention  to  what  has  heretofore  been  done  by  congress  ;  their  pro 
ceedings  we  consider  as  unjust.  We  wish  for  nothing  but  justice, 
and  hope  that  will  take  place. 

BROTHER  :  You  know  our  demands — we  ask  but  for  a  small  piece 
of  land,  and  we  trust  as  you  are  a  great  man,  you  can  easily  grant  our 
request. 

BROTHER  :  You  wish  to  be  a  free  people  in  this  country,  who  have 
come  from  the  other  side  of  the  water,  and  why  should  not  we,  whose 


470  APPENDIX. 

forefathers  have  lived  and  died  here,  and  always  had  possession  of  the 
country. 

BROTHER  :  We,  the  Six  Nations,  have  determined  on  the  boundary 
we  want  established,  and  it  is  the  warriors  who  now  speak. 

BROTHER  :  You  have  the  map  on  which  the  boundaries  are  marked 
out  which  we  want  established. 

BROTHER  :  We  want  room  for  our  children.  It  will  be  hard  for  them 
not  to  have  a  country  to  live  in  after  that  we  are  gone. 

BROTHER  :  It  is  not  because  that  we  are  afraid  of  dying  that  we 
have  been  so  long  trying  to  bring  about  a  peace.  We  now  call  upon 
you  for  an  answer,  as  congress  and  their  commissioners  have  oftentimes 
deceived  us,  and  if  these  difficulties  are  not  removed,  the  consequences 
will  be  bad. 

This  speech  was  delivered  with  eight  strings  of  black  and  white 
wampum. 

BROTHER  :  We  have  opened  this  fire  upon  two  different  kinds  of 
business — we  wish  you  to  listen  to  them  with  attention. 

BROTHER  :  We  are  in  distress — a  number  of  our  warriors  are  mis 
sing,  and  we  know  not  what  has  become  of  them,  but  suppose  that 
they  have  been  killed  by  the  Americans. 

BROTHER  :  Last  fall  an  Indian  chief  by  the  name  of  Big-Tree,  left 
this  country  and  went  to  the  American  army  in  a  friendly  manner,  and 
we  have  since  been  informed  that  he  was  killed  by  them. 

BROTHER  :  The  other  day  a  very  unfortunate  circumstance  happened. 
One  of  our  nephews  (of  the  Delaware  nation,)  was  killed  at  Venango, 
by  a  party  of  warriors  who  were  going  to  Presque  Isle,  without  giving 
us  any  notice  whatever. 

BROTHER  :  You  are  sensible  this  must  be  very  hard,  to  have  a  man 
killed  in  time  of  peace — one  who  was  sitting  easy  and  peaceable  on  his 
seat — you  certainly  would  complain  if  we  were  to  treat  your  people  in 
the  same  manner. 

BROTHER  :  It  has  been  customary,  when  one  person  has  killed  an 
other,  that  those  who  have  done  the  injury  go  to  the  injured  party  and 
make  satisfaction. 

BROTHER  :  We  told  you  that  we  had  two  pieces  of  business  to  at 
tend  to, — we  hope  that  you  will  pay  attention  to  them  both. 

BROTHER  :  The  establishing  a  garrison  at  Presque  Isle  may  occa 
sion  many  accidents,  as  the  southern  Indians  may  do  injury,  and  we 
may  be  blamed  without  a  cause. 

This  speech  was  delivered  with  ten  strings  of  black  wampum. 

Captain  O'Bail  then  addressed  himself  to  Captain  Chapin  : — 

BROTHER  :  When  we  sent  for  you,  it  was  because  we  placed  great 
dependence  upon  you,*— we  hoped  that  you  would  not  fail  of  doing 
every  thing  in  your  power  to  assist  us. 

BROTHER  :  We  now  expect  that  you  will  exert  yourself  in  removing 
those  people  off  of  our  lands.  We  know  very  well  what  they  have 
come  on  for,  and  we  wish  them  pushed  back. 

BROTHER  :  We  now  wish  that  you  and  Mr.  Johnson  would  go  to 
gether  and  remove  those  people  back  over  the  line  which  we  have 
marked  out  upon  the  map. 

BROTHER  :  If  these  people  remove  off  immediately  we  shall  con- 


APPENDIX.  471 

sider  them  as  our  friends, — if  not,  we  shall  consider  them  as  no 
friends. 

BROTHER  : — We  expect  that  you  and  Mr.  Johnson  will  go  together 
on  this  business,  and  we  shall  send  ten  warriors  to  attend  you  ;  and 
we  shall  expect  that  you  will  bring  us  word  when  you  return. 

This  speech  wTas  delivered  with  six  strings  of  black  and  white 
wampum. 

General  Chapin's  answer  to  the  speech  delivered  by  Captain 
O'Bail  :— 

BROTHERS  :  I  have  heard  the  speeches  which  you  have  delivered 
with  great  attention,  and  have  thought  seriously  on  what  you  have 
communicated  to  me.  You  have  requested  me  to  go  to  Presque  Isle, 
— as  I  wish  to  do  every  thing  in  my  power,  both  for  the  United 
States  and  the  Indians,  I  shall  comply  with  your  request. 

BROTHERS  :  I  can  do  no  more  to  those  people  than  to  give  them  my 
advice.  It  is  not  in  my  power  to  drive  them  off. 

BROTHERS  :  You  must  be  sensible  that  I  am  obliged  to  look  to  the 
interests  both  of  the  United  States  and  the  Indians,  and  consider  my 
self  accountable  to  both  for  whatever  I  do  ;  and  you  may  depend  that 
when  I  return,  I  will  give  you  a  just  account  of  whatever  takes 
place. 

BROTHERS  : — This  business  is  of  a  serious  nature,  and  is  really  a 
matter  of  importance  to  both  parties.  You  may  rest  assured  that  the 
President  is  your  friend,  and  that  he  will  pay  attention  to  the  business 
which  you  have  laid  before  him. 

BROTHERS  :  You  observed  that  you  would  send  ten  warriors  to  at 
tend  me.  I  must  also  request  that  you  would  send  two  of  your  chiefs. 

BROTHERS  :  The  business  which  you  desire  me  to  do,  is  what  I  had 
little  thought  of.  I  am  unprepared  for  the  journey ;  however,  as  I 
have  informed  you  that  I  would  go,  I  shall  set  out  immediately. 

BROTHERS  :  The  speeches  which  you  have  delivered  for  the  Presi 
dent,  shall  be  sent  on  as  soon  as  is  convenient,  and  you  may  shortly 
expect  to  receive  an  answer. 

General  Chapin  to  the  Secretary  of  War  : — 

Canandaigua,  July  10,  1794. 

DEAR  SIR, — The  evening  before  I  returned  my  son  arrived  in  this 
place.  He  brought  letters  from  the  Secretary  of  War,  which  men 
tion  nothing  to  counteract  any  of  our  proceedings  while  I  was  at  the 
westward  ;  but  rather  in  favor  than  otherwise. 

I  sent  Parish  immediately  to  Philadelphia  with  despatches,  after  my 
return,  including  the  whole  of  our  proceedings  while  at  Buffalo  Creek, 
and  Presque  Isle,  &c. ;  and  from  every  information  by  my  son  I  am  in 
hopes  and  believe  the  dispositions  of  the  President  and  of  General 
Knox  are  such  as  will  render  satisfaction  to  the  Six  Nations. 

It  is  a  fact  that  the  President  was  not  concerned  in  the  business  of 
ordering  this  party  to  Presque  Isle,  but  so  far  from  it,  (that  after 
the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  had  ordered  the  party  to  march  to 
Presque  Isle,)  for  fear  of  ill  consequences,  the  President  sent  them 
counter  orders  to  stop  and  remain  at  Le  Boeuf.  Matters  appear  more 
favorable  with  regard  to  war  between  Great  Britain  and  America. 
They  have  ceased  in  some  measure  to  take  our  vessels  in  the  West 


472  APPENDIX. 

Indies,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  present  negotiation  with  Mr.  Jay, 
will  be  the  means  of  settling  the  difficulties  subsisting  between  both 
parties. 

As  soon  as  Parish  returns  I  shall  communicate  the  answer, — as 
soon  as  possible.  Yours,  &c., 

ISRAEL  CHAPIN. 


[C.] 

THE  CANANDAIGUA  TREATY. 
COLONEL  PICKERING  TO  CAPTAIN  BRANT. 

Canandaigua,  November  2(M,  1794. 

SIR  :  When  I  wrote  you  on  the  17th,  I  had  not  time  to  express  any 
opinion  relative  to  the  Mohawk  nation,  as  implicated  in  the  present 
treaty.  As  one  of  the  Six  Nations,  I  did  not  think  it  proper  to  name 
it  as  not  included  in  the  treaty  ;  nor  to  omit  it  by  enumerating  the  other 
five.  For  general  concerns,  I  consider  the  whole  six  as  forming  one 
confederate  nation. 

The  great  object  of  this  treaty  (like  almost  all  other  Indian  treaties) 
was  to  remove  complaints  respecting  lands.  The  particular  tract  in 
question  I  supposed  especially  concerned  the  Senecas  ;  but  it  was 
natural  that  an  object  so  important  to  one,  should  interest  the  whole. 
By  the  terms  of  the  present  treaty,  the  complaints  which  were  the 
immediate  occasion  of  it  have  been  removed ;  and,  as  I  observed  in 
my  former  letter,  all  appeared  to  be  satisfied ;  and  many  individual 
chiefs,  in  strong  terms,  expressed  their  satisfaction.  So,  I  trust,  no 
heart  burnings  for  past  transactions  will  be  felt,  nor  reproaches  used, 
in  future. 

It  is  the  nature  of  the  present  settlement  which  has  led  me  to  con 
template  the  case  of  the  Mohawk  nation. 

"  This  settlement,"  said  one  of  the  chiefs  to  me,  "  appears  like  a 
great  light  to  us."  And  to  me  it  seems  like  a  new  era.  With  much 
pleasure,  therefore,  I  should  see  presented  to  that  nation,  a  token  for 
participating  in  the  general  satisfaction  which  this  treaty  has  produced. 
The  goods  in  my  power  to  dispose  of  have  been  distributed ;  and  to 
convey  a  share  of  them  to  your  people  would  have  been  impractica 
ble  ;  and  therefore  I  abandoned  the  idea  of  it ;  but  if  it  should  not 
meet  your  approbation,  I  persuade  myself  that  an  equivalent  in  money 
would  cheerfully  be  presented.  On  this  subject  I  shall  be  happy  to  see 
your  mind  expressed  in  a  letter  to  General  Chapin,  (whom  I  have  con 
sulted  on  this  occasion,)  or  to  me.  In  the  meantime  a  copy  of  this 
letter  will  be  given  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  for  the  President's  infor 
mation. 

The  Onondagas  and  Cayugas,  residing  at  Grand  River,  who  were 
not  present  to  receive  a  part  of  the  goods  given  at  this  treaty,  may 
doubtless  be  also  comprehended  in  providing  a  gratuity  on  the  present 
general  settlement  with  the  Six  Nations.  Before  I  closed  my  letter 
of  the  7th,  I  intended  to  give  you  a  sketch  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty ; 
but  a  throng  being  about  me,  and  your  nephew  waiting,  it  was  omitted. 
By  former  treaties  the  Six  Nations  relinquished  all  their  lands  west  of 


APPENDIX.  473 

a  line  running  due  south  from  the  mouth  of  Buffalo  Creek.  Now  I 
have  given  up  the  claim  of  the  United  States  to  a  large  tract  of  land 
lying  between  this  due  south  line  and  the  meridian  which  makes  the 
eastern  boundary  of  the  triangular  piece  of  land  which  the  United 
States  sold  to  Pennsylvania.  The  tract  now  relinquished  probably 
contains  four  times  as  much  land  as  tfiat  triangle,  and  was  peculiarly 
important  to  the  Seneca  nation,  as  several  hundred  of  their  nation 
were  dwelling  on  it. 

I  have  also  relinquished  the  United  States'  claim  to  the  strip  of  land 
four  miles  wide,  including  the  carrying  path  from  Lake  Ontario  to  Lake 
Erie,  along  the  Niagara  strait,  except  that  part  of  it  which,  in  a  treaty 
held  thirty  years  ago  with  Sir  William  Johnson,  the  Seneca  nation 
ceded  to  the  King  of  Great  Britain,  to  whose  right  therein  I  considered 
the  United  States  as  succeeding.  Or,  as  the  chiefs  expressed  it,  "  that 
piece  became  ours  (the  United  States)  by  the  right  of  war."  Its 
eastern  boundary  is  a  line  from  Johnson's  Landing  to  Stedman's  Creek, 
and  thence  to  Niagara  Straits,  and  the  strait  itself  bounds  it  on  the 
west  and  southwest.  Besides  these  relinquishments,  I  have  stipulated 
a  perpetual  annuity  of  four  thousand  five  hundred  dollars,  to  be  applied 
to  the  benefit  of  those  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  their  Indian  friends  and 
associates,  residing  among  and  united  with  them,  who  do  or  shall  reside 
within  the  boundaries  of  the  United  Statas ;  for  the  United  States  do 
not  mean  to  interfere,  by  any  permanent  arrangements,  with  nations 
elsewhere  resident.  The  terms  I  have  stipulated,  will,  I  trust,  be  ap 
proved  by  the  President  and  Senate,  and  then  the  treaty  will  be  obliga 
tory  on  both  sides. 

I  am,  Sir,  &c., 
(Signed)  TIMO.  PICKERING. 

P.  S.  My  letter  of  the  7th  was  delivered  to  the  care  of  Henry 
Young  Brant,  who  I  understood  was  your  nephew.  In  that  I  enclosed 
a  copy  of  my  speech  relative  to  the  appearance  of  a  British  agent  at 
a  council  fire  kindled  by  the  United  States. 

Capt.  Jos.  BRANT. 

CAPTAIN  BRANT  TO  COLONEL  PICKERING. 

Niagara,  30th  December,  1794. 

SIR  :  Your  letters  of  the  17th  and  20th  November,  '94,  from  Kanan- 
daigua,  I  have  now  before  me,  and  I  have  to  say,  that  at  all  our  meet 
ings  during  the  whole  of  last  summer,  our  thoughts  were  solely  bent  on 
fixing  a  boundary  line  between  the  confederate  Indians  and  the  United 
States,  so  as  that  peace  might  be  established  on  a  solid  basis,  for  which 
reason  we  pointed  out  the  line  we  did,  well  knowing  the  justness  of  it, 
and  that  it  would  be  ratified  by  the  whole  Indian  confederacy. 

As  an  individual  I  much  regret  to  find  that  the  boundary  so  pointed 
out  has  now  been  abandoned,  the  establishment  of  which,  I  am  well 
convinced,  would  have  been  the  means  of  bringing  about  a  lasting  and 
permanent  peace.  This  object,  so  earnestly  to  be  desired,  has  ever 
made  rne  exert  every  nerve,  wishing  for  nothing  more  than  mutual  jus 
tice.  This  line,  you  will  recollect,  was  offered  to  Governor  St.  Clair 
at  Muskingum,  and  notwithstanding  the  two  successful  campaigns  of 
the  Indians,  after  this  I  still  adhered  to  the  same,  and  still  do.  This,  I 
hope,  will  satisfy  you  that  my  wish  ever  was  for  peace.  The  offer  was 

60 


474  APPENDIX. 

rejected  by  Mr.  St.  Clair,  and  what  the  consequences  have  been  you 
well  know.  I  should  be  sorry  if  your  endeavors  would  be  crownel 
with  no  better  success,  as  your  exertions  I  hope  are  not  influenced  by 
similar  motives  with  his.  You  must  also  recollect  that  I  differed  even 
with  my  friends  respecting  this  boundary,  and  to  the  last  two  messages 
you  then  received,  my  name  was  to  neither  of  them,  because  I  thought 
them  too  unreasonable.  This  made  me  take  more  pains  and  trouble  to 
bring  the  Indians  and  you  to  an  understanding,  than  I  was  under  any 
obligations  to  do,  otherwise  than  humanity  dictated  to  me,  having 
nothing  but  our  mutual  interests  in  view,  and  as  to  politics  I  study  them 
not.  My  principle  is  founded  on  justice,  and  justice  is  all  I  wish  for, 
and  never  shall  I  exert  myself  in  behalf  of  any  nation  or  nations,  let 
their  opinion  of  me  be  what  it  will,  unless  I  plainly  see  they  are  just 
and  sincere  in  their  pursuits,  doing  what  in  every  respect  to  justice 
may  belong.  When  I  perceive -such  are  the  sentiments  of  a  people, 
no  endeavors  shall  be  wanting  on  my  part  to  bring  neighbors  to  a  good 
understanding. 

I  must  again  repeat  that  I  am  extremely  sorry  this  boundary,  so 
long  since  pointed  out,  should  have  been  abandoned, — it  being  an  ob 
ject  of  such  magnitude,  and  which  much  depends  on  the  whole  Indian 
confederacy  being  interested.  I  should  therefore  have  supposed  it 
would  have  been  more  for  mutual  interests  and  would  have  had  a  bet 
ter  effect,  to  have  dealt  upon  a  larger  scale  than  within  the  small 
compass  of  the  Five  Nations,  the  meeting  being  intended  solely  to 
talk  over  the  business  of  the  boundary,  and  then  to  have  acquainted 
the  whole  confederacy  with  what  had  passed,  so  that  something  final 
could  have  been  determined  on,  as  all  that  part  of  the  country  is  a 
common  to  the  whole  of  us. 

You  say  on  your  part  every  thing  has  been  openly  and  fairly  ex 
plained,  and  that  you  shall  be  disappointed  if  the  chiefs  do  not  acknow 
ledge  your  candor.  I  can,  for  my  own  part,  form  no  opinion,  whether 
it  is  so  or  not,  being  perfectly  ignorant  of  what  has  passed,  but  ever 
look  upon  it  that  business  fairly  transacted  should  be  adhered  to  as 
sacred. 

And  that  you  are  still  ready  to  make  peace  with  the  western  na 
tions, — this  has  made  me  say  much  about  the  boundary  line,  in  order 
that  peace  and  friendship  might  be  established  between  you.  This 
obliges  me  to  say  they  ought  to  have  been  included  in  this  treaty,  and 
to  have  been  consulted  with,  as  well  as  those  who  were  there,  they 
being  equally  interested  with  the  Six  Nations  in  this  line.  As  to  the 
British,  they  are  an  independent  nation,  as  well  as  the  United  States 
and  the  Indian  nations,  and  of  course  they  act  for  themselves,  as  well  as 
other  white  nations  do. 

My  mentioning  in  my  letter  to  you,  that  I  was  sorry  Mr.  Johnson 
was  looked  upon  as  a  spy,  was  because  I  knew  the  Five  Nations  so 
often  erred  in  their  transactions  with  the  white  people, — it  being  my 
self  in  person,  from  the  wish  of  the  Indians,  that  requested  Mr.  John 
son  should  go  to  the  treaty  ; — in  consequence  of  which  request  he  was 
permitted.  I  was  well  aware  at  the  same  time  of  the  reception  he 
would  meet  with,  as  we  are  an  independent  people.  I  ever  thought 
our  councils  should  be  private  ;  but  must  at  the  same  time  say,  we 
have  an  undoubted  right  to  admit  at  our  councils  whom  we  please. 


APPENDIX. 


475 


Of  course  the  United  States  have  it  optional  whether  they  will  treat 
or  not  with  any  nation  or  nations,  where  foreign  agents  are  present. 

You  seem  to  think,  in  your  letter  of  the  20th,  that  the  Senecas  are 
the  nation  most  concerned  in  the  tracts  in  question,  agreeable  to  the 
lines  you  point  out.  At  the  different  treaties  held  since  the  year  '83, 
I  allow,  the  Senecas  from  their  proceedings  seemed  to  be  the  only  na 
tion  concerned  in  that  country,  although  the  whole  Five  Nations  have 
an  equal  right  one  with  the  other,  the  country  having  been  obtained  by 
their  joint  exertions  in  war  with  a  powerful  nation,  formerly  living 
southward  of  Buffalo  Creek,  called  Eries,  and  another  nation  then  liv 
ing  at  Tioga  Point,  so  that  by  our  successes  all  the  country  between 
that  and  the  Mississippi,  became  the  joint  property  of  the  Five  Na 
tions, — all  other  nations  now  inhabiting  this  great  tract  of  country 
were  allowed  to  settle  by  the  Five  Nations. 

This  I  hope  will  convince  you  that  the  Mohawks  have  an  equal 
claim,  and  right  to  receive  in  proportion,  with  the  others  of  the  Five 
Nations.  But  as  I  am  ignorant  of  the  transaction, — knowing  nothing 
of  what  has  passed,  and  what  was  the  result  of  the  treaty, — must, 
therefore,  defer  saying  any  thing  farther  on  the  subject  until  I  know 
the  particulars,  which  I  hope  will  be  ere  long.  As  to  the  others  of 
the  Five  Nations  residing  on  the  Grand  River,  they  must  answer  for 
themselves.  I  am  not  so  particular  in  that  as  I  might  be,  seeing  no 
great  necessity  for  it, — as  I  hope  to  see  General  Chapin  ere  long. 

In  reading  the  speech  you  have  sent  me,  I  perceive  that  you  say 
we  requested  you  might  be  sent  to  kindle  the  council  fire,  &c.  This 
I  knew  to  be  a  mistake.  Incur  speech  to  General  Chapin,  we  wished 
the  President  of  the  United  States  to  send  a  commissioner  to  our  fire 
place  at  Buffalo  Creek,  (your  name  being  mentioned,)  not  that  you  was 
to  come  and  kindle  a  council  fire  elsewhere — and  that  you  requested 
our  assistance  to  bring  about  a  peace,  &c.  You  did,  and  every  thing 
has  been  done  by  us  faithfully  and  sincerely,  by  pointing  out  the  medi 
cine  that  would  accomplish  it,  your  relinquishing  part  of  your  claims 
in  the  Indian  country. 

You  also  say  that  I  told  General  Chapin  at  Winny's  that  it  was 
the  British  prevented  the  treaty  taking  place.  I  said  so  then,  and  still 
do.  What  enabled  me  to  say  so,  was  the  gentleman  belonging  to  the 
Indian  department  in  that  quarteiv  interfering  in  the  business.  Had 
the  line,  as  pointed  out  by  us  been  accepted  of  by  the  United  States, 
their  interference  could  not  have  prevented  peace  then  taking  place, 
as  the  five  nations  had  pledged  themselves  to  see  it  ratified. 

As  to  the  business  of  the  white  nations,  I  perceive  it  at  present  to  be 
a  lottery — which  will  be  uppermost  cannot  be  known  until  drawn — 
the  most  powerful  no  doubt  will  succeed ;  but  let  who  will  be  suc 
cessful,  our  situation  is  the  same,  as  we  still  have  whites  to  deal  with 
whose  aims  are  generally  similar. 

You  mention  the  people  of  France  took  the  Indian  method,  all  their 
warriors  turning  out.  The  Indian  warriors  are  always  ready  to  turn 
out  in  defence  of  their  just  rights, — but  Indian  warriors  would  not  be 
ready  to  butcher  in  an  inhuman,  shocking  manner,  their  king,  queen, 
nobles  and  others.  This  is  acting  worse  than  what  is  called  savage. 
The  Indians  are  not  entirely  destitute  of  humanity — but  from  every 
appearance  it  has  fled  from  France.  I  must  therefore  say  the  French 
have  not  acted  as  Indians  do. 


476  APPENDIX. 

You  likewise  mention  that  you  told  the  deputies  from  the  westward 
who  met  you  at  this  place,  that  though  you  were  willing  to  run  a  new 
line,  yet  it  was  impossible  to  make  the  Ohio  the  boundary.  This,  I 
believe  is  a  mistake,  as  the  word  Ohio  was  never  mentioned  at  that 
time. 

You  may  now  perceive  that  I  do  not  swerve  from  any  expressions  I 
have  made  use  of.  I  know  the  necessity  for  being  candid,  especially 
at  this  critical  juncture,  and  still  earnestly  hope  that  peace  may  be 
established  without  further  bloodshed,  and  that  friendship  may  reign 
between  the  people  of  the  United  States  and  the  Indian  nations.  This, 
be  assured,  is  the  sincere  wish  of,  Sir, 

Your  most  obedient  humble  servant, 

TIMOTHY  PICKERING,  ESQ.  JOS.  BRANT. 


[D.] 
CAPTAIN  BRANT  TO  CAPTAIN  CHAPIN. 

"  Niagara,  21st  of  May,  1803. 
"  DEAR  SIR, — 

"  Your  friendly  letter  by  Aaron,  I  have  the  felicity  of  acknow 
ledging,  and  ought  to  have  answered  it  long  ere  this.  But  I  trust 
you'll  excuse  me  for  this  neglect, — particularly  so,  when  I  assure  you 
of  my  high  esteem  for  you.  I  trust  you'll  continue  your  friendly  cor 
respondence,  as  the  love  I  bear  you  is  sincere,  and  as  there  was  a  de 
gree  of  confidence  and  friendship  that  subsisted  between  your  worthy 
and  much  to  be  lamented  father  and  myself.  This  I  look  upon,  (ex 
clusive  of  our  personal  friendship  and  acquaintance,)  to  be  a  sufficient 
reason  for  continuing  our  mutual  friendship  toward  each  other.  Be 
assured  nothing  on  my  part  shall  be  wanting  to  keep  this  flame  of 
friendship  alive. 

"  I  certainly  regretted  to  hear  of  your  removal  from  office,  but  trust 
it  will  not  be  long  before  you  again  fill  it, — an  office  in  which  you 
have  certainly  done  credit  to  yourself,  and  justice  to  those  Indians 
over  whom  you  presided.  To  you  did  they  look  up  as  their  friend 
and  patron.  Your  removal  is  one  of  the  natural  changes  incidental 
to  republican  governments.  When  a  person  is  elevated  to  a  high 
office,  it  is  expected  from  him,  and  it  is  but  natural  to  suppose  that  he 
will  provide  for  his  friends,  at  the  expense  of  others, — perhaps  more 
honorable  than  the  favorite  to  be  provided  for.  I  am  happy  that  you 
bear  your  dismissal  with  manly,  virtuous,  and  patriotic  fortitude. 
This  surely  must  redound  to  your  honor,  and  raise  you  even  in  the 
estimation  of  the  person  who  dismissed  you. 

"  I  hope  before  long  to  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing  you  personally, 
and  condoling  with  you  for  your  loss,  if  you  look  upon  it  as  such.  In 
all  revolutions,  some  changes  for  political  reasons  will  take  place, — 
perhaps  through  whim,  caprice,  or  prejudice. 

"  I  will  thank  you  to  pay  attention  to  your  friend  Oghgwage-Joseph, 
who  is  the  bearer  of  this,  and  am,  dear  sir, 

"  Your  friend  and  well-wisher, 

"  JOSEPH  BRANT." 
w  CAPTAIN  ISRAEL  CHAPIN." 


APPENDIX,  477 


GENERAL  PORTER  TO  THE  AUTHOR. 

Niagara  Falls,  Oct.  25,  1840. 

DEAR  SIR  :  —  I  have  received  your  favor  of  the  9th  ultimo,  en 
closing  a  number  of  the  manuscript  sheets  of  your  intended  biogra 
phy  of  Red-Jacket,  containing  a  notice  of  the  repulse  of  a  detachment 
of  British  troops  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Bishop,  at  Black 
Rock,  in  July,  1813,  —  being  the  first  occasion  on  which  our  Indians 
were  engaged  in  battle  as  auxiliaries  of  the  Americans  ;  and  embra 
cing  also  an  account  of  the  march  and  operations  of  the  American 
army  under  General  Brown,  from  the  time  of  their  entering  Canada, 
on  the  3d  of  July,  1814,  until  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Chippewa, 
when  the  Indians  took  leave  of  us  for  their  respective  homes  ;  and 
asking  for  such  additions,  corrections  and  remarks  as  the  subject  may 
suggest. 

While  I  will  cheerfully  comply  with  your  request  as  regards  the  affair 
at  Black  Rock,  I  will  not  disguise  the  satisfaction  which  the  receipt  of 
your  communication  has  given  me,  in  so  far  as  it  affords  me  an  oppor 
tunity  of  doing  an  act  of  justice,  too  long  withheld  from  the  Indians 
and  volunteers  engaged  in  the  battle  of  Chippewa  ;  by  presenting, 
with  your  permission,  and  in  a  shape  and  connexion  where  it  will  be 
sure  to  meet  extensively  the  public  eye,  a  minute  account,  (so  far  at 
least  as  the  Indians  and  volunteers  were  concerned,)  of  the  various 
movements  and  incidents  of  that  day  ;  and  thus  rescuing  their  cha 
racters  from  the  charge  of  cowardice,  preferred  against  them  for  their 
conduct  on  that  occasion. 

It  is  to  be  regretted  that  we  have  no  fair,  intelligent  and  connected 
history  of  the  interesting  campaign  of  1814,  on  the  Niagara  frontier, 
prepared  by  some  one  whose  knowledge  of  the  views  and  plans  of 
those  who  conducted  it,  as  well  as  of  its  incidents,  gives  him  a  right 
to  be  heard.  But  of  those  best  qualified  to  perform  the  task,  many 
have  doubtless  been  deterred  by  considerations  of  delicacy  in  the  nar 
ration  of  events  in  which  they  had  a  deep  personal  interest  or  agency  ; 
and  thus  involving  the  necessity  either  of  becoming  their  own  pane 
gyrists,  or  of  suppressing  important  facts,  —  the  preservation  of  which 
is  due  to  the  integrity  and  truth  of  history. 

Many,  if  not  most  of  these,  have  already  left  the  stage  of  life,  and 
the  only  hope  of  preserving  the  recollection  of  many  interesting 
events  of  that  period,  rests  upon  the  occasional  and  voluntary  contri 
butions  of  those  who  remain.  I  observe,  with  much  satisfaction,  that 
our  friend,  Major  Douglass,  has  been  employed  in  delivering,  in  your 
city,  a  course  of  lectures  on  the  subject  of  the  "  Niagara  Campaign."  He 
was,  if  I  mistake  not,  personally  engaged  in  several  of  the  principal 
battles  of  that  year  ;  and,  although  then  young,  and  fresh  from  West 
Point,  he  was  an  intelligent  and  active  officer,  and  will  doubtless  gra 
tify  the  public  expectations  with  many  interesting  reminiscences. 

Will  it,  then,  my  dear  sir,  be  presuming  too  much  to  offer  for  your 
acceptance  the  accompanying  narrative  of  the  operations  of  the  army 
during  the  few  days  to  which  it  extends,  and  embracing  the  battle  of 
Chippewa,  as  a  substitute  for  the  sheets  you  sent  me  I  In  exchange 
for  the  loss  of  style  and  spirit  in  its  composition,  I  can  only  promise  a 
more  minute  detail,  and  probably  somewhat  greater  accuracy  in  the  re- 


478  APPENDIX. 

lation  of  facts.  If  the  story  should  appear  to  be  a  long  one,  I  hope 
that  this  defect  will  not  be  ascribed  wholly  to  the  proverbial  garrulity 
of  an  old  soldier,  but  to  the  impossibility  of  doing  justice  to  the  several 
parties  engaged  in  that  severe  conflict,  without  a  full  knowledge  of  its 
complicated  incidents.  The  whole  history  of  this  battle,  as  it  has  ap 
peared  in  most  of  our  publications  on  the  subject,  may  be  compre 
hended  in  two  simple  propositions  : — the  one,  that  our  volunteers  and 
Indians,  when  met  and  attacked  on  that  day,  by  the  regular  columns 
of  the  British  army,  retreated  and  were  pursued  with  great  precipita 
tion.  The  other,  that  these  same  British  columns  were,  immediately 
thereafter,  met  and  beaten  by  our  regular  troops,  and  obliged  in  their 
turn,  to  retreat  with  equal  precipitation. 

Now,  both  these  propositions  are  literally  true  :  but  whether  the 
inferences  that  have  been  drawn  from  them  are  just,  can  only  be  de 
cided  by  reference  to  the  whole  operations  of  the  day,  and  these  it  has 
been  my  purpose  to  detail.  I  have  however  introduced  some  circum 
stances  that  were  not  strictly  necessary  to  an  exposition  of  the  merits 
of  the  battle,  merely  because  I  thought  they  would  be  interesting  to 
readers  of  the  present  day. 

I  remain,  dear  Sir,  very  truly  and  respectfully,  yours, 

WILLIAM  L.  STONE,  ESQ.  P.  B.  PORTER. 


[P.] 
THE  INDIAN  TREATIES. 

The  following  are  the  leading  provisions  of  these  treaties  as  agreed 
upon  in  council  on  the  Indian  reservation,  January,  1838.  We  pre 
sume  they  have  been  ratified  essentially  as  they  were  originally  made. 
The  government  gives  the  New- York  Indians  1,824,000  acres  of  land, 
west  of  Missouri,  being  320  acres  for  each  person,  to  be  held  in  fee 
simple  by  patent  from  the  President,  which  is  never  to  be  included  in 
any  state.  The  Indians  are  to  have  the  right  of  holding  in  severalty, 
under  such  regulations  as  they  may  prescribe,  and  are  to  enjoy  their 
own  form  of  government,  subject  only  to  the  laws  of  Congress. — They 
are  to  be  secured  in  their  new  possessions,  and  if  aggressions  are 
committed  upon  them,  and  redress  cannot  be  obtained  of  the  aggressor, 
then  the  government  is  to  make  good  the  loss.  It  is  to  remove  them 
and  subsist  them  for  one  year.  It  is  also  to  erect  for  them  council- 
houses,  churches,  school -houses,  a  saw  and  grist-mill,  gunsmiths'  and 
blacksmiths'  shops  ;  find  coal,  iron  and  steel ;  and  pay  teachers,  mil 
lers,  blacksmiths  and  a  gunsmith  for  ten  years,  and  as  much  longer  as 
the  President  may  deem  proper. 

Fifty  thousand  dollars  are  set  apart  to  be  invested  to  support  a  high 
school,  or  college,  the  teachers  of  which  are  to  be  Indians,  if  those  of 
suitable  qualifications  can  be  found.  Twenty  thousand  dollars  are  set 
apart  to  make  erections  and  enclosures  for  poor  people,  after  their  arrival 
west. 

Ten  thousand  dollars  a  year,  for  five  years,  are  to  be  paid  them  in 
domestic  animals,  farming  utensils,  spinning  wheels  and  looms,  and  to 
support  persons  to  teach  them  the  use  of  the  same. 

It  is  farther  provided,  that  those  who  wish  to  remove  in  their  own 
conveyances,  can  do  so,  and  be  paid  what  it  costs  the  government  to 


APPENDIX.  479 

remove  others,  and  a  physician  is  to  accompany  each  party  of  emi 
grants,  if  they  desire  it. 

The  only  cession  of  land  to  the  government,  is  of  the  Green  Bay- 
tract,  from  which  is  expected  a  reservation  now  occupied  by  the  Onei- 
das.  Those  who  do  not  remove  to  the  new  country  in  five  years,  or 
such  time  as  the  President  may  appoint,  forfeit  their  right  to  the  country 
set  apart  for  them.  The  Senecas,  Cayugas,  Tuscaroras,  and  the  Onon- 
dagas,  residing  on  the  Seneca  reservations,  agree  to  remove  in  five 
years,  and  a  portion  of  the  Oneidas  are  to  do  so,  as  soon  as  the  Gover 
nor  of  New- York  will  purchase  their  lands. 

Several  sums  of  money  are  to  be  paid  to  several  nations  and  indi 
viduals,  to  remunerate  them  for  losses  and  services,  which  it  is  supposed 
the  United  States  ought  to  pay.  There  are  also  several  separate 
provisions  for  each  tribe,  and  distinct  branches  of  a  tribe. 

A  separate  treaty  was  also  made  in  January,  1838,  with  the  Senecas 
and  Tuscaroras,  for  the  purchase  of  their  lands,  (except  one  reserva 
tion  conveyed  by  the  latter  to  the  United  States  in  trust,)  by  the  repre 
sentatives  of  the  state  of  Massachusetts  with  the  assent  of  a  superin 
tendent  from  that  state.  The  consideration  money  for  the  sale  of  the 
Seneca  reservation  is  to  be  paid  to  the  United  States,  and  be  held  in 
trust  for  the  nation.  One  hundred  thousand  dollars  of  which  is  to  be 
invested  for  the  use  of  the  nation  ;  and  the  balance  ($102,000)  is  to 
be  distributed  among  the  owners  of  the  improvements  on  the  reser 
vation. 

The  government  agrees  to  have  one  of  its  agents  reside  among  the 
Indians  at  their  new  homes,  and  to  pay  them  their  annuities  there. 

These  are  the  leading  provisions. 

By  this  treaty  the  Tuscaroras  cede  to  the  Ogden  Company,  who 
have  purchased  the  pre-emptive  right,  1920  acres  ;  to  the  United 
States  about  5000  acres,  of  which  the  Indians  owned  the  fee,  and 
which  is  to  be  sold  by  the  United  States,  and  the  nett  proceeds  paid  to 
the  Indians. 

The  Senecas  cede  to  the  pre-emptive  owners  about  115,000  acres, 
all  lying  in  the  western  part  of  this  state, — upwards  of  50,000  of 
which  is  the  reservation  near  this  city. 

The  other  reservations  are,  one  at  Tonnawanda,  one  at  Cattaraugus, 
and  one  at  Alleghany. 

The  tract  which  the  Indians  obtain,  lies  directly  west  of,  and  ad 
joining  the  State  of  Missouri,  being  27  miles  wide  and  about  106  deep. 
It  is  watered  by  the  little  Osage,  Marmaton,  Neosho,  and  branches 
of  the  two  Verdigris  and  Turkey-foot  rivers. — These  are  all  clear 
rapid  streams,  abounding  in  fish.  The  country  is  healthy  and  fertile, 
with  sufficient  timber  along  the  borders  of  the  rivers  for  all  practical 
uses.  Besides  this,  on  the  tract  are  found  coal,  fine  stone  quarries, 
and,  in  the  immediate  vicinity,  salt  in  abundance. 

Such  was  an  outline  of  the  treaty  as  at  first  concluded  in  1838. 
While  under  discussion  in  the  Senate  of  the  United  States,  it  was 
amended  as  follows  : — The  special  provisions  for  the  erection  of  houses, 
churches,  mills,  shops,  providing  various  utensils,  coal,  iron,  steel,  &c. 
&c.,  it  was  thought  might  open  the  door  to  fraud  and  speculation,  and 
in  lieu  thereof,  after  a  careful  estimate  of  the  fair  probable  cost  of  all 
these  things,  the  Senate  struck  them  all  out,  and  inserted  instead  the 
specific  sum  of  $400,000,  which  is  to  be  expended  under  the  direction 


480  APPENDIX. 

of  a  superintendent  in  providing  every  thing  promised  by  the  treaty, 
which  it  was  believed  would  cover  the  whole  expense. 

[The  following  article,  copied  from  the  New-York  Journal  of  Com 
merce  of   December  30,  1840,  affords  a  history  of  the  negotiations 
with  the  Senecas  which  resulted  in  the  treaty-so-called,  that  has  been 
concluded.     The  article  is  a  review  of  two  important  publications, 
which  the  nefarious  transactions  here  unveiled,  have  called  forth.] 
REPORT  on  the  memorials  of  the  SENECA  INDIANS  and  others.     Ac 
cepted,  November  21,  1840,  in  the  Council  of  Massachusetts.     Bos 
ton  :  Dutton  &  Wentworth,  State  printers,  1840.  pp.  28. 
THE  CASE  of  the  SENECA  INDIANS  in  the  State  of  New- York,  illus 
trated  by  facts.  Printed  for  the  information  of  the  Society  of  Friends, 
by  direction  of  the  Joint  Committee  on  Indian  Affairs,  of  the  Four 
Yearly  Meetings  of  Friends,  of  Genesee,  New- York,  Philadelphia, 
and  Baltimore.  Philadelphia  :  Merihew  &  Thompson,  1840.  pp.  254. 

To  all  who  can  sympathize  with  the  Indians  in  the  afflictions  which 
are  consuming  them  from  the  face  of  the  earth,  these  are  deeply  in 
teresting  publications ;  and  the  character  of  the  sources  from  which 
they  emanate,  must  command  respectful  attention  to  their  contents. 
Nor  can  the  truth  of  their  statements  be  questioned  ;  for  all  the  im 
portant  facts  are  sustained  by  authentic  documents,  given  at  full 
length.  A  brief  abstract  of  their  contents  seems  the  more  desirable, 
as  the  Senecas  aver  that  a  powerful  influence,  exerted  over  the  "press 
in  their  vicinity,  has  hitherto  prevented  them  from  laying  the  story 
of  their  wrongs  fully  before  the  public. 

The  present  number  of  the  Senecas  is  said  to  be  2,449.  They 
claim  four  "Reservations"  in  the  State  of  New- York,  viz  :  the  Tonna- 
wanda,  13,000  acres  ;  the  Buffalo,  53,000  acres  ;  the  Cattaraugus, 
22,000  ;  and  the  Alleghany,  31,000 ;  in  all,  about  119,000  acres. 
Much  of  this  land  is  among  the  most  fertile  and  valuable  in  the  state, 
and  the  whole  is  supposed  to  be  worth  at  least  two  millions  of  dollars. 
At  the  close  of  the  war  of  the  revolution,  Massachusetts  claimed  an  in 
terest  in  this  and  other  land  belonging  to  the  Six  Nations.  By  arti 
cles  of  agreement,  dated  at  Hartford,  December  16,  1786,  Massachu 
setts  ceded  to  New- York  the  sovereignty  and  jurisdiction  over  those 
lands,  and  New- York  ceded  to  Massachusetts,  its  grantees,  their 
heirs  and  assigns,  the  right  of  pre-emption  to  the  lands  themselves. 
It  was  "  provided,  however,  that  no  purchase  from  the  native  Indians 
by  any  such  grantee  or  grantees  should  be  valid,  unless  the  same 
should  be  made  in  the  presence  of,  and  approved  by,  a  superintendent, 
to  be  appointed  for  such  purpose  by  the  commonwealth  of  Massachu 
setts,  and  having  no  interest  in  such  purchase  ;  and  unless  such  pur 
chase  shall  be  confirmed  by  the  commonwealth  of  Massachusetts." 
This  agreement  was  sanctioned  by  Congress  in  1787. 

By  an  agreement,  dated  March  12,  1791,  the  commonwealth  con 
tracted  to  sell  its  pre-emptive  right  to  Samuel  Ogden,  his  heirs  and 
assigns  ;  and  by  several  transfers,  that  title  has  come  into  the  hands 
of  a  company,  now  known  as  the  "  Ogden  Land  Company."  Under 
this  title,  several  purchases  have  been  made  of  the  Indians,  and  con 
firmed  by  the  commonwealth. 

The  United  States  had  made  three  treaties  with  the  Six  Nations, 


APPENDIX.  481 

pluvious  to  the  negotiations  which  have  given  occasion  to  these  pub 
lications.  The  first  was  a  treaty  of  peace  and  boundaries,  in  1784. 
The  second,  in  1789,  was  little  more  than  a  confirmation  of  the  first. 
The  third,  which  continued  to  be  the  rule  of  intercourse  between  the 
parties  for  more  than  forty  years,  was  made  in  1794.  It  contained 
two  important  provisions,  bearing  on  the  questions  which  have  lately 
arisen.  First,  it  acknowledged  and  guaranteed  the  right  of  each  of 
the  Six  Nations,  to  its  own  reservations  ;  so  that  the  Six  Nations 
could  not,  thenceforth,  dispose  of  any  of  the  land  of  any  one  tribe 
of  the  confederacy  against  its  will.  Secondly,  while  other  Indians 
are  restrained  from  selling  their  land  except  to  the  United  States,  this 
treaty  conferred  on  each  of  the  Six  Nations^  separately,  the  right  to 
sell  any  or  all  of  its  lands  to  citizens  of  the  United  States,  whenever 
and  however  they  might  choose.  The  Indians  agreed  never  to  set 
up  any  claim  to  any  other  land  within  the  United  States.  Under 
these  arrangements  with  the  United  States  and  Massachusetts,  the 
Indians  frequently  sold  land  to  companies  and  individuals,  and  con 
veyed  it,  not  by  treaties*  but  by  ordinary  deeds  of  conveyance. 

It  would  seem  that  the  United  States  had  now  no  further  connexion 
with  this  business.  It  was,  however,  for  the  interest  of  the  Ogden  Land 
Company,  that  the  United  States  government  should  be  involved  in 
some  train  of  measures  for  removing  the  New- York  Indians.  For 
this  purpose, — as  it  was  stated  by  Mr.  Sevier,  Chairman  of  the  Com 
mittee  on  Indian  Affairs^  in  his  speech  in  the  United  States  Senate, 
March  17,  1840, — the  Company  induced  two  small  bands  to  apply  to 
President  Monroe,  in  1818,  for  permission  to  purchase,  with  their 
own  means  and  on  their  own  account,  the  title  of  the  Menomonies,  to 
certain  lands  near  Green  Bay.  Mr.  Sevier  asserts,  that  evidence  of 
the  Company's  influence  in  this  movement  is  on  file  in  the  War  De 
partment.  Mr.  Monroe  gave  his  assent.  The  agents  of  the  "  two 
small  bands,"  as  they  assert^  purchased  the  land  and  paid  $12,000  for 
it,  and  the  bands  began  to  remove.  The  Menomonies  denied  the 
purchase.  A  controversy  arose,  and  the  United  States  Government 
was  called  upon  to  make  peace.  The  government  made  peace 
in  1832,  by  purchasing  the  land  of  the  Menomonies,  paying  back 
to  the  "  two  small  bands"  the  $12,000  which  they  professed  to  have 
paid  for  it,  and  paying  $35,000  to  the  Oneidas  and  $5,000  to  the 
St.  Regis  Indians,  as  a  remuneration  to  them  for  purchasing  and 
removing  to  the  Green  Bay  lands,  under  Mr.  Monroe's  permission. 

This  treaty  of  1832  was  made  with  the  Menomonies  ;  and  neither 
the  Senecas,  nor  any  other  Indians  residing  in  New- York,  were  pre 
sent,  or  had  any  thing  to  do  in  making  it.  Yet  by  this  treaty  the 
United  States  purchased*  for  $20,000,  of  the  Menomonies,  500,000 
acres  of  land,  as  a  home  for  all  the  New-York  Indians  ;  and  it  was 
stipulated  that  the  New- York  Indians  should  remove  to  it  within 
three  years,  or  their  right  to  it  should  be  forfeited,  and  revert  to  the 
United  States.  This,  it  was  hoped,  would  induce  them  to  sell  their 
reservations  in  New- York  to  the  Ogden  Company  on  easy  terms.  The 
Senecas,  however,  paid  no  attention  to  the  treaty.  They  were  satis 
fied  with  their  old  homes,  and  cared  nothing  for  the  forfeiture  of  lands 
which  they  had  not  purchased  and  did  not  want.  In  the  hope  that 
they  might  be  brought  to  change  their  minds,  a  supplementary  arti- 

61 


482  APPENDIX. 

cle  was  procured,  by  which  the  time  for  their  removal  was  left  to  the 
discretion  of  the  President. 

So  matters  remained  till  1837.  About  this  time,  certain  new  agents 
appeared,  acting  for  the  Land  Company.  It  does  not  appear  from  the 
documents  before  us,  but  has  been  currently  reported  at  and  around 
Buffalo,  and  is  understood  to  be  acknowledged  by  the  gentlemen  them 
selves,  that  five  men  agreed  to  obtain  a  treaty  for  the  removal  of  the 
Senecas  within  a  specified  time  ;  for  which  some  of  them  were  to  re 
ceive  $25,000  each,  and  some  of  them  $20,000  and  certain  profitable 
agencies.  These  agents  took  hold  of  their  work  in  good  earnest. 
Mr.  Sevier,  in  his  speech  already  quoted,  read  a  contract  between  one 
of  these  agents,  on  behalf  of  the  Ogden  Land  Company,  and  a  Seneca 
chief,  in  which  the  said  chief  agreed  to  "  use  the  best  of  his  exertions 
and  endeavors"  to  procure  such  a  treaty  as  the  Company  desired,  by 
'-'  the  active  application  of  his  whole  influence  at  councils,  and  in  con 
fidential  interviews,"  and  in  such  other  ways  as  he  should  be  advised; 
for  which,  and  for  his  "  improvements,"  he  was  to  receive  two  thou 
sand  dollars  within  three  months  after  the  ratification  of  the  treaty, 
and  a  lease,  at  a  nominal  rent,  during  occupancy,  of  the  farm  on 
which  he  lived.  By  the  treaty,  if  made,  he  would  of  course  be  paid 
for  his  "  improvements"  a  second  time.  Mr.  Sevier  read  another 
contract,  by  which  the  same  agent  agreed  to  pay  another  chief,  for 
similar  services,  five  thousand  dollars.  How  many  such  contracts 
were  made,  is  not  -known.  Mr.  Sevier  mentioned  six  others.  By 
these  eight,  the  Company  were  bound  to  pay  $21,600  to  eight  chiefs 
for  such  services  as  have  been  described,  besides  leases  for  years,  or 
for  life,  or  grants  in  fee  simple,  of  the  lands  they  then  occupied.  By 
this  arrangement,  he  remarked,  '*  the  emigrating  party  were  to  stay 
at  home  upon  their  leases,  and  the  non-emigrating  party  were  to  be 
transported  beyond  the  Mississippi." 

To  accomplish  the  object,  the  intervention  of  the  United  States  was 
necessary,  and  was  obtained.  A  commissioner  was  appointed,  to  pur 
chase  of  the  Senecas  their  right  in  the  Green  Bay  lands,  which  they 
always  had  refused  to  accept  as  a  gift.  A  council  was  called.  Two 
instruments  were  laid  before  the  council.  One  was  a  treaty,  by  which 
the  United  States  were  to  give  1,800,000  acres  of  land,  west  of  the 
State  of  Missouri,  and  $400,000  in  cash,  for  the  Green  Bay  lands. 
The  other  was  a  deed,  conveying  the  Seneca  reservations  in  New- 
York  to  the  Ogden  Land  Company,  for  $202,000,  the  receipt  of  which 
was  acknowledged, — though  the  treaty  provides  that  it  "shall  be 
paid"  to  the  United  States,  to  be  used  as  stipulated  for  the  benefit  of 
the  Senecas, — and  though  the  Senecas  have  never  yet  received  any 
part,  either  of  the  principal  or  income.  To  this  treaty  forty-five  sig 
natures,  purporting  to  be  those  of  chiefs  or  head  men,  were  obtained. 
The  effect  of  these  bargains  would  be,  that  the  United  States  would 
remove  the  Senecas  at  an  expense  of  1,800,000  acres  of  land,  and 
$400,000  in  cash ;  and  the  Ogden  Land  Company  would  purchase 
$2,000,000  worth  of  land  for  $202,000. 

The  party  among  the  Senecas  who  were  opposed  to  emigration, 
asserted  that  this  treaty  had  been  obtained  by  fraud  and  corruption ; 
but  they  do  not  seem  to  have  had,  at  that  time,  the  means  of  proving 
their  assertion.  The  contracts  referred  to  by  Mr.  Sevier,  had  not 
then  come  to  light.  The  sale  was  approved  by  the  government  of 


APPENDIX. 


483 


Massachusetts  ;  but  the  United  States  Senate  found  its  provisions  so 
enormously  liberal  that  they  refused  to  ratify  it.  They  amended  it, 
so  as  to  make  it  almost  a  new  treaty  ;  either  wholly  annulling,  or 
commuting  for  others  which  the  Senecas  might  think  less  valuable, 
six  important  inducements  to  sell  their  lands  and  remove.  They  sent 
the  amended  treaty  back  to  the  Senecas,  with  a  resolution,  that  it 
"  shall  have  no  force  or  effect  whatever,  nor  shall  it  be  understood 
that  the  Senate  have  assented  to  any  of  the  contracts  connected  with 
it,"  till  it  should  have  been  explained  by  the  United  States  com 
missioners  in  open  council,  and  received  the  assent  of  a  majority  of 
the  chiefs.  This  provision  was  added,  to  prevent  such  frauds  in  ob 
taining  signatures  as  the  Senecas  had  complained  of. 

The  Commissioner  returned,  called  a  council,  explained  the  amended 
treaty,  and  urged  the  Senecas  to  assent  to  it.  Among  other  things, 
he  told  them  that  the  head  of  the  Indian  Bureau  at  Washington  thought 
the  sale  to  the  Land  Company  valid,  whether  the  treaty  was  ratified 
or  not ;  so  that  they  must  assent  to  it,  or  be  left  without  a  home.  Gen. 
Dearborn,  who  attended  as  superintendent  on  the  part  of  Massachu 
setts,  told  them  that  the  Governor  of  Massachusetts  thought  other 
wise, — that  if  the  treaty  was  not  ratified,  the  contract  was  void.  The 
Commissioner  called  for  signatures.  One  of  the  chiefs  proposed  that 
those  opposed  to  the  treaty  should  sign  a  remonstrance ;  but  the 
Commissioner  refused  to  authenticate  it.  One  was  drawn  up,  and 
authenticated  by  Gen.  Dearborn.  The  treaty  was  signed  by  16  chiefs, 
and  the  remonstrance  by  63.  The  Commissioner  then  invited  the 
chiefs  to  sign  the  treaty  singly  and  secretly,  at  his  private  lodgings, 
in  a  tavern  at  Buffalo.  Runners  were  sent  out,  chiefs  were  brought 
in,  paid  various  sums  of  money  for  their  signatures,  made  drunk  and 
induced  to  sign,  or  their  assent  was  procured  at  their  own  houses. 
In  various  ways,  15  more  signatures  were  procured,  making  31  in  all, 
The  treaty  was  sent  to  Washington,  and  five  more  signatures  were 
sent  after  it;  but  they  were  rejected  by  the  Department  of  War. 
The  Commissioner  continued  his  labors,  and  obtained  ten  more  sig 
natures,  including  three  who  had  been  made  chiefs  illegally,  for  the 
purpose  of  signing  the  treaty,  and  making  41  in  all.  The  whole 
number  of  undisputed  chiefs  is  75.  Of  these  29  appear  to  have 
signed  the  amended  treaty.  The  whole  number  who  are  claimed  to 
be  chiefs  by  both  parties,  is  97,  of  whom  41  appear  as  signers.  Six 
of  those  whose  names  are  attached  to  it,  solemnly  swear  that  they 
never  signed  it,  knowing  what  they  did,  nor  in  any  way  authorized 
others  to  sign  it  on  their  behalf.  The  "  Friends"  in  one  of  the  works 
mentioned  at  the  head  of  this  article,  give  at  full  length  the  "  bribery 
contracts,"  as  they  call  them,  and  one  affidavit,  testifying  that  twenty- 
five  dollars  was  offered  to  a  certain  Seneca,  if  he  would  forge  the 
name  of  a  chief  to  the  power  of  attorney  for  signing  the  treaty,  and 
then  swear  that  the  signature  was  genuine. 

The  treaty  went  again  to  the  Senate,  who  advised  the  President  to 
make  proclamation  of  it  and  carry  it  into  effect,  whenever  he  should 
be  satisfied  that  it  had  received  the  assent  of  the  Senecas,  according 
to  the  true  intent  and  meaning  of  the  Senate's  former  resolution.  In 
August,  1839,  the  Secretary  of  War  and  Gen.  Dearborn  met  the 
Senecas  in  council.  Of  the  result,  the  President  says :  "  No  advance 
toward  obtaining  the  assent  of  the  Senecas  to  the  amended  treaty,  in. 


484  APPENDIX. 

council,  was  made  ;  nor  can  a  majority  of  them  in  council  now  be  ofr* 
tained  ;"  and  again  :  "  That  improper  means  have  been  employed  to 
obtain  the  assent  of  the  Seneca  chiefs,  there  is  every  reason  to  be 
lieve."  It  was  referred,  in  the  Senate,  to  the  Committee  on  Indian 
affairs,  who  reported  a  resolution  for  rejecting  it.  The  Senate,  how* 
ever,  March  25,  1840,  passed  a  contrary  resolution,  it  is  said,  by  the 
casting  vote  of  its  presiding  officer ;  and  the  President,  April  4,  pro 
claimed  it,  as  a  part  of  the  law  of  the  land.  The  ratification  of  a 
treaty  requires  the  assent  of  two-thirds  of  the  senators  present. 
Whether  this  vote  was  a  ratification,  and  therefore  void  for  want  of  the 
constitutional  majority,  is  a  disputed  question. 

The  Senecas  then  applied  to  the  government  of  Massachusetts,  as 
their  ancient  protector ;  and  the  "  Friends"  of  the  four  "  Yearly 
Meetings"  sent  on  their  memorial.  These  papers  were  referred  by 
the  Governor  and  Council,  to  a  Committee,  of  which  John  R.  Adany 
Esq.,  was  Chairman.  The  Report  was  accepted  by  the  Council  and 
approved  by  the  Governor,  November  21,  1840.  It  is  brief,  but  able. 
It  concludes  that  the  assent  of  the  Commonwealth  to  the  sale  of  Re 
servations,  though  made  in  ignorance  of  important  facts,  which,  if 
known,  would  have  prevented  it,  cannot  be  retracted.  It  sets  forth 
several  strong  arguments  against  the  validity  of  that  sale  ;  but  these 
only  raise  a  "  legal  question, — a  question  of  title  to  the  lands,  which 
must  be  determined  by  a  judicial  tribunal,  and  cannot  be  determined 
by  the  Executive  Department  of  Massachusetts."  "Considering  the 
nature  of  the  objections  to  the  Ogden  Company's  title,  we  think  the 
character  of  that  Company,  and  of  those  who  conduct  its  affairs,  as 
well  as  the  interest  of  both  parties,  require  that  those  objections  should 
be  fairly  met  and  judicially  settled  without  delay.  Until  that  shall  be 
done,  the  Senecas  will  probably  remain  at  their  old  homes  ; — and  the 
Ogden  Company  may  not  find  it  easy  to  sell  them,  or  any  part  of  them, 
to  any  prudent  purchaser." 

Such  is  the  present  situation  of  this  affair.  Those  who  wish  to 
examine  in  detail  the  long  and  sickening  series  of  astounding  frauds 
by  which  it  has  been  brought  into  this  situation,  may  consult  the  pub 
lications  from  which  this  abstract  has  been  made. 

Thus  far  the  Journal  of  Commerce.  It  should  be  stated,  in  order 
that  his  name  may  be  held  in  everlasting  remembrance, — for  good  if 
he  has  done  good,  and  for  evil  if  evil, — that  the  name  of  the  United 
States  Commissioner,  under  whose  conduct  such  proceedings  have  been 
had,  is  Gillett,  recently  a  member  of  Congress  from  the  county  of  St. 
Lawrence,  N.  Y.  His  duty,  in  theory,  was  to  watch  over  the  interests 
of  the  Indians,  and  shield  them  from  the  rapacity  and  fraud  of  the 
white  man.  How  far,  and  with  what  degree  of  fidelity  he  has  per*^ 
formed  that  duty,  is  a  question  which  the  public  must  decide. 


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